Cicero on oratory and orators : with his letters to Quintus and Brutus

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BOHN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY
CICERO

ON

ORATORY AND ORATORS.

GEORGE BELL & SONS

LONDON : YORK ST, COVENT GARDEN
AND NF:W YORK : 66 FIFTH AVENUE
BOMBAY : 53 ESPLANADE ROAD
CAMBRIDGE : DEIGHTON BELL & CO.

CICERO

ON

ORATORY AND ORATORS:

HIS LETTERS TO OUINTUS AND BRUTUS.

TRANSLATED OR EDITED

BY J. S. WATSON.

LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.

1896.

[lieprinted from Stereoiype plates.'}

PREFACE

A Translation of the Dialogues De Oratore was published
in 1762, by George Barnes, a Barrister of the Inner Temple.
Mr. Barnes's version was made with great care, and, though
less known than Guthrie's, was far superior to it. If he
occasionally mistock the sense of his author, he seems to
have been always diligent in seeking for it. He added some
notes, of which those deemed worth preserving are distin-
guished by the letter B.

Barnes's translation is the groundwork of the present j
but every page of it has been carefully corrected, and many
pages re- written. The text to which it is made conformable
is that of Orellius, which differs but little from EUendt's, the
more recent editor and illustrator of the work, from whom
some notes have been borrowed.

No labour has been spared to produce a faithful and
readable translation of a treatise which must always be
interesting to the orator and the student.

The translation of Cicero's "Brutus; or, Eemarks on
Eminent Orators," is by E. Jones, (first published in 1776,)
•which has long had the well-deserved reputation of com-
bining fidelity with elegance. It is therefore reprinted with
but little variation.

J.S.W,

CONTEJS TS.

PACK

OiCEBo's Letters to his Bbothee Quintus 1

Cicero's Letters to Bkutus 90

DE ORA.TORE; or, on the Character of an Orator . . 142

BRUTUS; or, Remarks on Eminent Orators 402

CICEEO'S LETTEES

TO

HIS BEOTHEE QUINTUS-

BOOK I.

LETTER I.

This Letter was written in the year 694 a.u.c, in the consulship of
Afranius and Metellus, by Cicero to his brother Quintus, who
was commanding in Asia, to inform him that his i^eriod of command
was extended for a third year ; a year fraught with such im-
portant events to the republic, that we learn from Horace tha.t
Pollio began his history of the civil wars from this date.' The
consuls themselves were men of no very great importance ; they
were both creatures of Pompey, who had assisted them to obtain
the office by the most open corruption : but he was mistaken in
reckoning on the adherence of Metellus, whom he had offended by
divorcing his sister Mucia ; while Afranius was a man of no character,
and of very moderate abilities; so weak, according to Cicero, as
to be ignorant of the value of the consulship which he had bought.^
With such men for its rulers, the city speedily became a scene of
universal dissension. Pompey, who had just celebrated his triumph
over Mithridates with unprecedented magnificence, was instigating
Flavius, one of the tribunes, to bring forward an agrarian law similar
to that of RuUus, for a division of lands in Italy, — partly consisting
of some of the public domains, and partly of estates to be bought

Motum ex Metello consule civicuia
Bellique causas, et vitia, et modos,
Ludumque Fortunae, gravesque
Principum amicitias, et arma
Nondum expiatis uncta cruoribua;
Periculosse plenum opus aleae
Tractas. — Hoa. Carm. IL i.
Bp. ad Atfc. i. 19.

B

OV

2 CICERO'a LETTERS

with the spoils of the war in which he had been so victorious, — among
the veterans of his army, and the poorer classes in Italy. The
senate opposed this measure violently, but Cicero, though he had
rcBisted the former proposition, was now inclined to support
this, — taking care, indeed, to preserve the vested interests of the
possessors; and thinking that when this was provided for, the bill
would supply a means for relieving the city of some of its most
dangerous inhabitants, and at the same time peopling parts of Italy
which were hitherto little better than a desert.' No doubt he was
partly influenced by his desire to obtain the protection of Pompey in
the struggle which he foresaw for himself with Clodius, who was now
seeking to be adopted into a plebeian family, in order to be elected
a tribune of the people, so as to attack Cicero with greater power of
injuring him — for the gi-eat Catulus died at this time, and Cicero
complains to Atticus, that his death had left him without an ally
in the dangers which threatened him, and without a companion in
his course of defending and upholding the interests of the nobles.^

AboTit the beginning of this year also, news arrived from Gaul of com-
motions in that province, which was always in great danger from the
frequent inroads of the Helvetii, from whom an invasion on a larger
scale was now apprehended. The senate decreed that the consuls
should undertake the defence of the Cisalpine and Transalpine pro-
vinces, and sent men of consular rank to different districts to levy
armies ; but Pompey and Cicero remained at Rome, being, as he tells
Atticus, retained by the express command of the senate, as pledges
of the safety of the republic.^

In the meantime Caesar, who had been serving in Spain as propraetor,
wrote letters to the senate to demand a triumph ; but wishing also to
obtain the consulship for the succeeding year, he relinquished the idea
of the triumjDh, (which would have prevented him from entering the
city till after its celebration,) in order to canvass the citizens for
the more substantial honour. Perceiving, on his ari-ival in Rome,
the true posture of affairs, — the power which Crassus possessed, de-
rived from his character and riches ; the authority with which
his military renown, and his position as the acknowledged leader
of the aristocratic party, invested Pompey ; and his own need
of such coadjutors for the project, which he had already begun to
conceive, of finally making himself master of the republic, — he re-
conciled Pompey and Crassus, who had previously been on no very
friendly terms ; and then formed that intimate connexion with them
both, which is known in history as the fii-st triumvirate ; the three
chiefs coming to an agreement to prevent measures of any kind
being adopted in the republic without the united consent of them
all. Cffisar obtained the consulship, but the senate gave him Bibulus
for his colleague, and made a further attempt to prevent any great
increase to his power or popularity, by assigning to the new consul?

' Qua constitute diligenter et sentinam nobis exhaurior ; et Italise
solitudinem frequentari posse arbitrabar.^Ep. ad Att. i. 19.
* Ep. ad Att. i. 20. » Idem, i. 19.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 6

only the supervision of the roads and forests : a char/re, as Suetonius
calls it, of the slightest possible importance.
This was the posture of affairs at Rome, at, and soon after, the time
when Cicero addressed this first letter to his brother.

Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

I. 1. Although I had no doubt that njany messengers, and
common r^ort too, with its invariable rapidity, would out-
strip this letter; and that, before its arrival, you would hear
from others that a third year has been added to the period
during which I have to regret your absence, and you are to
continue your labours; still I thought that direct informa-
tion of this trouble ought to be conveyed to you from me
also. For in my former letters, — and that not once only, but
repeatedly, even after the matter was despaired of by others,
— I still gave you hope of an early removal; not merely that I
might gratify you as long as possible with the pleasing expec-
tation, but also because such great exertions were made both
by the praetors and by myself, that I would not give up all
hope that the matter might be managed,

2. But now, since it has so turned out, that the praetors
have not been able to do any good by their influence, nor
I by my own zeal, it is extremely difficult to avoid feeling
great vexation ; but still it is not fit that our spirits, which
have been tried in managing and supporting matters of the
greatest moment, should be crushed and rendered powerless
by a petty annoyance. And since men are naturally most
concerned at misfortunes which have been incurred by their
own fault, there is something in this business that must be
borne with more vexation by me than by you. For it hap-
pened through my fault, and through acting in opposition to
what you had represented to me, both when setting out and
afterwards by letter, that a successor was not appointed the
year before. In that matter, while I was consulting the
safety of the allies, while I was resisting the impudence of
some commercial people, and while I was desirous that my
reputation should be advanced by your merit, I acted
unwisely ; especially as I have given occasion that that second
year of your command may draw on a third after it. ,

3. Since, then, I confess that the fault if mine, it will be the
task of your wisdom and kindness to take care and manage
that thi« matter, too incautiously considered by me, may bo

b2

4 CICERO 8 LETTERS

corrected by your own diligence. And if you arouse yourself
with fresh energy to cultivate a good reputation in every
respect, so as to rival, not others, but yourself ; if you direct
all the faculties of your mind, all your care and thoughts, to
the pre-eminent object of obtaining praise in all things, — take
my word for it, that one year added to your labour will bring
happiness for many years to us, and glory to our posterity.

4. I therefore entreat you above all things not to diminish
or lower your spirit, nor to allow yourself to be overwhelmed
by the magnitxide of the affair, as by a wave of the sea ; but,
on the other hand, to bear yourself erect to resist, and even
of your own accord to meet difficulties. For you do not
manage a department of the public of such a nature that for-
tune has the rule in it, but one in which method and dili-
gence have the greatest influence. If indeed 1 saw that your
period of command was prolonged while you were engaged
in any great and perilous war, I should feel misgivings in
my mind, because I should know at the same time that the
power of fortune over us was also prolonged.

5. But at present, that part of the commonwealth is com-
mitted to you, in which fortune has no share, or only an ex-
ceedingly insignificant one, and which appears to me to
depend wholly on your own virtue and moderation of dispo-
sition. We apprehend, I think, no insidious attacks of
enemies, no struggle in the field, no revolt of our allies, no
want of pay or provisions, no mutiny in the army ; accidents
which have very often happened to men of the greatest pru-
dence: so that, as the most skilful pilots cannot overcome the
violence of a storm, they in like manner have been unable to
subdue the violent hostility of fortune. To your lot has
fallen the most complete peace, the most entire tranquillity,
though in such a way that it may even ^ overwhelm a sleeping
pilot, or even delight a wakeful one.

6. For that province of yours consists in the first place of
that class of allies which is the most civilized of all the human
race; and secondly, of that class of citizens who either, be-
cause they are farmers of the revenue,^ are bound to us by

' Vel. Emesti condemns this word, and Matthise has ejected it.

* The farmers of the public revenue were generally of the equestrian
order, to which Cicero himself belonged ; and in his public character
and speeches he had always taken care to maintain the connexion, by
wizing every cpportunity of extolling and defending them.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 5

lies of the closest connexion, or who, because they manage
their dealings so as to become wealthy, think that they po*
sess their fortunes in safety through the beneficial effects c^
my consulship.

II. 7. But, you will urge, between these very men them-
selves there are grave disputes : many injuries arise, and great
contests follow ; as if I supposed that you also do not sustain
a considerable weight of business. I am aware that your
affairs are of very great importance, and require consummate
prudence; but remember that I consider this affair depends
more upon prudence than upon fortune ; for what difficulty
is there in restraining those over whom you have authority,
if you also restrain yourself? This may be a great and
arduous task for others, as it is indeed most arduous, but
it has always been a very easy one for you ; and in truth sc
it ought to be, since your natural disposition is such that,
even without instruction, it would appear that it might have
been excellently regulated, and such an education has been
bestowed upon it as might exalt even the most vicious natura.
While you yourself resist the temptations of money and of'
pleasure, and of every sort of desire, as you do resist them,
there will be, I suppose, danger lest you may not be able to
check the worthless trader, or the somewhat too covetous
farmer. The Greeks,^ indeed, will look upon you, while you
live in such a manner, as some [hero revived] from the old
traditions of their annals, or even as some divine being
descended from heaven into the province.

8. And I write this now, not that you may act thus, [for
that you do,] but that you may rejoice in acting and having
acted thus. For it is a glorious thing for you to have lived
three ^ years in Asia, invested with the highest military au-
thority, in such a manner that no statue, uo picture, no vase,^

' Cicero calls them Greeks, because all the coast of Asia Minor was
colonized by Greeks, and the language had gi-adually come to prevail
throughout the whole peninsula.

^ The text has triennium ; Ernesti and others would read hiennivm,
to suit the commencement of the letter ; a change rendered necessary,
indeed, by the verb fuisse.

* How irresistible such temptations were to Roman governors in
general, may be seen in Cicero's orations against Verres ; who was pro-
bably only pre-eminent among them for rapacity, because the richneaa
of his province gave him pre-eminent opportunities for displaying it.

6 OICEROS LETTERS

riO present of robes or slaves, no allurement of pei"Sonal
beauty, no opportunity of extorting money, (of all which
fonns of corruption that province is most prolific,) has been
able to turn you aside from perfect integrity and moderation.

9. And what can be found so admirable, or so thoroughly
desirable, as that that virtue, that moderation of mind, that
well-regulated abstinence, should not lie hid and be buried
in darkness, but should be displayed in the light of Asia,
and before the eyes of a most splendid province, and cele-
brated in the hearing of every nation and people on the earth ?
That men should not be alarmed at your progresses, or
exhausted by your expenses, or agitated at your arrival
among them ; but that, wherever you come, thoi-e should
be both publicly and privately the greatest possible joy, while
every city looks upon itself as entertaining a protector, not
a tyrant, and every family feels that it receives a guest, and
not a plunderer 1

III. 10. But in all these matters experience itself has
already, doubtless, taught you, that it is by no means enough
for you to have these virtues yourself, but that you must also
take diligent care, in this guardianship of the province, that
you may appear to be answerable, not for yourself only, but ,
for all the officers under your government, to the allies, t(>,r^
your fellow- citizens, and to the commonwealth. Although
indeed you have lieutenants of such a character that they
will of themselves have regard to their own dignity ; among
whom Tubero is the first in honour and dignity and age, — a
man who, I imagine, especially as he is a writer of history, can
find many in the annals of his own family whom he may be
both inclined and able to imitate ; and Alienus is completely
one of us, not only in his general disposition and benevolence,
but also in his imitation of our habits of life. For why need
I speak of Gratidius? a man whom I know for certain to be
so anxious about his own character, that out of his brotherly
love for us, he is anxious also aboui ours.

11. You have a quaestor, indeed, not chosen by your owu
judgment, but the one whom the lot assigned you. It is
necessary that he should be moderate in his own inclinations,
and obedient to your regulations and precepts. If by chance
any one of these men be somewhat sordid, you may bear with
bim so far as he merely neglects, of himself, those rules by

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 7

is'hich you yourself are bound ; but not so far that he should
abuse, for his own private gain, that power which you con-
ceded to him for the support of his dignity : for I am not
indeed of opinion, especially as the habits to which I allude
have had such a tendency to excessive lenity and to a courting
of popularity, that you should look too closely into every bit
of meanness, and get rid of every one guilty of it; but I
think that you should trust just so much to each as there is
trustworthiness in each. And of these men, those whom the
republic itself has assigned to you as supporters and assistants
in the discharge of the public business, you will confine to
those limits which I have already laid down.

IV. 12. But as to those whom you have selected to have
about you as your domestic companions, or your necessary
attendants, and who are generally termed a sort of court of
the praetor, not only their actions, but even their whole
language, must be answered for by us. But you have such
people about you as you can easily love if they act rightly,
and with the greatest ease restrain, if they show too little
regard for your character ; by whom, when you were inex-
perienced, your own ingenuous disposition seems likely to have
been deceived ; for the more virtuous any one is himself, the
more unwillingly does he suspect others of being wicked ; but
now this third year of office should display the same integrity
as those preceding, with even more caution and diligence.

13. Let your ears be such as are thought to hear openly
what they do hear, and not such as those into which anything
may be whispered falsely and hypocritically for the sake of
gain. Let your signet ring be not like a piece of furniture,
but as it were another self; not the agent of another person's
will, but the witness of your own. Let your sergeant^ be
kept in that station in which our ancestors wished him to be;
who bestowed the place not as a lucrative appointment, but as
one of labour and duty, and not readily to any but their own
freedmen, to whom they gave their orders, indeed, in a man-
ner not very diflferent from that in which they gave them to

' The Latin is accensus, ■which was the name of a public officer
attending on several of the Roman magistrates. He anciently preceded
the consul who had not the fasces; a custom which, having been
long disused, was restored by Cffisar the very next year. VaiTO de-
rives this title from acdeo, because they siunmoned the people to th«
aesemblieB.

8 CICERO's LETTERS

their sUves. Let your lictor be the officer, not of his own
lenity, but of yours ; and let your fasces and axes give him
greater insignia of dignity than power. Lastly, let it be
known to tlie whole province, that the safety, the families,
the fame, and the fortunes of all those over whom you
act as governor, are objects of the dearest interest to you.
Moreover, let the opinion prevail, that you will be dis-
pleased, not only with those who have accepted any biibe,
but with those also who have given one, if you discover the
ftict. Nor indeed will any one offer a bribe, when it is once
clearly ascertained, that nothing is ever obtained from you
by the influence of those who pretend to have great weight
with you.

14. Not, indeed, that this advice of mine to you is meant
to have such an effect as to make you too harsh or suspicious
towards your officers ; for if there be among them any one
who during two years has never fallen under any suspicion of
avarice, (as I hear that both Csesius and Chserippus and
Labeo have not. and because I know them, I believe it;) there
is nothing that I should not think might be most judiciously
and properly committed to them, and to whoever else is of the
same character; but if there be any one in whom you have
detected anything, or in whom you have noticed anything
unfavourable, trust him with nothing ; do not put any part of
your own character in his power.

V. 15. But in the province itself, if you have met with
any one who has entered closely into friendship with you,
and who was previously unknown to us, take great care
hew far you ought to trust such a one ; not but that there
may be many honest men among the provincials ; but though
we may entertain this hope, it is hazardous to judge that it is
so ; for the natural character of each individual is concealed
under numerous wrappings of disguise, and shrouded, as it
were, under veils ; the forehead, the eyes, the whole counte-
nance are often false, and the language most frequently of all.
On which account, how are you to find out, among that
class of men, persons who, influenced by desire for money,
can yet do without all those things from which we cannot
fleparate ourselves, and who will love you, a foreigner, with
all their heart, and not pretend to do so merely for their own
advantage 1 To me indeed this seems a consideration o<

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTTJS. 9

great importance, especially if those very same people scarcely
ever profess a regard for any private individual, but do so
at all times for every governor ; therefore, if of this class you
have by chance met with any one really more attached to
yourself than to the opportunity, (for this may have been
possible,) gladly count that man in the list of your friends;
but if you do not discover such a disposition, there is no
sort of men more carefully to be guarded against in respect to
intimacy; because they are acquainted with every avenue
of corruption, and do everything for the sake of money, and
have no notion of regard for the character of a man with
whom they are not going to live permanently.

16. And even among the Greeks themselves, intimacies
must be formed with strict care, excepting [those with] a
very few men, such as may be worthy of ancient Greece; so
deceitful, indeed, are the greater number of them, and fickle,
and through long slavery inured to excessive flattery; the
whole body of whom I admit ought to be treated with libe-
rality, and all the most deserving of them admitted to hos-
pitality and friendship ; but an excessive intimacy with them
is not sufficiently to be trusted, for they do not dare to oppose
our inclinations, and are envious, not only of our people, but
also of their own countrymen.

VI. 17. If I then desire to be so cautious and diligent in
matters of that sort, in which I am afraid lest I may appear
even somewhat over-rigid ; of what opinion do you conceive
me to be with respect to slaves'? whom indeed we ought to
rule strictly everywhere, and most especially in the provinces.
With respect to this class of persons, many rules may be
given, bxit this is the shortest of all, and one which may the
most easily be kept in memory, that they are to behave
themselves in your Asiatic progresses, as they would if you
were travelling along the Appian road,^ and that they are not
to think that it makes any difference whether they arrive at
Tralles or at Formise. But if among your slaves there should
be any one of exemplary fidelity, let him be employed in your
domestic and private affairs; but as to matters which relate
%o the duties of your command, or to any of the affairs of the

■ The Via Appia, or Appian road, was made by Appius Claudiua
Csecus as censor, about 442 a.u.c, from Rome to Capua. At a later
period it was continued from Capua to Brundusium.

10' CICEBO'S LETTERS

commonwealth, let him have no concern with any of them :
for there are many things which may without impropriety to
entrusted to faithful slaves, but which, for the sake of avoid-
ing talk and censure, must not be entrusted to them.

18. But this letter of mine, I know not how, has run into
a process of laying down precepts, though such was not at
first my intention. For why should I give precepts to one,
whom, particularly in business of this kind, I know to be not
at all inferior in prudence to myself, and in practice even
superior? But still if my authority were added to enforce
the line of conduct which you were already pursuing, I
thought that such line of conduct would be more agreeable
to you. Let these then be your foundations for dignity of
character ; first of all, your own personal integrity and mode-
ration; next, self-respect in all those who are about you;
and, also, an extremely cautious and most diligent selection
in forming intimacies, both with men of the province, and
with Greeks ; and the maintenance of a steady and consistent
discipline in your household.

19. As these observances are honourable in our private
and daily habits, they must of necessity appear almost divine
in so high a command, amid manners so depraved, and in
a province which is such a school of corruption. Such a
system and such a discipline can maintain that severity in
deciding and determining on measures, which you have dis-
played in things from which, to my great joy, we experience
some enmity; unless perchance you fancy that I am moved
by the complaints of I know not what fellow called Paconius,
a person who is not even a Greek, but rather a Mysian or
Phrygian, or by those of Tuscenius, a raving fellow, foul in
his language, out of whose most impure jaws you wrested the
prey of his most disgraceful covetousness with consummate
justice.

VII. 20. These and other regulations, fuU of strictness,
which you have appointed in that province, we could not
easily maintain without the most complete integrity. Let
there be the most rigorous severity, therefore, in administer-
ing the law, provided that it be never varied from favoiir,
but observed with uniformity. But still it is of little benefit
that the law be administered with uniformity and care by
you yourself, unless the same rule of conduct be also observed

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. H

py those to whom you entrust any share of the same duty.
And to me, indeed, there appears to be no great variety of
Dusiness in the government of Asia, but it seems to be all
supported, for the most part, by the exposition of the law ;
in which, above all other things, the very system of knowledge
for the regulation of a province lies. But consistency must
be observed, and a dignified gravity, which can resist, not
only all influence, but even suspicion.

21, There is to be added likewise affability in listening to
others, gentleness in pronouncing one's decisions, and diligence
in satisfying people, and in discussing their claims. It was by
such qualifications that Cneius Octavius lately became very
popular, as it was under him that the lictor first had nothing
to do, the sergeant was reduced to silence, and every one who
Lad a suit before him spoke as often and as long as he
pleased. In which particulars he might perchance be looked
upon as too remiss, if this very remissness had not been the
support of that severity. Sylla's men were compelled to make
restitution of the things which they had taken away by
violence, and through the influence of fear; and those who
in their ofl&ces had given unjust decisions, had, when reduced
to the rank of private individuals, to bow beneath similar
law. This severity of his might appear to have been in-
tolerable, had it not been softened by many seasonings of
humanity.

22. But if this kind of lenity is agreeable at Rome, where
there is such excessive aiTogance, such immoderate liberty,
such boundless licentiousness among men; and besides such
a number of magistrates, so many sources of help, such great
power, such absolute authority belonging to the senate ; how
attractive surely may the courtesy of a praetor be in Asia, in
which such a multitude of citizens, such a number of allies,
80 many cities, and so many states, look to the nod of one
man ; where there is no help, no power of making complaints,
no senate, no assembly of the people ! It is therefore the
part of a very great man, and of one who is both moderate
by natural disposition, and who has also been trained by
education, and by the study of the most excellent accomplish-
ments, to conduct himself, when invested with so great
power, in such a manner that no other authority may b«
wished for by those over whom he is appointed governor.

12 CICERo'S LETTERS

VIII. 23. The "Cyrus" of Xenophon is written not in
accordance with the truth of history, but to exhibit a represen-
tation of a just government ; in whose character the greatest
gravity is united by that philosopher with singular courtesy.
These books our own countryman, the illustrious Africanus,
was accustomed, not without reason, scarcely ever to lay out
of his hand, for in them is omitted no duty belonging to
careful and moderate government; and if he, who was never
to become a private individual, paid such attention to those
precepts, how ought they to be observed by those to whom
authority has been given on condition of laying it down
again, and given them too by those laws to the observance of
which they themselves must again return?

24. To me, indeed, everything seems necessary to be re-
ferred, by those who rule others, to this principle, that those
who shall be under their government may be as happy as
possible ; an object which has been established by unvarying
fame, and the report of all men, as being of primary import-
ance with you, and as having been so from the commence-
ment, since you first arrived in Asia. And it is the duty,
not only of the man who governs allies and fellow-citizens,
but even of him who manages slaves, or dumb animals, to
liave a regard to the comforts and advantage of those beings
over whom he presides.

25. In this respect I find it agreed by all men that the
greatest assiduity is exerted by you; that no new debt is
contracted by any state, and that many cities have been freed
by you from old, great, and heavy debt; that many cities
previously in ruins and almost deserted, among which I may
mention one, the most eminent city of Ionia, another, the
most eminent city of Caria, Samos and Halicarnassus, have
been restored by you; that there are no seditions in the
towns, no discord; that provision is made by you that the
difierent states shall be regulated by the counsels of the
most respectable citizens; that depredations in Mysia are
stopped ; that bloodshed has been suppressed in many places ;
that peace is established throughout the whole province ; that
not only the thefts and robberies on the roads and in the
fields, but the more numerous and greater ones in the towns
and in the temples, are brought to an end throughout the
country; that that most spiteful minister to the avarice ol

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS, 13

governors, false accusation, has been repelled in its attacks on
the fame and fortune and ease of the wealthy; that the ex-
penses and tributes levied on the different cities are borne
with equanimity by all who inhabit the territories of those
cities; that access to you is most easy; that your ears are
open to the complaints of all men; that no man's poverty or
desolateness is excluded by you, not merely from access to
you in public and on the tribunal, but even from your house,
and your private chamber; that, in short, throughout your
whole government, there is nothing severe, nothing cruel;
but that everything is full of clemency, and gentleness, and
humanity,

IX. 26. Again, how great a benefit is it on your part, that
you have delivered Asia from that iniquitous and heavy tax
imposed upon it by the aediles,-'- though at the expense of
great enmity to us. In truth, if one man of noble birth
makes a complaint openly that you, by issuing an edict " that
money should not be voted for the games at Rome," caused
him a loss of two hundred sestertia; how great a sum of
money must have been paid, if, as had become the custom,
it was exacted in the name of all, whoever they were, that
exhibited games at Romel Although we checked these com-
plaints of our citizens with this design, (which is extolled in
Asia, I know not to what extent, and at Rome with no ordi-
nary admiration,) inasmuch as when the cities had voted sums
of money to erect a temple and monument in our honour,
and when they had done so of their own extreme good-will,
in return for my great services, and for your excessive kind-
nesses, and when the law made an exception in our favour by
name, providing that " it might be permitted to receive money
for a temple and a monument;" and that which was then
given was not likely to perish, but to remain among the
ornaments of the temple, so as to appear to have been given,
not more for my sake than that of the Roman people and the
immortal gods ; nevertheless I did not think that even that, in
which concurred merit, a special law, and the good-will of
those who made it, ought to be accepted by me, both for

' The expense of the games exhibited by the aedileu had grown to be
60 enormous that they had established a custom of extorting vast sums
from the provinces to meet it. The exact sum mentioned in the text
would be 161,458^ 68. id.

14 CIGERO'S LETTERS

other reasons, and in order that others to whom nothing was
due, and in whose favour no permission was given, might bear
the matter with more equanimity,

27, Apply yourself, therefore, with all your heart and witli
all your zeal to the course of conduct which you have hitherto
pxirsued, that you may love, and in every way protect, those
whom the senate and people of Rome have committed and
entrusted to your good faith and power, and that you may
take thought for their being as happy as possible. But if
chance ^ had set you over Africans, or Spaniards, or Gauls,
savage and barbarous nations, it would still have become your
humanity to consult their advantage, and to show a regard
for their comfort and safety. Since, however, we govern that
race of mankind, among whom not only humanity itself pre-
vails, but from whom it is even thought to have spread to
other nations, we certainly ought, in the gi-eatest possible
degree, to exhibit it to those from whom we received it.

28. For I shall not now be ashamed to assert this, (espe-
cially amidst such a course of life, and after performing such
actions, on which no suspicion of indolence or levity can afl&x
itself,) that we have attained those successes which we have
achieved, by the aid of those studies and arts which have
been handed down to us by the records and discipline of
Greece. On those accounts, besides that common good faith
which is due to all mankind, we also appear to be in an
especial manner the debtors of that race of men, so that we
may show a readiness to display in action those principles in
which we have been instructed before that very people from
which we have learned them.

X. 29. And, indeed, that chief of all genius and learning,
Plato, thought that republics would then at last become happy,
if either learned and wise men began to govern them, or
if those who governed them devoted all their attention to
learning and wisdom. This union of power and wisdom he
assuredly thought would be security to a state; a union
which may have at some time fallen to the lot of our whole
republic, but which has certainly, at this present time,
fallen to that province of yours; so that he might have the
chief power in it, by whom, from his childhood, the most

* The Latin is sors, lot. The different Roman magistrates had theii
provinces aasigned to them by lot.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS.

15

studj and tiiiie has been bestowed on acquiring a thorough
understanding of virtue and humanity.

30. Be ciireful, therefore, that this year which is added to
your labour may appear at the same time to have been added
for the prosperity of Asia. Since Asia has been more for-
tunate in her efforts to detain you than we have been in oura
to recal you, take care that our regret may be mitigated by
the gladness of the province. For if you have been the most
diligent of all men in deserving that such great honours
should be paid to you as I know not whether any one has
received, you ought to exert far greater diligence in preserving
those honours.

31. I have, indeed, written to you before what I think of
honours of that kind. I have always thought them, if they
were common, worthless; if they were appointed for some
temporary occasion, trifling; but if, as has been the case
now, they were granted to your merits, I thought that
much exertion should be used by you to pi-eserve them.
Since, therefore, you reside with supreme power and authority
in those cities in which you see your virtues consecrated and
ranked in the number of [those of] the gods, in everything
which you shall determine, or decree, or do, you will ■ recol-
lect what you owe to such high opinions of mankind, such
favourable judgment concerning you, such exalted honours.
This resolution will be of such influence, that you will consult
the welfare of all, will remedy the distresses of the people,
and provide for their safety, and that you will wish to be both
caUed and thought the father of Asia.

XI. 32. No doubt the farmers of the public revenue offer
great obstacles to your desires and efibrts. But if we oppose
them, we shall separate both from ourselves and from the
republic an order of men which deserves well of ourselves per-
sonally, and which is by our means attached to the republic.
Yet, if we comply with their wishes in everything, we shall be
allowing those persons to be utterly ruined, not only whose
safety, but whose advantage, we are bound to consult. This,
if we would form a correct judgment, is the one difficulty
which pervades your whole government. For to be disin-
terested, to restrain all one's desires, to keep s check upon
one's people, to maintain an equitable system of law, to show
oneself courteous in inquiring into matters of business, and

16 CICEEO'S LETTERS

afifable in listening and giving access to people, is honourable
I'ather than difficult : for it does not depend on any labour,
but rather on a certain inclination and willingness of mind.

33. How great distress the line of conduct adopted by the
farmers causes the allies, we have learned from those citizens
of our own, who lately, in the matter of the removal of the
harbour-dues of Italy, complained not so much of the tax
itself, as of certain wrongs committed by the tax-collectors.
So that I cannot be ignorant what of happens to the allies in
remote districts, when I hear the complaints of my own
countrymen in Italy, That you should so conduct yourself,
in such circumstances, as both to satisfy the farmers, (espe-
cially if they made an unlucky contract for the revenues,) and
not to allow the allies to be ruined, appears an achievement
"worthy of some divine virtue, that is, of your own.

And in the first place, that which to the Greeks is a most
bitter consideration, namely, that they are liable to pay taxes,
ought not to appear so bitter; because, without any inter-
ference of the power of the Roman people, while they lived
under their own laws, they were themselves, and of them-
selves, in the same condition; and they have no right to
disdain the name of farmei*, as they themselves could not pay
the tax which Sylla had, with perfect fairness, levied upon
them, without a farmer. And that, in exacting the taxes, the
Greek farmers are not more lenient than our own, may be
seen from this fact, that a little while ago the Caunians, and
all the inhabitants of the islands which had been made over
to the Rhodians by Sylla, fled to the senate with entreaties to
be allowed to pay tribute to us rather than to the Rhodians.
Those, therefore, have no right to express any horror of the
name of farmer, who have always been liable to the payment
of taxes; nor ought those who by themselves could not pay
the taxes, to disdain him; nor ought those to object to him,
who have actually asked for his appointment.

34. Let Asia at the same time recollect, that no calamity
of foreign war, or of domestic dissension, would have been
absent from her, if she were not held under the dominion
of this country. And as that dominion can by no means be
upheld without taxes, let her contentedly purchase for herself
perpetual peace and tranquillity with a certain portion of her
revenues.

TO mS BROTHER QUIJTTUS. 17

XII. 35. And, if they -will endure that class of men, and
the name of farmer, with patience, other grievances, through
your wisdom and prudence, may possibly appear lighter to
them. They may, in making contracts, regard, not the mere
Censorian law,^ but rather the convenience of transacting
business, and their freedom from trouble. You, too, may do,
what you have already done admirably, and what you still
are doing, namely, to take frequent occasions to mention how
great worth there is in the farmers, and how much we owe to
that order ; so that, laying aside authority, and the exertion
of power and of the fasces, you may bind the farmers to the
Greeks by aflfection and influence. But you may also beg of
those of whom you have deserved extremely well, and who
indeed owe everything to you, to allow us, by good-temper
on their part, to secure and maintain that connexion which
already exists between us and the farmers.

3(). But why do I exhort you to this course of conduct,
which you can not only pursue of your own accord without
directions from any one, but have already to a great extent
practised 1 For highly honourable and important companies
do not cease to address their thanks to us, and this is the
more acceptable to me, because the Greeks do the same.
And it is difficult to unite in good-will those things which in
interests, utility, and almost in their very nature, are dif-
ferent from each other. But I have written what is written
above, not for the purpose of instructing you, (for your
wisdom stands in need of no instructions from any one,) but
because, while thus writing, the commemoi'ation of your
virtues was a pleasure to me, although I have been more
prolix in this letter than I either intended or expected to be.

XIII. 37. There is one thing to which I shall not cease
to exhort you ; nor will I allow your praises to be spoken, as
far as shall be in my power, with any abatement ; for all who
come from those regions speak in such a manner of your
virtue, integiity, and humanity, as to make, among your
great praises, proneness to anger the only exception. This

* The terms on which the revenues of the provinces were let wert
fixed by the censors, in the edicts called Leges Censorice; but these wert
sometimes modified to raise the credit or popularity of the publicans.
In the censorship of Cato, 5(38 a.u.c, the senate itself interfered to lower
the terms which his rigour Lad sought to impose. — Liv. xxxis. 44.

U

18 CICERO's LETTERS

fault, even in our private and daily life, appears to be tliat of
au unsteady and weak mind ; but nothing is so unseemly as
to unite the acerbity of natural ill-temper to supreme power.
For this reason I will not now proceed to set before you the
observations which are commonly made on passionateness,
both because I am unwilling to be too prolix, and because you
can easily learn them from the writings of many authors;
but that which peculiarly belongs to a letter, I mean that he,
to whom it is written, should be informed of matters of which
he is ignorant, I think that I ought not to omit.

38. Every one makes us almost the same report, that, when
ill-temper does not affect you, nothing can be more agreeable
than your behaviour; but that, when any one's dishonesty
or perverseness has provoked you, you become so excited that
your natural kindness is missed by every one. Since, there-
fore, it is not so much any thirst for glory as mere circum-
stances and fortune that have brought us into that station of
life in which we are, so that the conversation of mankind
respecting us will be incessant, let us, as far as we can pos-
sibly achieve and succeed, take care that no remarkable vice
may be said to have been in us. Nor do I now insist upon
that which is perhaps difficult in every disposition, and is
certainly so at our time of life, namely, to change the temper,
and suddenly to pluck out whatever is deeply implanted in
the character; but I give you this admonition, that if you
cannot -wholly avoid this habit, because your mind is occu-
pied by anger before reason can prevent it from being so
occupied, you should still prepare yourself beforehand, and
meditate every day that you must resist this proneness to
anger, and that, when it has the greatest effect upon your
mind, your tongue miist then be most carefully restrained ;
for this appears to me at times a virtue not inferior to that
of never being angry. For the latter is the conseqnence,
not merely of gravity of temper, but sometimes even of
dulness; but to restrain your passion and language when
you are provoked, or even to be silent, and to keep your
agitation of mind and indignation under control, although it
be not a pi'oof of perfect wisdom, is certainly an indication of
no moderate mental power.

39. In this respect men report that you have already
become much more moderate and gentle. No extremely

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 19

violent bursts of passion, no reproaches, no insults, are
reported to us ; faults which are not only inconsistent with
learning and politeness, but at variance with authority and
dignity : for if our anger is implacable, it is extreme rancour ;
but if easily appeased, it is extreme levity; which, however,
in a choice of evils, is to be preferred to rancour.

XIV. 40. But since it was your first year that caused the
most talk on this subject of censure (I imagine because
injustice, and avarice, and insolence in men occurred to you
contrary to your anticipation, and on that account appeared
intolerable); while the second year was much more quiet,
because habit, and reason, and, as I flatter myself, my letters
also, have rendered you more patient and gentle; the third
year ought to be so corrected that no one may be able to find
even the slightest cause for censure in it.

41. And now, on this topic, I speak to you not with ex-
hortation and precepts, but with brotherly entreaty, beseech-
ing you to devote all your thought, care, and meditation
to securing the praise of all men in all quarters. If our
rank in life were in a moderate position for talk and dis-
cussion about us, nothing extraordinary, nothing beyond the
common conduct of other men, would be required of you:
but now, by reason of the splendour and importance of the
circumstances in which we are placed, unless we secure the
highest possible praise from that province, we seem scarcely
in a condition to escape extreme censure. Suah is our posi-
tion, that while all good men look with favour on us, they at
the same time require and expect from us all imaginable
diligence and virtue; but all the unprincipled, because we
have engaged in everlasting war against them, seem to be
contented with the very smallest pretext for censuring us.

42. Since, therefore, a theatre of such a kind, that of all
Asia, has been presented for the display of your virtues —
a theatre crowded with a numerous body of spectators, most
ample in size, with an audience of most cultivated judgment;
and so well adapted for sound, that the sense and expressions
of the actors reach even to Rome ; strive, I entreat you, and
labour, not only to appear worthy of the circumstances in
which you are placed, but even superior to them by youi
own good qualities.

XV. 43. And since, among the different ofiQces of the state,

o2

20 CICERO's LETTERS.

chance has aaeigned to me the domestic administration of the
republic, but to you a provincial governraent, if my part is
inferior to none, take care that yours may surpass that of
others. At the same time reflect that we are not now
labouring for a reputation as yet unattained, and only ex-
pected; but that we are striving for the preservation of one
already earned, which indeed was not so much to be desired
previously, as it is now to be maintained by us. And if I
could have any interests separate from yours, I should desire
for myself nothing more honourable than this position which
has been already acquired by me. But such is now the state
of affairs, that unless all your actions and expressions in that
quarter harmonize with my conduct, I shall think that I
have gained nothing by such toils and such dangers on my
part, in all of which you were a sharer. But if you alone,
above all others, assisted me in obtaining a most honourable
fame, you will now assuredly strive beyond all others that
I may retain it. You must not regard only the opinions and
judgments of men who are now living, but also of those who
will live hereafter, though indeed their judgment will be more
just, as being free from all detraction and malevolence.

44. Lastly, you ought to remember this too, that you are
not seeking gloiy for yourself alone ; though, even were that
the case, you would not neglect it, especially when you had
desired to consecrate the memory of your name by the most
honourable records ; but it is also to be shared with me,
and to be handed down to our children. In regard to it,
therefore, you must take care lest, if you are too remiss,
you should seem, not merely to have managed ill for yourself,
but even to have grudged reputation to your relations.

XVI. 45. These remarks are not made with this view,
that my words may seem to have roused you when asleep,
but rather to have given you an impulse while running ; for
you will always give all men cause, as you have done, to
praise your equity, your moderation, your strictness, and
your integrity. But from the singular love which I bear
you, an insatiable eagerness for your glory possesses me;
although I am of opinion, that when Asia ought now to be
as well known to you as his own private house is to every
man, and when such great experience is added to your excel-
lent natural sense, there is nothing which can contribute to

TO HIS BUOTHER QUINTUS. 21

glory that you do not thoroughly appreciate, and that does
not present itself daily to your mind without exhortation
from any one. But I, who, while I read your letters, think
tliat I am listening to you, and while I am writing to you,
think that I am conversing with you, am consequently most
delighted with your longest letters, and am myself often
Bomewhat prolix in addressing you.

46. In conclusion, I entreat and exhort you, that as good
poets and careful actors are accustomed to do, so you, at
the end and termination of your office and administration,
should be especially careful, that this third year of your
command may, like the third act of a play,^ appear to be
the most highly-finished and ornate of the whole. This you
will do most easily if you shall imagine that I, whom you
have always desired to please more than all the rest of the
world, am always present with you, and take part in every-
thing which you shall say and do.

It only remains for me to beg you to take most diligent
care of your health, if you wish me and all your friends to be
well. Farewell.

LETTER II.

The following letter was written in the year after Letter I. Caosar had
begun his contests with the aristocratic party ; and had brought in
an agrarian law substantially the same as that of llullus : proposing
among other enactments, to plant 20,000 colonists in the public
domain in Campania ; and the appointment of the commissioners
to superintend the distributions of these lands was to be vested
in Caesar himself. Cato opposed the bill in the senate, and Caesar
ordered his lictors to seize him and carry him to prison, though
he was deterred from executing this menace by the indignation
of the whole senate. His colleague Bibulus was resolute in his
opposition ; but when he endeavoured to resist the passing of the
measure in the comitia, he was thrown down the steps of the temple

' Why does Cicero say the thi7-d act, which is the middle act of a
play ? Does he mean by acts those three parts of a play to which the
poets paid so much attention, the protasis, epitasis, and catastrophe, and
on the last of which they bestowed the utmost art and industry to
Becure the applause of the audience? He has used the same com-
parison, in almost the same words, in his Cato. If this explanation
satisfy the learned, there is no reason why we should read, as has been
proposed, extremus or uhimus, contrary to the old copies. — Malesjnna.

Cicero speaks as if Quintus were engaged in a play consisting only of
three acts ; assigning one year to each act. - Ft. Hotemanntts.

22 CICERO S LETTERS

of Caator and Pollux, his fasces were broken, and he himself and
some of his attendants wounded. Caesar now released the farmers
of the public revenues in Asia from some of the conditions of their
contracts, with which they were dissatisfied. (See preceding Letter.)
And on the motion of Vatinius, the province of Cisalpine Gaul and
lUyricum was assigned to him for five years ; to which Transalpine
Gaul was afterwards added, through the influence of Pompey, who
married Julia, Coesar's daughter. Clodius was carrying on the mea-
sure of his adoption into a plebeian family, and openly threatening
Cicero with impeachment. The consuls-elect for the ensuing year,
696 A.U.C., were Aulus Gabinitis, and L. Calpumius Piso, whose
daughter Casar had just married.

Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

I. 1. Statius^ arrived at my house on the 2oth of October.
His arrival, as you had written that you should be torn td
pieces by your people while he was away, was a disagreeable
one to me. But as it put aside the expectation of yourself,
and that concourse of people which would have occurred
if he had departed at the same time with you, and had not
appeared till you did yourself, it seemed to me to have hap-
pened not altogether disadvantageously ; for the talk of men
is now exhausted, and expressions of this kind are uttered
by many,

'AAA' aei riva, (pSra fxeyav,^

which I am glad is accomplished in your absence.

2. But whereas he seems to have been sent by you for
the purpose of clearing himself in my opinion, that was not
at all necessary: for, in the first place, he never was sus-
pected by me ; nor, in what I wrote to you about him, did
I write on my own judgment : but as the estimation and safety
of all of us who have joined in the affairs of the common-
wealth depended not only on truth, but also on reputation, I

^ A freedman of Quintus Cicero, and one who had had far too much

influence over him.

* The lines in Homer, Od. ix. 613, are —

'AK\' dil Tiva (poSra fieyav koI KaXou iSiyfiriv
'Ej/OoS' iKevaeaOai, fieyd\r)v iirififiei/ov d\Ki^u.
NO)/ Se fj.' ewv ()\iyos re Kol oirtSavos Kal &kucv5
O(p6a\ixov jx aXduffev eTrei fi iSajxaffcraTO oXvw.

Thus translated by Pope : —

I deem'd some godlike giant to behold,
Or lofty hero, haughty, brave, and bold ;
Not this weak pigmy-wretch, of mean design.
Who not by strength subdued me, but by wme.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTU8. 23

have constantly written to you the reports of others, and
not my own opinions. How common, indeed, and how un-
favourable, such reports were, Statius himself learned on his
arrival ; for he came just in time to hear the complaints of
certain persons, which were made to me concerning himself,
and had an opportunity of experiencing that the conversation
of the disaffected broke forth especially against his name.

3. But that which used to move me most, was when I
heard that he had greater influence with you than the gravity
of your age, or the prudence requisite for such a command
required; (for how many people do you think have applied
to me to recommend them to Statius? how many things do
you think he has himself made known, without intending it,
in conversation to the same effect?) that did not please me;
I warned, advised, deterred you. In such proceedings, even
if there is the greatest fidelity in him, (as, indeed, I fully
believe, since such is your opinion of him,) yet the mere
appearance of a freedman or of a slave having so much
influence over you, can contribute nothing to your dignity.
And you may be assured, (for I feel bound neither to say
anything without reason, nor to suppress anything through
policy,) that Statius has furnished entire matter for the con-
versation of those who seek to disparage you : previoualy, it
could only have been understood that some persons were
ofiended with your severity; but since he has been emanci-
pated, there has not been wanting to those who were ofiended
a subject on which they might enlarge.

II. 4. I will now reply to those letters which L. Csesius
delivered to me, (whom, as I understand that such is your
wish, I will on no occasion fail to support,) one of which
relates to Zeuxis of Blandus,^ who, you write, is urgently
recommended by me to you, while he has most unques-
tionably murdered his mother. On this subject, and con-
cerning this whole class of persons, attend to a few words
from me, lest you should, perchance, be surprised that I am
become so solicitous of pleasing the Greeks. As I perceived
that the complaints of the Greeks had too much weight,
owing to the natural talent of that nation for deceiving, I
sought to pacify, by every means in my power, whomsoever
I heard make any complaint of you. In the first place, I
1 A town of Phrygia,

S4 CICEBO'S LETTERS

soothed the people of Dionysopolis, who were most bitter
enemies of mine; and their chief man, Hermippus, I won
over, not merely by talking to him, but by admitting him
to intimacy. I received, with all the courtesy and friend-
ship in my power, Hephaestus of Apamea, and that most
contemptible of men, Megaristus of Antandros, and Nicias
of Smyrna, and all the despicable fellows of the district, even
Nymphon of Colophon. AH this I did, not because those
men, or their whole nation, gave me any pleasure ; for I am
thoroughly weary of their levity, their flattery, and their
minds that regard no duty but merely time-serving.

5. But, to return to Zeuxis, when he repeated the very same
things which you write, about a conversation held by Marcus
Cascellius with him, I objected to what he said, and admitted
the man to my intimacy. But I know not what strong
desire there was in you, when you say that you wished, since
you had sewn up two Mysians in a sack at Smyrna, to give
a similar example of your severity in the upper part of
the province, and therefore desired by all means to draw
forth Zeuxis, — who, if brought before tlie tribunal, ought
perhaps not to have been let go ; but it was not necessary
that he should be sought out and enticed by blandishments,
as you write, before the court, especially being a man of such
a character, that I know him, from tlie reports of his fellow-
citizens, and, every day more and more, from those of many
other persons, to be almost of greater respectability than his
native city.

6. But, you will say, I am partial to Greeks only. What?
did I not pacify Lucius Caecilius by eveiy means in my
power? and what a man he was! of what anger! of whai
pride ! Whom, indeed, except Tuscenius, whose case cannot
be mended, have I not pacified] There just occurs to me
Catienus, a fickle and sordid man, though of the equestrian
order: even he shall be smoothed down. That you were
somewhat severe to his father, I do not blame you, for I well
know that you acted with sufficient reason. But what need
was there of letters of such a character as you sent to him?
telling him that he was of his own accord erecting a cross for
himself, fi'om which you had already taken him down; and
that you would now take care that he should be burnt dive
with the applause of the whole province. Agam, what did

TO HIS BBOTHEB QUIXTCS. 2fl

rou write to an unknown follow called Caius Fabius, (fox
Titus Catienus carries about that letter too,) telling him that
it was reported to you that Licinius, the kidnapper, with his
young chick of an extortioner, is exacting tribute? You
then ask Fabius to bum both father and son alive if he can,
and if not, to send them t© you, that they may be burnt by
judicial sentence. These letters, sent doubtless in joke by
you to Caius Fabius, if indeed they are yours at all, appear,
when they are read, to contain a barbarity of language cal-
culated to excite odium.

7. And if you look back at the precepts contained in all
my letters, you will see that there is nothing censured by me
except the bitterness of your language and your proneness
to anger, and perhaps, in one or two instances, your care-
lessness as to letters sent by you. If in these matters my
authority had had a little more influence over you than either
your own natural disposition, which is somewhat too hasty,
or a certain pleasure which you find in passionateness, or wit
and facetiousness in speaking, there would really be nothing
whatever for us to regret. And do you think that I feel only
a trifling concern, when I hear in what estimation Yergilius,
and your neighbour Caius Octavius, are held? for if you
prefer yourself to your inland neighbours, the Cihcian and
the Syrian, you do something very gi-eat ! And it is a bitter
feeling, that while those men whom I have mentioned are
not superior to you in innocence, they yet surpass you in
the art of conciliating good-will j men who have never read
either the Cyrus of Xenophon or his Agesilaus, kings from
whom, though possessed of absolute power, no one ever heard a
single harsh word. But how much good I have done in recom-
mending this conduct to you from the firet, I am not unaware.

III. 8. Now however that you are departing, as you seem
to me to be already doing, leave behind you, I entreat, as
pleasant a recollection of yourself as possible. You have an
exceedingly courteous successor. Your other qualities will
be much regretted on his arrival. In sending letters, as I
have often written to you, you have shown yourself too easy.
Put out of the way, if you can, all that are unjust, all tliat
are of an unusual character, all that are inconsistent one with
another. Statius has told me that the letters written to you
are often brought, and read by him, and that, if they are

26 CICERO'S LETTERS

uujust, you are informed of it; but that, before he cama to
you, there was no selection of your letters, though since that
time there have been rolls of selected letters which commonly
met with reprobation.

9. On this subject, indeed, I do not give you any advice
now, for it is too late, and you must be aware that I have
given you much advice, in various ways, and with great
care. Attend to that, however, which I bade Theopompus
tell you, when I was reminded of the circumstance by himself,
namely, that by means of men well affected to you, these dif-
ferent kinds of letters, as is easy, may be put out of the way ;
in the first place, those which are unjust; next, those which
are contradictory ; then those written in an absurd and un-
usual manner; and lastly, all that are insulting to any one.
I do not indeed believe that these are exactly such as they
are stated to be, and if they have escaped observation through
the pressure of your business, at least examine them now, and
get rid of them. I have read a letter which your nomen-
clator Sylla was said to have written himself, and which
cannot be approved; I have read some very angry ones.

10. "We will speak, however, of the letters at a fitting
time. For while I had hold of this page, Lucius Flavins the
praetor-elect came in to me, a man with whom I am on terms
of great intimacy. He told me that you had sent letters to
his agents which appeared to me most unreasonable, com-
manding them to take nothing from the property which had
belonged to Lucius Octavias Naso, to whom Lucius Flavins is
heir, until they had paid a sum of money to Caius Fundanius ;
and that you had sent also to the people of Apollonia not to
allow any portion of the property which had belonged to
Octavius to be taken away, until the debt due to Fundanius
was paid. These things do not seem to me to be probable,
for they are wholly inconsistent with your usual prudence.
That the heir shall take none of the property ! What if he
demurs 1 What if there is no debt at all owing 1 What ! is
the prtetor accustomed to decide that there is a debt owing ?
What ! (you will say) shall T not desire to serve Fundanius 1
Am I not his friend 1 Am I not moved with compassion for
him 1 — No one more so, but in some cases the path of law is
of such a character that there is no room for favour. And
Flavins told me that it was so expressed in that letter which

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 27

he affirmed to be yours, that you would either give the people
thanks as your friends, or bring trouble on them as enemies.

11. In short, he was greatly concerned; he addressed
vehement complaints to me on the subject, and entreated me
to write to you with all the earnestness possible ; as I now
do, and entreat you most earnestly again and again, to allow
the agents of Flavius to use their own discretion as to taking
the property, and to write nothing to the people of Apollonia
that is contrary to the interest of Flavius, and, besides, to do
everything to gratify Flavius, and consequently Pompey. I
should, in truth, be reluctant to appear to you over liberal,
because of your injustice to him; but I entreat you to leave
of your own accord some authority and some record of a
decree or paper in your own hand-writing, which may have
a fevourable bearing on the business and cause of Flavius.
For the man being at the same time one who pays me great
respect, while he is tenacious of his own rights and dignity,
is dissatisfied that he had no influence with you, either from
considerations of friendship or of right. And, I believe, on
some occasion or other, both Pompey and Csesar recommended
Flavius's interest to you, and Flavius had written to you
himself on the subject, and so, I am sure, did I. If, therefore,
there is any one thing which you think you ought to do at
my request, let this matter be that one. If you have any
regard for me, take care, strive, and maiiiige, that Flavius
may feel all the gratitude possible both to you and to me. I
ask this of you with such earnestness that I cannot ask any-
thing with greater solicitude.

IV. 12, As to what you write to me about Hermias, it
was indeed a matter of great annoyance to me. I had
written you a letter, by no means in a brotherly style, which
I wrote in excessive anger, when I was provoked by a com-
munication from Diodotus, the freedman of LucuUus, stating
what I had heard at the moment about the agreement ; and
I wished to recal it. This letter, written in au unfraternal
spirit, you ought in a fraternal spirit to forgive.

13. With respect to Censorinus and Antonius, Cassius
and Scsevola, I am very glad indeed that you are, as you
write, beloved by them. The other matters in that letter
were of a graver character than I wished : 6p6dv rdv vaw,
and oTra^ Oav€LV.

28 CICERO'S LETrERS

Those matters will be more serious. My reproofs were full
of affection ; they were not absolutely of no importance, but
moderate and light.^ I should never have thought you de-
serving of the very slightest reprehension in anything, wliile
you were conducting yourself with the most rigid propriety,
if we had not many enemies. Wiiatever I wrote at all in
the tone of admonition or reproof, I wrote from the anxiety
of my caution, in which I still continue, and shall continue,
and shall not cease to press you to act in a similar way.

14. Attalus the Iphemian has applied to me to prevail on
you not to hinder the money which has been voted for the
statue of Quintus Publicenus from being levied; and I do
beg this of you, and exhort you not to allow the honour of
a man of such a character, and so intimately connected with
us, to be at all diminished or obstructed by your means.
In the next place, Licinius, the slave of ^sop the tragedian,
my great friend, with whose person you are acquainted, has
fled; he was at Athens, staying with Patro the Epicurean,
as a free man : from thence he proceeded into Asia. After-
wards, a man called Plato, a citizen of Sardis, and an Epi-
curean, who is accustomed to be a good deal at Athens, and
who was at Athens at the time when Licinius went thither,
arrested the man, when he subsequently learned from ^sop's
letters that he was a runaway slave, and delivered him into
custody at Ephesiis ; but whether he put him in the public
prison, or in the private house of correction, I could not well
understand from his letter. As he is at Ephesus, I should
wish you, by some means or other, to search for the man,
and use all your diligence to bring him over with you. Dc
not consider of what value he is, for he is of little value
who has now proved himself worthless ; but ^Esop is so con-
cerned and indignant at the wickedness and audacity of the
slave, that you can do him no greater favour than to be the
means of his recovering him.

V. 15. Attend now to what you are most desirous to hear.

' This is rather obscure. Manutius interprets it, that the meaning
of the Greek quotations in the letter which Cicero repented of, was,
— Let us keep the vessel straight on her course ; if we fail, we
can die but once. And now he says, the advice which I am giving
you is of greater consequence than the affairs which impelled me
then to use that language, in which despondency was mingled with
reproof.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTCS. 29

The republic we have utterly lost; insomuch, that Gate,
a young man of no wisdom, but still a Komau citizen and
a Cato, scarcely escaped with his life, because, when he was
resolved to impeach Gabinius for corruption, and the prsetors
would not grant access for some days, or give him any oppor-
tunity of addressing them, he made his way to the rostrum,
and called Pompey a "private dictator." Nothing was ever
more nearly happening, than that he should be killed. From
this circumstance you may see what the state of the whole
republic must be.

16. Still men are not likely to be wanting to my own
cause.^ They make professions of adherence to me to a
wonderful extent, and offer themselves, and make promises.
In truth, I am in the greatest hopes, and even in greater
confidence. I hope that we shall get the upper-hand. I
feel confident that I need fear no misfortune in this state of
affairs. But still this is the condition of things. If Clodius
impeaches me, all Italy will throng around me to secure my
coming off' with increased glory ; but if he attempts to carry
his point by violence, I then hope that we shall resist him
with force, not only through the efforts of oiir friends, but
even those of strangers. All men promise me the aid of
themselves, and their friends, and freedmen, and slaves, and
even of their money. Our ancient band of worthies glows
with zeal and love for me. If in times past any of them
have been at all alienated, or cool, they now, from hatred
to these kings,^ unite themselves with the good citizens.
Pompey promises everything, and so does Csesar; whom I
trust so far as to abate nothing of my own preparation. The
tribunes of the people elect are my friends ; the consuls
show themselves in a very favourable light. I find the prsetors
most excellent friends, and most energetic citizens, especially
Domitius, Nigidius, Memmius, and Lentulus; I find the
others^ also good, but these particularly so. Study there-
fore to cherish much courage and good hope. Of everything,
however, which takes place from day to day I will keep you
continually informed.

' The attack with which Clodius was threatening him.

* The triumvirs.

' There were eight prtetors altogether.

so CICERO S LETTERS

LETTER III.

This letter was written in the next year, 696 a.tj.c. Cseaar, on the
expiration of his consulship, did not depart at once for his province,
but remained outside the city with his legions. Clodius, through his
influence, obtained the tribuneship, and having won over the consuls
by his promises, began a set of revolutionary measures ; introducing
a bill to limit the power of the censors, and another to restore the
colleges or guilds which had been suppressed a few years before ; and
a third to repeal the Lex ^Elia Fufia, which gave the consuls a power
of dissolving the comitia by declaring the auspices unfavourable.
Having strengthened himself by these measures, he proceeded in his
'threatened attack upon Cicero. Caesar offered him one of his Cam-
panian commissionerships as a means of withdrawing in honour for
a while; or a lieutenancy in Gaul under himself; but he refused
these offers, trusting to the attachment of the people and Pompey.
When he found them likely to fail him, he, and the greater part of
the senate and knights, put on black garments, as a dress of suppli-
cation ; and Cicero made personal application to Piso for his protec-
tion. At last, in the beginning of April, by the advice of his friends,
Cicero withdrew from the city, taking an image of Minerva, and
placing it in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus as a deposit ; and
this letter was written while he was in exUe at Thessalonica.

Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

I. 1. My brother, my brother, my brother, were you afraid
that, under the influence of some angry feeling, I had sent to
you slaves without any letters ; or that I was even unwilling
to see you? I angry with you! How could I have been
angiy with you? I dare say; for you, I suppose, have crushed
me ; your enemies, your unpopularity has ruined me ; and it
is not I who have miserably undone you. That consulship
of mine, so mxich extolled, has torn from me you, my
children, my countxy, my fortunes; would that it may have
taken nothing from you but me alone ! But certainly, on
your part, everything honourable, agreeable, has befallen me ,
from me there arises to you only sorrow for my ill-fortune,
fear for your own, regret, grief, and s®litude. Could I be un-
willing to see you? Nay, rather I was unwilling to be seen
by you.^ For you would not have seen your brother ; you

^ Quintus was just quitting his government in Asia, and returning to
Rome, where his enemies were preparing to impeach him. He pro-
posed to come out of his way to Thessalonica, to see his brother ; but
Cicero urged him rather to hasten to Rome. He says to Atticus, (Ep.
iii. 19,) that it was necessary for his brother "to hasten to Home with
all speed, lest any injury should be done to him in his absence." . . .

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 31

VTOvJd not have seen him whom you had left, him whom you
had known, him to whom, weeping, you had bidden farewell,
yourself weeping, of whom you, when departing, had taken
leave, after he had attended you some way on your journey:
you would have seen not even a trace or image of him, but
a sort of effigy of a breathing corpse. And I wish that you
had rather seen or heard that I was dead ; I wish that I had
left you surviving, not only my life, but my dignity.

2. But I call all the gods to witness, that I have been re-
called from death by this single expression alone, that all men
declared that a part of your life also was laid up in my life.
I have therefore erred and acted wrongly: for if I had died,
my death of itself would have been an ample proof of my love
and aflfection for you j but I have been the cause, that though
I am alive, you are without me, and that while I am alive,
you are in need of the assistance of others; and that my
voice is silent above all in our domestic dangers, after having
often been a protection against perils which did not at all
affect ourselves. For as to the fact of slaves having come
to you without any letters, since you see it did not happen
through anger, the cause was assuredly indolence, and an
infinite multitude of sorrows and miseries.

3. With what sorrow do you think that these very words
are written? with as much as I know that you read them.
Can I ever cease to think of you, or ever think of you without
tears? For when I regret your absence, is it a brother alone
that I am regretting? Nay, I rather regret one who is
almost a contemporary in affection;^ a son in reverential

"Therefore I preferred that he should hasten to Rome, instead of
coming to see me ; and at the same time, (for I will tell the plain truth,
by which you will be able to see the greatness of my distress,) I could
not bring my mind to see him who is so greatly attached to me in such
trouble ; nor to exhibit to him my own misery and grief, and the utter
ruin of my fortune ; nor could I endure to be seen by him. And I
feared, too, what no doubt would have been the case, that he would not
be able to tear himself from me." This letter to Atticus bears the same
date as the one in the text to Quintus.

' Suavitate prope cequalem. Cicero's meaning (if the text be aa
Cicero wrote it) seems to be, that his brother is almost his equal, not
merely in length of life, but in length of affection. Marcus has loved
Quintus longer than Quintus has loved Marcus, because Marcus loveu
Quintus in his infancy before Quintus could return his love. In saying
this, I have some doubt whether I am giving the right sense to either

32 CICERO'S LETTERS

obedience ; a father in wisdom. What has ever been agreeabli
to me without you, or to you without me 1 Why need I add
that at the same time I regret tlie absence of my daughter'
A maiden of what affection, what modesty, what abihty ! tlie
image of my own countenance and conversation and disposi
tion. Why need I add, that I regret also my son, that most
graceful youth, and most dearly loved by me ! whom I. like
a cruel and hard-hearted man, dismissed from my embrace,
a youth of greater wisdom than I could have wished ; for the
unhappy boy had sense to feel what was going on. Why too
should I speak of your son, your own image, whom my boy
Cicero both loved as a brother and respected even as an elder
brother? Why should I observe that I did not permit that
most miserable woman, my most faithful wife, to attend me
in my exile, in order that there might be some one to protect
the relics left from our common calamity, our common
children 1

4. But still, I did write you a letter, in such a way as
I could, and gave it to Philogonus your freedman, and I
imagine that it was subsequently delivered to you ; in which
I continued to exhort and entreat you, as your slaves told
you in the verbal message which they gave you from me, to
go straight to Rome, and to go with speed. For, in the first
place, I wished you to be there to protect yourself, in case
there were still any enemies of ours whose cruelty was not
yet satisfied with the calamities which had befallen me ; and,
in the second piace, I dreaded the lamentations which must
have broken out at our meeting, and I could not have en-
dured your departure; I feared too that very thing which
you mention in your letter, that you would not have been
able to tear yourself from me. For these reasons, this great
misfortune of not seeing you- at all, than which it does not

siiavitas or cequalis. But we can hardly take cequalis in the sense of
" equal," for Cicero would have offered poor praise to his brother if he
had said to hiui, '" You are almost my equal in suavitas." " Suavitas,"
says Malespina, " est inter amicos." But the soundness of the text ia
extremely doubtful. The old editions have suavitate prope cequalem,
prope fratrem; the modem editors omit prope fratrem. Lambinua
wovdd read suavitate fratrem, setate prope cequalem, which Gruter calla
a frigid emendation, but which would materially improve the passageii
jEtate, however, is by no means necessary ; for, if it were omitted,
(cqualis would still be taken in the sense of '' equal in age."

TO HI3 BROTHER QUINTU8. 33

seem possible for any more painful and bitter grief to have
befallen affectionate and devoted brothers, was less bitter and
less distressijig than our meeting and our separation would
have been.

5. Now, if you can, do what I, who have always appeared
to you to be a man of fortitude, cannot; raise and strengthen
yourself if there is any contest to be encountered. I hope,
if my hope has any weight, that your own integrity, and the
affection which the city bears you, and even pity for me, will
bring you some protection. But if you find yourself free
from that danger, you will do, I am sure, anything which
you shall think possible tu be done in my behalf. On this
Eubject many of my friends write me many letters, and show
that they still entertain hopes ; but I myself do not see clearly
what to hope, as my enemies have very great power ; and of
my friends, some have deserted me, and some have even
betrayed me, as they fear perhaps in my return a reproof to
their own wickedness. But what is the real position of affairs
in that respect, I should wish you to examine thoroughly,
and to let me know. For myself, as long as it shall be of
any use to you, if you shall see that there is danger to be
met, I will continue to live ; longer than that I cannot exist :
for no prudence and no learning has power enough to endure
such a weight of sorrow.

6. I know that there has been a more honourable and
a more useful opportunity of dying, but I not only let that
slip, but many other things too; but, if I chose to waste
time in lamenting what is past, I should be doing nothing
but increasing your sorrow, and exhibiting my own folly.
What, however, neither ought to be done nor can be done,
i^ for me to remain in so miserable and dishonourable an ex-
istence as this any longer than the chance of an opportunity
of serving you or any well-grounded hope shall require ; so
that I, who was formerly most happy in my brother, in my
children, my wife, my resources, and even in respect of riches,^
and in dignity, authority, repute, and favour, not inferior
to the greatest men who have ever existed, now, in these
crushed and ruined circumstances, am no longer able even to
lament myself and my friends,

^ Genere ipso vecunice, Paul Maautius would rea<3, genere ipso
vecunid.

D

34 CICERO's LETTERS

7. Why, therefore, have you written to me about any billa
of exchange? As if your resources did not now support me.
in which very matter, miserable that I am, I both see and
feel how great an error I have committed : while you have
to satisfy those in whose debt you are, out of your own
means and those of your son, I have 8quandered to no pur-
pose money drawn out of the treasury in your name. But
still, the sum which you mentioned in your letters has been
paid to Mark Antony, and the same amount to Csepio. And
what I have with me is quite sufficient for the objects which
I have in view ; for whether I am restored, or whether I am
forced to abandon all hope, I want nothing more here ; and
as for you, if perchance any annoyance should arise, I advise
you to apply to Crassus and to Calidius.

8. How much trust may be placed in Hortensius I do not
know. He treated me with the greatest possible dishonesty
and treachery, though with the greatest pretences of affection,
and with unremitting attention day after day, Arrius being
also in league with him ; and it was from being deceived by
their advice, and promises, and recommendations, that I fell
into this misfortune. But you will take no notice of this,
that they may not injure you ; only be on youi' guard on
this point, (and with this view I would have you cultivate
the friendship of Hortensius himself through the instru-
mentality of Pomponius,)^ that that verse ^ which was quoted
against you with reference to the Aurelian law, when you
were a candidate for the sedileship, may not be confirmed
by false witness. For there is nothing that I am so much
afraid of as that, when men find out how much pity for me,
your prayers, and a regard for your safety, is likely to excite,
they will oppose you with greater violence.

9. I believe that Messala is well affected towards you ; and
I think that even Pompey pretends to be so ; but I wish that
you may have no occasion to experience this. And 1 would
pray to the gods that you might not, if they had not given

• Titus Pomponius Atticus.

' Cicero was afraid, I imagine, that his brother Quintus might be
accused of bribeiy, because, when he was a candidate for the sedileship,
he had given away money contrary to the laws ; on which occasion some
verse had beet quoted about him, in reference to the Aurelian law,
touching upon bribery. We may suppose that by the Aurelian law
Bome provisions were made regarding bribery. — Paul Manutius.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 3d

uj) attending to my prayers. But still, I do pray that they
may be content with the infinite misfortunes which have fallen
upon me ; in which, however, there is not only no dishonour
from wickedness, but my whole sorrow is that most severe
punishments are inflicted upon the most virtuous actions.

10. Why, my brother, need I recommend to you my daughter
and yours, and my little Cicero? One of my sorrows is that
their orphaned state will cause you no less grief than it
causes me. But, as long as you are safe, they will not be
orphans. As to the rest, so may some safety be granted me,
and an opportunity of dying in my native laud, as tears
suffer me to write no more. I would have you also take
care of Terentia, and write me an answer with a full account
of everything. Keep up your courage as far as the nature
of circumstances will allow.

Dated on the 13th of June at Thessalonica.

LETTER IV.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. I ENTREAT you, my brother, if you and all my finends are
involved in my individual ruin, do not attribute it to any
dishonesty or evil-doing of mine, but rather to my impru-
dence and ill-fortune. There is no error on my part, except
that I have believed those men, by whom I thought it would
be impious for me to be deceived, or even for whose very
interests I did not think it would be advantageous. But
every one of my most intimate friends — every one most
nearly connected with me, and most dear to me, either
feared for himself or envied me; and so, wretched that I
was, I had nothing but the good faith of my friends. * * *
My own prudence was at fault.

2. But if your own innocence, and the pity which men feel,
sufficiently protect you at this moment from annoyance, you
no doubt see clearly whether there is any hope of safety left
for me. For Pomponius and Sestius, and my friend Piso,
have hitherto detained me at Thessalonica, as they prevented
me from departing to a greater distance from the city, on

]>2

36 CICERo's LETTERS

account of I know not what changes ; but I looked for seme
result, more because of their letters, than from any well-
founded hope of ray own. For what could I hope, with my
enemy in full power, under the rule of mj'^ detractors, with
my friends faithless, and numbers envious of me ?

3. Of the new tribunes of the people,^ Sestius indeed is fall
of wishes to serve me, and so, as I hope, are Curius, Milo,
Fadius, and Fabricius ; though Clodius is most bitter against
a man who, even when out of office, will be able to exert the
same power to stir up the assembly : and then, some one
will also be prepared to interpose his veto.

4. These things were not set before me when I was leaving
the city, but I was constantly told that I should be brought
back in three days with the greatest honour. How did you
act then? you will ask me. — How? Many things came
together to disturb my mind; the sudden defection of
Pompey, the alienation of the consuls, also that of the
praetors, the fears of the farmers of the public revenues, the
dread of civil war. The tears of my friends prevented me
from going forth to encounter death; a course which cer-
tainly would have been best suited to my honour, and the
best calculated to afford me a refuge from my intolerable
miseries. But on this subject I wrote to you in that letter
which I gave to Phaethon. Now, since you too are sunk
down into such grief and perplexity as no one else ever
suflfered, if the pity of men can afford any relief in our
common calamity, you will certainly gain an incredible
advantage ; but if we are utterly ruined (alas, me !) then
I shall have been the destruction of all my friends, to whom
I was previously no disgrace.

5. But do you, as I wrote to you before, examine the
matter in all its bearings, and acquaint yourself with it
thoroughly, and write me the exact truth, as the state of the
time with reference to me, and not as your affection for me,
dictates. I will cling to life as long as I shall think that it
is for your advantage, or that it is possible to retain any
hope ; you will know Sestius, who is most friendly to me ;
and I imagine you will wish, for your own sake, to know

' The election of tribunes took place in the middle of July, and thia
letter was apparently writte: soon afterwards, in the same year as the
preceding one.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 37

Lentulus, who is going to be cocsnl ; althougli facts are more
stubborn things than words. You will see fully what is
required, and what is the state of affairs ; if no one shall despise
your solitary condition and our common distress, something
Avill be able to be effected by you, or else not by any means.
But if your enemies begin to attack you, do not be idle,;
for against me they will not proceed with swords, but with
law-suits. However, I trust that there may be nothing of
this. I entreat you to write me full information of every-
thing; and to think, if you please, that there is in me less
courage or wisdom than before, and but less love and affection
for you.

38 CICERO S LETTERS

BOOK 11.

LETTER I.

This letter was written at the end of the year 697 a.tj.c, in the consul-
ship of Lentulus Spinther and Metellus Nepos. Cicero had never
been formally banished ; for though Clodius had prevailed to inter-
dict him from fire and water, he yet did not propose any vote that
he should be banished, nor did he attempt to have his name removed
from the roll of the senate. He did indeed destroy his house, and
dedicate the site to the goddess Liberty ; and the consuls seized
his Tusculan villa ; but stiU no legal sentence had ever been pro-
nounced against him. At the end of the year 696, when his enemy
Piso, the late consul, was coming to Macedonia, which had been
allotted to him as his province, Cicero moved to Dyrrhachium, in
order to be nearer Italy, where his brother, and Pomponius Atticus
(mentioned in the last letter), were making great exertions to render
the people favourable to his return. Pompey had become alienated
from Clodius by his violence and insolence ; and Lentulus, one of
the consuls, was wholly devoted to Cicero. The consuls formally
proposed that Cicero should be invited to return. One of the tri«
bunes, Serranus, prevented the formal adoption of any such measure
for a time; but in August it was carried, and in September Cicero
returned to Rome, where he was received with acclamations. He
immediately began to cultivate the good-will of Pompey, by pro-
posing his appointment to an extraordinary commission for supplying
the city, which was iu great distress from scarcity ; and^he himself
accepted a subordinate commissionership. The site of his house on
the Palatine hill was restored to him, it being declared to have been
illegally and informally consecrated ; and a sum of money was voted
to him to recompense him for his other losses, though Cicero was
not at all satisfied with the amount of compensation. The consuls-
elect for the ensuing year were Lentulus Mircellinus, and Marcius
Philippus.

Marcus to his hrother Quintus, greeting.

1, The letter which you read I had written in the morning,
but Licinius acted with kind consideration in coming to me
in the evening as soon as the senate was adjourned, in order
that, if I chose, I might write you an account of all that
had taken place. The senate was more numerous than we

TO HIS BnOTHER QUINTUS. 39

had thought it could possibly have been in the mcnth of
December, close upon the festival days.^ Of the men of
consular dignity, we were there ourselves, and the two con-
suls-elect; and Publius Servilius, and Marcus Lucullus, and
Lepidus, and Volcatius, and Glabrio, praetors. We certainly
were a very numerous assembly, in aU about two hundred.
Lupus had excited our expectations; he discussed the ques-
tion of the Campanian land with sufficient accuracy. He
was listened to with profound silence. You are not ignorant
of the subject. He did not pass over a single one of our
actions. Some sharp things were said against Caius Caesar ;
some insulting observations were made on Gellius ; and some
expostulations addressed to Pompey in his absence. When
he had summed up the whole matter at a late hour, he said
he would not ask us for our votes, lest he should lay on us
the burden of incurring any one's enmity; from the reproaches
which had been uttered on previous occasions, and from the
present silence, he was well aware what the feelings of the
senate were. Immediately he began to adjourn the senate.
Then Marcellinus said, "Do not. Lupus, from our silence
attempt to judge what on this occasion we either approve
or disapprove; I, as far as I myself am concerned, and I
believe that the same feelings influence the rest, am silent,
because I do not think that, as Pompey is absent, it is
proper for the question of the Campanian land to be dis-
cussed." Then he said that he had no wish to detain the
senate any longer,

2. Racilius rose, and began to make a motion with respect
to the threatened impeachments. And, first of all, he asked
Marcellinus's opinion. He, after having complained with
great bitterness of the conflagrations, and murders, and
stonings perpetrated by Clodius, gave his o^pinion that he
himself should assign the judges by lot with the assistance
of the city praetor; that when the business of assigning of
the judges was finished, the comitia should be held; and that
whoever offered any obstacle to the tribunals would act con-
trary to the interests of the republic. After his opinion had
been received with great approbation, Caius Cato spoke against

* From the middle of December to the end of the year, the whola
time waa taken up with the different festivals, — Saturnalia, Opalii
Angeronalia, Larentinalia, and Juvenalia.

•to * CICEK0 8 LETTERS

it, and so did Cassius, calling forth great acclamations from
the senate, as he expressed his opinion that the comitia
ought to take precedence of the impeachments. Philippua
agreed with Lentulus.

3. Afterwards Racilius asked me my opinion, first of all the
senators out of office. I made a long speech about the whole
frenzy and piratical wickedness of Publius Clodius ; I accused
him as if he had been on his trial, with incessant and favour-
able murmurs of assent from the whole senate. Severus
Autistius praised my speech at tolerable length, and in lan-
guage far from ineloquent; and he supported the cause of
the courts of justice, and said that he should always consider
it of the greatest importance. That opinion was adopted.
Then Clodius, when he was asked his opinion, began to take
up all the rest of the day with his speech ; he declared in
furious language, that he had been attacked by Racilius in
a most insulting and discourteous manner. And then his
factious mob on a sudden, in the space in front of the senate-
house, and on the steps, raised a very great disturbance, being
excited, I imagine, against Quintus Sextilius, and the friends
of Milo. The fear of this uproar spreading abroad, we im-
mediately broke up, with great complaints from all parties.

You have an account of the transactions of one day. The
rest of the business, I imagine, will be postponed till the
month of January. Of the tribunes of the people, we find
Racilius by far the best. Antistius, too, seems likely to be
friendly to us. As for Plancius, he is wholly devoted to us.
If you love me, be very considerate and careful how you put
to sea in the month of December.

LETTER 11.

Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. It is not from pressure of business, with which, how-
ever, I am pretty much hindered, but from a slight attack
of weak eyes, that I am led to dictate this letter, instead of
writing with my own hand, as I usually do to you. And
in the first place I excuse myself to you in the very par-
ticular in which I accuse you ; for no one has ever yet asked
me, "Whether I wished to send anything to Sardinia?" but

TO HIS BROTHER QUI1TTU8. 4 1

I suppose you often find people ask you, "Whether you
wish to send anything to Rome ?" As to what you wrote tc
me in the name of Lentulus and Sestius, I spoke on that
matter with Cincius. However the business stands, it is
not a veiy easy one ; but in truth Sardinia has something
very well suited to recal to people's mind a circumstance
which had escaped their recollection. For as the great Grac-
chus, when he was augur, after he arrived in that province,
recollected what had happened to him contrary to the auspices,
when holding the comitia in the Campus Martins for the
election of consuls, so you, too, seem to me, now that you are
in Sardinia,^ to have reflected again at your leisure on the
shape of the house of Minucius, and on the debt which you
owe to Pomponius. But as yet I have bought nothing. The
auction of CuUeo's property has taken place. There was no
one to purchase the property ; if the terms should be very
favourable, perhaps I may not let it slip myself.

2. About your building, I do not cease to press Cyi'us, and
I hope that he will attend to his duty; but everything is a
little slow, because of the expectation which is entertained of
a frantic sedileship,^ For the comitia seem likely to take
place without delay; they have been given out for the 22d
of January. However, I would not wish you to be uneasy
about them ; every kind of caution shall be practised by us.

3. A vote of the senate has been passed about the king of
Alexandria,^ that it appears dangerous to the republic for
him to be restored with a multitude; and when there fol-
lowed a contest in the senate, whether Lentulus or Pompey
should be appointed to restore him, Lentulus appeared to
have the majority. In this transaction I satisfied my sense
of obligation to Lentulus to admiration, and that of good-

' Quintus was in Pardinia, as one of Pompey's commissioners to
procure com for the city.

* Clodius was standing for the sedileship.

' This was Ptolemy Auletes, who was now at Rome, and who had
prociired a vote to be passed that he should be restored to his king-
dom. The vote that he should not be restored with a multitude, waa
caused by a verse which Caius Cato, a tribune, professed to have
found in the Sibylline verses, and which he interpreted to mean that
an army ought not to be employed in the matter ; while one of tha
reasons which made so many desirous of the appointment to rest ou
him, was, that it would furnish a pretext for levying an army.

42 CICERO's LETTERS

will to Pompey with honour. But, by those who wished to
disparage Lentulus, the matter was protracted by meaus of
false accusations. The days of the comitia followed, during
which a senate could not be held. What will be the result of
the bandit-like conduct of the tribunes, I cannot conceive;
but still I suspect that Caninius will carry his motion by
force. What Pompey's wishes in that matter are, I do not
clearly see ; but every one discerns what his friends want :
and the creditors of the king, without any disguise, furnish
money to be used against Lentulus. Beyond all doubt, the
matter now appears to be out of the reach of Lentulus, to
my great sorrow, although he has done many things for
which, if it were proper, we might fairly feel angry with him.

4. I should wish you, if it is convenient, as soon as the
weather is fine and settled, to embark on board ship, and
come to me ; for there are great numbers of things in which
I want you daily in every way. Your family and mine are
well. 19 th January.

LETTER IIL
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. I WROTE to you already what happened before; learn
now what took place afterwards. The business of embassies
was postponed from the 1st of February to the 13th. On
that day the matter was not settled. On the 2d of February,
Milo was present; and Pompey came to give him his coxxnte-
nance. Marcellus spoke, being asked by me. We came off
very respectably. The day of trial was put off to the 6th of
February. In the meantime, as the business of the embas-
sies was postponed till the 13th, a motion was made about
the provinces of the quaestors, and about some compliments
to be paid to the praetors; but, from the introduction of
frequent complaints about the general state of affairs, no
business was transacted. Caius Cato proposed a law to take
away his command from Lentulus. His son changed his dress.

2. On the 6th of February Milo appeared; Pompey spoke,
or rather, intended to speak ; for as soon as he was on his
legs, the mob in Clodius's pay raised a disturbance, which
lasted throughout his whole speech ; and in such a manner

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 43

that he was hindered from being heard, not merely by the
noise, but by reproaches and abuse. When he had summed
up what he had been saying, (for in that matter he behaved
with courage enough; he was not detei-red from proceeding;
he said all that he meant to say; and, indeed, there were
moments when he was heard in silence ; and he continued
to the end with great authority ; but when he had summed
up,) up rose Clodius, when such a shout was raised against
him by our party, for we determined to pay him off, that
he was master neither of his senses, nor of his expressions,
nor of his countenance. This scene was continued till two
o'clock, Pompey having scarcely finished his peroration at
twelve, while every sort of abuse, and even the most obscene
verses, were uttered in the way of attack upon Clodius and
Clodia. He, furious with passion, and pale with terror, amid
the uproar, addressed questions to his mob: "Who waa
it that was killing the people with famine?" The mob
replied, " Pompey." " Who was it that wanted to go to
Alexandria?" They replied again, " Pompey." "Whom did
they wish to go ?" They answered, " Crassus." And he, on
this occasion, was present with Milo ; but with a disposition
far from friendly. At about three o'clock, as if a signal had
been given, Clodius's mob began to spit upon our party.
Indignation rose to a great height; they began to press on in
order to drive us from our seats. A rush was made upon
them by our party; and a flight of the mob took place.
Clodius was driven from the rostrum, and we too then fled,
lest we should meet with any accident in the confusion. The
senate was summoned to the senate-house; Pompey went
home. Nor did I indeed attend the senate, that I might neither
be silent on matters of such importance, nor offend the feelings
of the well-affected citizens, by defending Pompey; for he
was attacked by Bibulus, and Curio, and Favonius, and the
younger Servilius. The matter was put off till the next day.
Clodius deferrred the day of impeachment to the Quirinalia.
3. On the 9th of February, the senate met in the temple
of Apollo, in order that Pompey might be present. The
matter was handled by him with great gravity. On that day
nothing was done. On the 10th of February, a decree of
senate was made in the temple of Apollo, " That what had
been done on the 6 th of February had been contrary to the
interests of the republic." On that day Cato inveighed

44 CICERO's liBTTERS '

against Pompey with great vehemence ; and throughout his
whole speech accused him as if he had been upon his trial.
or me, much against my willj he said a great deal; extolling
me very highly; and when he exposed Pompey's treachery
towards me, he was listened to with profound silence by the
disafifected, Pompey replied to him with great energy, and
gave a character of Crassus, and said in plain words, that he
would be better prepared to defend his life than Africanus
had been, whom Caius Carbo had killed.

4. Thus great matters appeared to me to be in agitation; for
Pompey understands these things, and communicates them
to me, being well aware that plots are formed against his life;
that Caius Cato is supported by Crassus, that money is fur-
nished to Clodius, and that both of them are encouraged by
him, by Curio, and Bibulus, and the rest of those who are
always disparaging him; and that he has to take the most
diligent care not to be overwhelmed, while the populace which
attends all the assemblies is almost entirely alienated from
him; while the nobility is hostile to him, the senate un-
favourable, and the youth of the city corrupted. He is,
therefore, preparing himself, and sending for people from tha
country. And Clodius is strengthening his mob of artisans.
A strong force is being prepared for the Quirinalia, and in
that respect we are much superior to the number of Pompey's
adherents. But a great body of men is also expected from
Picenum and Gaul, that we may also resist Cato's motion*
about Milo and Lentulus.

5. On the 10th of February, Sestius was impeached under
the Pupiuian law by Cnseus Nerius the informer, on a charge
of corruption, and on the same day by a certain Marcus
TuUius for violence. He was sick. Immediately, as it was
o\ir duty to do, we went to see him at his house, and pro-
mised our entire energies to his service ; and we did this con-
trary to the general expectation, (as men thought that we
were with reason offended with him,) in order to appear both
to him and to all men to be of a most humane and grateful
disposition. And so we shall continue to do.

But this same informer, Nerius, add3d to the number
of those whom he affirmed to be his accomplices, Cuajus
Lentulus Vaccias, and Caius Cornelius. On the same day, a
vote of the senate was passed, that all the different com-
panies, and those who belonged to the different decurisB,

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTT78. 45

should depart; and that a law should be enacted respecting
them, to the effect, that those who should not depart, should
be liable to the punishment which is inflicted for violence.

6. On the 11th of February I made a speech in defence of
Bestia, who was accused of corruption before Cnseus Domitiua
the praetor, in the middle of the forum, in the presence of
a vast crowd of people, and while speaking, I happened to
touch upon that occasion when Sestius, after receiving many
wounds in the temple of Castor, was saved by the assistance
of Bestia. Here I very seasonably made the best of those
things which were imputed to Sestius as crimes, and I extolled
him with well-deserved praises, with the great approbation of
all men. The affair was exceedingly grateful to the man.
And I mention this to you now, because in your letters you
have often given me a hint on keeping well with Sestius.

7. On the 12th of February I wrote this letter before
daybreak; on that day I was going to sup with Pomponius
on the occasion of his marriage. Everything else in our
affairs of this nature is, as you described to me, though I
could hardly believe you, full of dignity and influence, which
have been restored both to you and to me, my brother, in
consequence of your prudence, patience, integrity, piety, and
courteousness. The house of Licinius at the gro\e of Pis:
is hired for you ; but I hope that within a few months after
the 1st of July, you will move into your own. Those elegant
tenants, the Lamise, have hired your house in the Cazinae. I
have never received any letter from you since that which waa
dated at Olbia. I want to know what you are doing, and
how you are amusing yourself ; and above all things, I want
to see you as soon as possible. Take care to preserve your
health, my brother, and though it is winter, recollect that it
is r, Sardinian^ winter.

15th February.

LETTER IV.

Marcus to His brother Quintus, greeting.

1. Our friend Sestius was acquitted on the 14th of March,
and ho was acquitted unanimously; a point which was o

' Sardinia had a bad character as an tinhealthj island.

46 ClCERO's LETTERa

very great importance to the republic, that there should
appear to be no difference of opinion in a cause of that kind.
As to that other object too, which I knew was often a cause
of anxiety to you, namely, that we should give no oppor-
tunity to any ill-disposed person to censure us, (who might
say that we were ungrateful if we did not bear with that
man's perverseness in some particulars as patiently as pos-
sible,) you may be assured that we completely attained it in
that trial, so that I was considered to have displayed the
greatest possible sense of gratitude; for in defending the
ill-tempered man I abundantly satisfied him; and, for my
own gratification, I, as he was above all things desirous
should be done, cut up Vatinius, by whom he was openly
attacked, amid the applause of gods and men. Moreover,
when our friend PauUus was produced as an evidence against
Sestius, he confirmed the statement that he was going
to lay an information against Vatinius, if Macer Licinius
delayed to do so; when Macer rose from the seats occupied
by the friends of Sestius, and declared that he would not fail
to stand by him. Would you know the result? Vatinius,
petulant and audacious as he is, went away in great agitation,
and greatly weakened in his influence.

2. Your son Quintus, a most excellent boy, is going on
with his education remarkably well ; and I have now the more
opportunity of noticing this, as Tyrannio gives him lessons
at my house. The building of both our houses is going on
vigorously. I have provided for the payment of half his
money to your contractor ; and I hope that before the winter
we shall be both living together under one roof. Kespecting
my daughter TuUia, a girl who is really very much attached
to you, I hope that I have concluded matters with Crassipes.^
There were two days after the Latin holidays which are
accounted sacred, or else it would have been settled. Latiar^
was going ****••

^ Tullia was a widow now. Her first husband had been Lucina
Calpumius Piso Frugi. She now married Junius Crassipes. After hia
death, she married Dolabella.

* There is some error in the MS. here. This name is most likely
wrong; and the end of the letter seems to be lost. There is some
diflference of opinion between the various editors, as to the division of
this, and one or two of the subsequent letters. I have fallowed the
old armngement. which la ako adopted by Nobbe.

TO HIS BROTHER QU1NTU8. 47

LETTER V.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. I HAD written you a letter before, in -whicli it was men-
tioned that my daughter TuUia was betrothed to Crassipes
on the 4th of April; and I gave you also other details of
the affairs of the republic, and of my own private matters.
The following particulars have taken place since: — On the
5th of April, a sum of money, to the amount of more than
three hundred and twenty thousand pounds,^ was voted to
Pompey, by a decree of the senate, to purchase corn for the
city. But on the same day there was a violent discussion
about the lands in Campania, with an uproar in the senate
almost equal to that of an assembly of the people. The
want of money, and the high price of corn, made the dispute
sharper.

2. I must not omit to mention this either. The Capitoline"
college, and the priests of Mercury, have expelled Marcus
Furius Flaccus, a Roman knight, and a most worthless
fellow, from the college, though he was present when they
came to the decision, and threw himself at the feet of every
one of them.

LETTER VL

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. On the 6th of April I gave the wedding-feast to Cras-
fiipes. But at this banquet that excellent boy, your and

^ HSCCCC. Paul Manutivis considers that quadringenties centena
millia nummUm is meant, i.e. 40,000 sestertia, or something more than
£320,000. Let it be obBoired, however, that with regard to most, or
all,. of the sums of money mentioned in these letters, there is very
great uncertainty.

* The Cftpitoline college consisted of men dwelling in the Capitol
and in the citadel, of whom Camillus made a college, for the purpose of
superintending the games in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus, which were
instituted for the preservation of the CapiloL See Livy, v. 50.

48 CICERO'S LETTERS

my Quintus, was not present, because he had taken some
slight offence; and therefore, two days afterwards, I went to
Quintus, and found him quite candid; and he held a long
conversation with me, full of good feeling, about the quarrels
of our wives. What would you have more? Nothing could
be in better taste than his language. Pomponia, however,
made some complaints of you; but these mattei's we will
discuss when we meet.

2. When I left the boy I went into your gi'ounds ; the
business was going on with plenty of buildei"s. I urged
Longilius, the contractor, to make haste. He assured me
positively that he was anxious to give us satisfaction. It wiK
be a very fine house, for a better notion could now be formed
of it than we had conceived from the plan. At the same time,
my house, too, was going on with great speed. That day I
supped with Crassipes ; and after supper I went in a litter to
see Pompey at his villa. I had not been able to meet Lucceius,
because he was away, and I was very anxious to see him,
because I was going to leave Rome the next day, and because
he was going to Sardinia. At last I found the man, and begged
him to send you back to us as soon as possible. He said he
would do so immediately. And he was going to set out as
he said on the 11th of April, with the intention of embarking
either at Leghorn or at Pisa.

3. As soon as he shall have arrived, my brother, do not
let slip the first opportunity for sailing, provided the weather
be favourable. That abundance (afiffaXafjiia) which you ars
in the habit of talking of, I desire sufficiently ; that is to say,
so as to receive it willingly if it comes, but not so as now to
hunt for it if it keeps out of my way. I am building in
three places; restoring and embellishing in others; I live
a little more liberally than I used to do. If I had you
with me, I should be forced to give a little play to the
masons ; but, as I hope, we shall soon talk these things over
together.

4. Affairs at Rome, however, arc in the following con
dition : — Lentulus makes a very good consul, his colleague
offering no hindrance ; indeed ne is, I repeat, so good, that
I never saw a better. He prevented anything whatever being
done in the day? of the comitia ; for even the Latin holidays
are renjwed; and yet supplications were not wanting.

TO HIS BROTHER QUIN'TUS. 49

5. In this manner some most pernicious laws are success-
fully resisted, especially those proposed by Cato, whom our
friend Milo has admirably baffled. For that avenger of
gladiators and matadors had bought some matadors from
Cosconius and Pomponius, and never appeared in public
without a troop of them armed. He could not maintain
them, so that he could scarcely keep them about him. Milo
became aware of this; and gave a commission to a man who
was no particular friend of his, to buy the whole establish-
ment from Cato without any suspicion; and as soon as it
was removed from Cato's house, Racilius, who at this moment
is the only real tribune of the people, divulged the whole
matter, and said that those men had been bought for him,
(for so it had been agreed upon,) and stuck up a notice,
that he was going to sell the establishment of gladiators and
matadors belonging to Cato. Much laughter followed this
announcement. So now Lentulus has tired Cato of proposing
new laws, as well as those persons who proposed those mon-
strous enactments with reference to Csesar, which no one
chose to impede by his veto. For as to what Caninius
intended about Pompey, that has doubtless cooled consider-
ably ; since the thing itself is disapproved ; and our friend
Pompey is much blamed for his conduct with respect to
Lentulus,^ who had behaved to him in a friendly manner.
And indeed he is not the same person that he used to be;
for he has given no slight offence by his exertions on behalf of
Milo to those most infamous and despicable dregs of the
people that adhere to Clodius ; and the well-disposed citizens,
too, want a good deal which they do not find in him, and
blame a good deal which they do.

In one respect Marcellinus indeed does not satisfy me;
which is this, that he treats him with too much asperity ;
although he does this not at all against the will of the senate.
On this account I withdraw with the less reluctance from the
Benate-house and from all connexion with public affairs.

6. With respect to law proceedings, we are much in the
same state that we were ; my house is thronged by the

' Lentulus had been the principal means of the commission to
supply Rome with food being entrusted to Pompey; -who, however,
endeavoured to deprive liim of the honour of being appointed to
restore Ptolemy to his kingdom.

E

58 CIUEUOS LETTERS

greatest crowds of people imaginable. One thing has hap-
pened unpleasantly, through the imprudence of Milo, with
respect to Sextus Coelius, whom I did not wish to be prose-
cuted at this time, or by accusers who wanted influence. He
just wanted three votes of the most worthless men on the
bench ; and so the people insist upon it that the man shall
be tried again ; and tried again he must be, for men will not
bear it. And because he was almost convicted while pleading
his cause before his own friends, they look upon him as vir-
tually convicted. In that matter also the unpopularity of
Pompey was a hindrance to us : for the votes of the senators
acquitted him by a majority; those of the knights were
equally balanced ; those of the tribunes of the treasiu-y con-
demned him. But the daily convictions of some or other
of my enemies console me for this disappointment, among
whom Servius had a very narrow escape, to my great joy.
the rest are entirely crushed. Caius Cato made a speech, to
the effect that he would not permit the comitia to be held
if the days for doing business were taken away from the
people. Appius had not yet returned from Csesar.

7. I am amazingly anxious for a letter from you. And I
am aware that till this time the sea has been impassable;
but still people said that some persons had come from Ostia,
who extolled you in an extraordinary degree; and said that
you were very highly esteemed in the province. They added,
that the same persons brought word, that you intended to
cross at the first opportunity for sailing. I hope you will :
but although I am most desirous of all to see yourself, still
I hope for a letter from you first. My brother, farewell.

LETTER VII.

Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

On the 11th of April I dictated this letter to you before
daybreak, and wrote on the road, with the purpose of staying
that day with Titus Titius in the neighbourhood of Anagnia.
But I thought of staying the next day at Laterium,^ and
from thence, after remaining four or five days in the neigh-

' Ijaterium was a couutry-houae of Quintiis Cicero, in the nnigliboup
hood of Arpinum.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTU8. 51

bourhood of Arpinum, to go to the neighbourhood of Pompeii,
and on my return to view the countiy about Cumse, in order
that, as Milo's trial is fixed for the 7th of May, I might arrive
at Rome the day before, and on that day, as I hoped, might
see you, my dearest and most beloved brother. It has seemed
well to me that the beginning of the building at Arcanum^
should be stopped till you arrive. Take care of your health,
my brother, and come as soon as possible.

LETTER VIII.

\Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. 0 LETTER of yours, most acceptable to me, long ex-
pected, at first indeed with eager desire, but now even with
Bome apprehension. Know, too, that this is the only letter
which I have received since that which your sailor brought
me, and dated from Olbia. But let everything else, as yoti
say in your letter, be reserved till we can talk it over toge-
ther. Yet this one thing I cannot forbear to mention. On
the 15th of May the senate, being very crowded, was most
admirably disposed, as it showed by refusing a supplication in
honour of Gabinius.'' Racilius swears that such a thing never
happened to any one before. It is very well received out-
of-doors. To me it is agreeable on its own account, and more
agreeable, because the decision was made in my absence, (for
it expresses the real sentiments of the senate,) and without
any opposition or influence of mine. 1 was at Antium at
the time.

2. As to what was said, namely, that there would be a dis-
cussion, on the fifteenth and the day after, on the subject of
the lands in Campania, there was no discussion. What I
myself should say on the subject, I am in doubt; but I shall
probably say more than I had intended, for he will be present.
Farewell, my most excellent and most wished-for brother, and
hasten to me. Our children make you the same request;
begging you to be sure to mind this, that you will sup hero
when you come.

^ Arcanum was another villa belonging to Quintus.
^ Gabinius, as proconsul of Syria, had gained some trifling advan-
tivges over the Arabs on the frontiers of the province.

v2

52 CICEKO'S LETTERS

LETTER tX.

Tina letter wss -written the year after those preceding, in the consul
ship of tompey and Crassus; both for the second time. Theii
election had been carried against the senate by the most open vio-
lence. Cicero, who had offended the triumvirs by his opposition to
Cajsar's agrarian law, was anxious to reunite himself to them.

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. I HAD a suspicion that my book would please you; that
it has pleased you so much as you -write that it has, I am
greatly delighted. As to what you remind me about our
Urania, and advise me to remember the speech of Jupiter,
which is at the end of that book, I remember it well enough,
and have written all those things more to please myself than
others.

2. But still, the day after you went, I went, late at nighty
with Vibullius to call upon Pompey ; and when I had talked
to him about these works and inscriptions, he answered me
with exceeding kindness, and gave me great hopes. He said
that he should like to talk with Crassus, and advised me to
do the same. I attended Crassus as consul home from the
senate ; he undertook the business, and said that there was
a point which Clodius, at this moment, was very desirous to
carry by means of his and Pompey's assistance; and that
he thought, if I threw no obstacle in his way, that I might
obtain what I wished without any struggle. I entrusted the
whole affair to him, and said that I would leave myself
entirely in his hands. Publius Crassus was present at this
conversation; a young man, as you are aware, devotedly
attached to me. Now, what Clodius wants is some embassy ;
and if he cannot obtain it from the senate, he would have
it by means of the people; a free embassy-^ to Bvzantium, or

' The Latin is legatio libera. "During the latter period of the republic
it had become customary for senators to obtain from the senate permis-
sion to travel through or stay in any province, at the expense of the pro-
vincials, merely for the purpose of managing and conducting their o-vvn
personal affairs. There was no restraint as to the length of time the sena-
tors were allowed to avail themselves of this privilege, which was a heavy
burden on the provincials. This mode of sojourning in a province was
•ailed legatio libera, because those who availed themselves of it enjoyed

TO HIS BROTHER QU1NTU8. 53

to Brogitarus, or to both. It is a means for making a great
deal of money. I shall not give myself much trouble on
the subject, even though I do not obtain what I want myself.
However, Pompey talked the matter over with Crassus ; and
they seem to have undertaken the business. If they do so,
well ; if not, then we will return to our Jupiter.^

3. On the 13th of May, a decree of the senate was
passed on the subject of corruption, in accordance with the
opinion of Afranius, on which I spoke when you were pre-
sent; but with great indignation on the part of the senate.
The consuls did not follow up their opinions; and when
they had expressed their assent to Afranius's proposal, they
added a wish that the pi-8Btors should be created in such a
manner as to leave them private individuals for sixty days.
On that day they plainly repudiated Cato. In short, they are
absolute masters of everything, and they wish every one to be
aware that that is the case.

LETTER X.
Marctis to his brother Quinius, greeting.

1. You are afraid of interrupting me. In the first place,
if I were as much occupied as you fancy, you know what
alone can be properly called interruption. Does Ateius ever
interrupt you? In truth, you seemed to me to teach me a
degree of politeness on that head which I certainly never
practise towards you. I would wish you to summon me, and
interrupt me, and put in your word, and converse with me ;
for what can be more agreeable to me ? Upon my word, no
Muse-stricken poetaster more gladly reads his last poem than
I listen to you on every subject, public or private, rural or
civil. But it happened through my own stupid shamefaced-
aess, that when I was going away, I did not take you with

kll the privileges of a public ambassador, without haviug any of hia
duties to perform. In Cicero's time this practice was greatly abused ;
and in his consulship he endeavoured to put an end to it, but only
succeeded in limiting its duration to one year. And Ctesar afterwards
extended the time again to five years, which enactment lasted lown t»
• very late period." — Smith, Diet. Ant.
' It is not known what this book was.

54 CICEBO'S LETTERS

.ae. On one occasion, you opposed to my wishes an excuse
which there was no gainsaying — the delicate health of our
dear Cicero: I had nothing to say. A second time you
urged the Ciceros : again I ceased to press you.

2. But now this letter of yours, so full of agreeableness,
has caused me this trifle of annoyance, that you seem to me
to have feared, and still to fear, lest you should be trouble-
some to me. I could quairel with you, if it were allowable ;
but in truth, if I ever suspect anything of the sort, I will
say nothing further, but that I shall be afraid lest I should
ever be troublesome to you, when I am with you. I see
that you groan. This is the case —

for I will never say,

(a irdcras.

And I would, indeed, have forced my friend Marius into the
litter with me ; not that Anician one of king Ptolemy. For
I recollect when I was taking the man to Baise from Naples,
in the litter given by the king to Anicius, which was borne
by eight men, with a hundred guards following us, we were
laughing exceedingly, when he, not aware of the escort which
was accompanying him, suddenly opened the litter, and
almost fell to the ground with fear, while I did the same with
laughing. On that occasion, I say, I should certainly have
taken him with me, so as at last to enjoy some of the subtlety
of his antique wit, and most agreeable conversation ; but I
did not like to invite a man in a weak state of health, and
who is not even now very strong, to a villa which was hardly
covered in.

3. But this indeed will be a peculiar pleasure to me, to
enjoy his society here too : for you must know that the light
of Marius^ is in the neighbourhood of those farms of mine;
we shall see at Anicius's house in what state of forwardness
his affairs are. For as for ourselves, we are so desirous to
acquire information of any sort, that we can even endure
living among masons. We have this philosophy, not from
Hymettus, but from the Syrian school. Marius is weak
both in health and by nature.

' It ia not known whence these quotations come, or to what Cicero
alludes in them.
* I.e., says Mauutios, Marius, who is as welcome as the light.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTCS. 55

4. In regard of your interruptions, I will take f..s much
time from your visit, for the purpose of writing, as you will
give me. I wish you would give me none, so that I may
be idle rather from your ill-treatment, than from my own
indolence. I am sorry that you are so anxious about the
commonwealth, and that you are a better citizen than Phi-
loctetes, who, after he had received an injury, sought those
sort of spectacles which I see are disagreeable to you. I
entreat you hasten to me ; I will comfort you, and wipe
away all your sorrow. And, if you love me, bring Alariu^i
with you; but come quickly. I have a garden at home.

LETTER XI.

This letter was written in the year 700 A.u.c, in the consulship of
Domitius and Appius Puleher. In the preceding year, Cicero had
done his best to ingratiate himself with Pompey, who had paid him
a visit : and after Crassus had departed for his province of Syria, he
studied also to gain his good-will ; but he applied himself at this
time more to philosophy than to politics. Quintus went this year
into Gaul as one of Cscsar's lieutenants.

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. Your little notes have wrung this letter from me by
their reproaches ; for the circumstance itself, and the day in
which you set out, gave me no subject for writing; but as,
when we are together, conversation is not wont to fail us, so
too our letters ought at times to have something sparkling
in them.

2, The liberty of the Tenedians,^ therefore, has been cut
down with a Tenedian axe, as no one, except Bibulus, and
Calidius, and Favonius, and me, was found to defend them.

3. Mention has been made of you by the Magnesians of
Sipylus, the more honourable as they said that you were
the only person who resisted the demands of Lucius Sextius
Pansa.

' The people of Tenedos had petitioned to be allowed to live under
their own laws. The expression, " a Tenedian axe," is said to refer to
a story of their ancient king Tennes, who gave his name to the island ;
and one of whose laws was, that if any one detected an adulterer iu
the fact, he waa to be slain with an axe.

56 CICEBO'S LETTERS

4. For the rest of the time, if there should be anything
which it is desirable for you to know, or even if there ia
nothing of the sort, still I will write something every day.
On the 12th of April I will not be wanting either to you or
to Pomponius.

5. The poems of Lucretius are just what you describe them ;
remarkable for uo great brilliancy of genius, but for a great
deal of art. But when you come, I shall think you a man
indeed, if you can read the Empedoclea of Sallust; au
ordinary man I shall not think you. Farewell.

LETTER XII.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. I AM glad that my letters are acceptable to you, and yet
I should not even now have had any subject for writing
upon, if I had not received yours; for, on the lith, when
Appius had assembled the senate, which met in very scanty
numbers, it was so bitterly cold that he was compelled by
the grumbling of the people to dismiss us.

2. About the king of Commagene, Appius, both in his own
letters to me, and by the mouth of Pomponius, caresses me
wonderfully for having frustrated the whole affair ; for he sees
that if I adhere to this kind of speaking on other matters,
February will be quite barren; and I touched him off in
a tolerably sportive humour, and wrung from him not only
that little town which was situated on the Euphrates at
Zeugma, but ridiculed his praetexta gown which he had re-
ceived in the consulship of Cajsar, with much laughter from
everybody.

3. As to his not wishing, said I, to renew the same honours,
so as not to have to furbish up his praetexta every year, I
do not think we need come to any vote on that point : ^ but
you, nobles, who could not bear a man from Bostra wearing
the pi-SBtexta, will you endure one from Commagene 1 Yon
see the kind, and the topics, of my jokes. I said a great

• Manutius confesses that he is not at all aware what is meant or
referred to here.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 67

deal against an ignoble king, and at the end he was com-
pletely hissed out. With this sort of speech, Appius, as I
said, being delighted, is entirely devoted to me ; for nothing
can be more easy than to get rid of all the rest of the
business. But I will do nothing to offend him, lest he im-
plore the protection of Jupiter Hospitalisj and call together
all the Greeks by whose intervention I have been reconciled
to him.

4. We will give satisfaction to Theopompus. About Csesar
it had escaped me to write to you, for I see what a letter you
expected ; but he wrote to Balbus, that that bundle of letters,
in which mine and Balbus's were, was brought to him soaked
through and through with water, so that he did not even
know that there had been any letter at all from me. But of
the letter of Balbus, he had been able to make out a few
words; to which he replied in these terms: — I see that you
have said something about Cicero which I have not been able
to make out ; but as far as I could guess, it was something of
this kind, that I should think him rather to be wished for
than hoped for.

5. I, therefore, subsequently sent Csesar another copy of
that letter; do not you overlook his jest about his difficulties.
And I wrote him word also in reply, that there was nothing
that he would be able to throw into disorder from relying
on my strong-box : and in this way I jested with him fami-
liarly, and at the same time with a proper dignity. His
exceeding good-will towards me is communicated by mes-
sengers, from all quarters. Letters, indeed, referring to what
3'ou exjjfecit, will very nearly coincide with your return. The
other evellRs of each day I will write to you, that is to say,
if yotfwill j|ovide couriers. Although, such terrible cold has
prevailed, ttat there was very great danger of Appius's house
being burnt down.^ Farewell.

• From his trying to warm it with a stove.

68 CICEEO'S LETTERS

LETTER XIII.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, grteting.

1. I LAUGHED at the black snow;^ and I am very glad that
you are in a cheerful humour, and so well inclined to jest.
About Pompey I agree with you ; or rather you agree with
me. For as you know, I have been for a long time talking
of nothing but Caesar.^ Believe me, I have taken him to
my heart, nor am I to be torn from him.

2. Now you must learn what was done at the Ides. The
tenth day was fixed for the impeachment of Coelius; and
Domitius^ had not collected judges in sufficient number. I
am afraid lest that rude and brutal man, Servius Pola, may
come to the accusation; for our friend Coelius is violently
attacked by the whole train of Clodius's friends. There is
aa yet nothing certain; but we are kept in a state of alarm.
On the same day a very full senate assembled to hear the
ambassadors of the Tyrians:* on the other side, the Syrian
farmers of the revenue mustered in great numbers; Gabinius
was violently attacked; however, the farmers were roughly
handled by Domitius, for having escorted him on horseback.
Our friend Gains Lamia spoke somewhat boldly, when Domi-
tius had said, " It is through your fault, Roman knights, that
these things have happened, because you are such profligate
judges." He replied : " We judge ; you praise." Nothing
was done that day, and night put an end to the discussion.

3. On the days appointed for holding the comitia, which
come immediately after the Quirinalia, Appius explains hia
notion that he is not prevented by the Pupian law from
holding a senate, and that on the contrary, it is especially
provided by the Gabinian law, that the senate is obliged to

^ This has some reference to a ridiculous doctrine of Anaxagoras,
that snow must be black, because water, of which it was composed, was
black.

^ Cicero had lately made a very impressive speech in the senate,
extolling Caesar's conduct in his pi-ovince in the highest terms.

^ This Domitius was Cnajus D. the praetor. The Domitius men-
tioned a few lines lower down, was Domitius Ahenobarbus, the consul.

* The citizens of Tyre had sent an embassy, with complaints of th«
extortions of the farmers of the revenue in the province of Syriai
Gabinius, as has been already said, had been governor of Syria.

mi

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTCS. 59

assemble to give audience to ambassadors every day from the
1st of February till the 1st of March. In this way they
think that the comitia may be put off till the month of
March. But on these days of the comitia the tribunes of
the people declare that they will bring on the question
about Gabinius. I collect all reports, to have some news to
send to you ; but, as you see, matter itself fails me.

4. I return, therefore, to Callisthenes^ and Philistus,^ in
whose works I see you are occupied. Callisthenes indeed is
relating a common and well-known set of transactions, in a
style such as that in which several of the Greeks express
themselves. But the Sicilian is an admirable writer, impres-
sive, acute, concise ; almost a little Thucydides, but which of
his books you have, (for there are two volumes of them,)
or whether you have them both, I know not. He pleases me
most in his account of Dionysius. For Dionysius was a
great intriguer, and made himself very familiar with Philistus.
But as to what you add in your letter, are you thinking of
undertaking a history? In my judgment, you may do so.
And since you furnish couriers, you shall have at the Luper-
calia an account of what is done to-day. Amuse yourself
with my Cicero as well as you can.

LETTER XIV.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1, I HAVE as yet received but two letters from you: one
of them written just after I had left you; the other dated
from Ariminum. The additional ones, which you say that
you sent, I never received. I have been amusing myself
in the neighbourhood of Cumse and Pompeii, pleasantly
enough, except that I was without your company; and
I intended to stay in those parts till the 1st of June. I
was writing those political treatises which I had mentioned
to you; a very large and laborious work; but still, if the
result is to my satisfaction, labour will have been well em-
ployed; if not, I will throw it mto the sea, which I have

' Callisthenes was an Olynthian, and had written a life of Alexander.
* Philistus was a Sicilian, and wrote many books, and among theia
an accoimt of Dionysius the elder.

60 CICERO's LETTERS

before my eyes while T am writing. I shall attempt some
other things, too, since I cannot remain idle.

2. I will attend carefully to your injunctions, both as to
conciliating some men, and avoiding to alienate others. But
it will be my chief object to see your Cicero, and mine, I
mean, every day; but I will examine as often as I can, what
he is learning; and, unless he is above it, I will even offer
myself as his teacher; an employment in which I hava
obtained some practice in my leisure during these few days,
by training my own Cicero the younger.

3. You, (as you write me word you will, and as I should
be quite certain of your doing most carefully, even if you
did not write;) you, I say, will take care to digest my
instructions ; follow them up, and fulfil them. When I come
to Rome I will never let one single courier of Caesar's go
without giving him a letter for you ; but while I have been
here (you will excuse my silence), there has been no one to
whom I could give one before this Marcus Orfius, a Roman
knight, attached to me, both as being exceedingly intimate
with me, and as being from the municipality of Atella, which
you know is faithful to me. I therefore recommend him to
you in an extraordinary degree, as being a man of a high
consideration at home, and of great influence away from
home. Take cai'e to bind him to yourself by your libe-
rality. He is a military tribune in our army. You will
find him a man of a very grateful disposition, and eager to
be of service to you. I press upon you earnestly to be very
civil to Trebatius. Farewell.

LETTER XV. a.

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. Ox the 2d of June, the day on which I arrived at
Rome, I received your letter dated from Placentia ; and then,
the next day, I received a second dated at Blandeus,^ with
a letter from Csesar, full of expressions of respect, zeal to
serve me, and courtesy. These are things of great, or rather
of the very greatest consequence ; for they contribute very
' There ia some error in the text here

TO HIS BROTHER QUIXTUS, 61

greatly to our reputation and high dignity. But, believe me,
whom you know well, that what I value most in all these
matters I have already secured; namely, that, in the first
place, I see you contributing so much to our common dig-
nity; secondly, the extraordinary liking of Julius Csesar for
me, a man whom I prefer to all the honours which he wishes
me to expect from him. His letter was dated at the same
time with your own ; the beginning of it is, how acceptable
your arrival was to him, and his recollection of our old
friendship ; then assuring me that he would take care that in
the midst of my sorrow and regret for your absence, while
you are away, I should be pleased, above all, that you wer9
with him. The letter delighted me amazingly.

2. You, therefore, act in a most brotherly spirit when you
exhort me, though in truth I am running of my own accord
the same way, to devote all my energies to his single service;
and perhaps by my eager zeal I shall do what often happens
to travellers when they are in haste, that if by chance they
have got up later than they intended, they still, by making
haste, arrive where they wish earlier than they would have
done if they had lain awake a great part of the night ; aud
so now I, since I have been asleep a long time as to paying
attention to that man, though you in truth have often tried
to wake me, shall now by my speed make amends for my
slowness, both on horseback, and (since you write me word
that my poem is approved by him) in the coach and four of
poetry; only give me Britain to paint with your colours
and my pencil. But of what am I thinking 1 what spare
time presents itself to me, particularly while I remain at
Rome, as he begs me to do? However, I will see. For
perhaps, as is often the case, my affection for you will over-
come every difiiculty. He thanks me with a good deal of
humour, and with great civility too, fcr having sent him
Trebatius; for he says that in all that number of persons
who were with him, there was not one who could draw a
bail-bond. I asked him for the tribuneship for Marcus
Curtius, (for Domitius would have thought that he was being
turned into ridicule if he had been solicited by me, since it
IS a daily saying of his, that he cannot make even a tribune
of the soldiers ; aud even in the senate he rallied Appius his
colleague, saying that he had gone to Csesar, with the view of

62 CICERO 8 LETTERS

getting some tribuneship or other,) but only for the year
after next. And that was what Curtius wished too.

3. Know that, as you think it behoves you to be, in regard
to public affairs and our private enmities, so I myself both
am, and shall be, of a very gentle and moderate demeanour.

4. Affairs at Rome were in this state. There was some
expectation of the comitia, but a doubtful one: there was
some suspicion of a dictatorship, but not even that was
certain. There is a perfect cessation of all business in the
courts of law, but more as if the state was growing indolent
from age than from real tranquillity. Our own opinion deli-
vered in the senate was of such a kind that others agreed
with it more than we did ourselves.

Such are the evils of disastrous war.^

LETTER XV. b.
Marcus Cicero to his hrother Quintus, greeting.

1. What is to be done shall be done with a pen, and the
finest ink, and glazed paper : for you say that you have
hardly been able to read my last letters, for which, however,
my brother, there were none of the reasons which you fancy;
for I was neither busy, nor had I been worried or angry with
any one; but I always make it a practice, whatever pen
comes iii-st to hand, to use it as if it were a good one.

2. But listen now, my most excellent and kind brother,
while I answer the things which you wrote in this same short
letter of yours in a very business-like manner. As to what
you ask, that I should write to you without concealing any-
thing, or dissembling anything, or saying anything merely
for the sake of pleasing you, but frankly and as a brother,
that is, whether you should hasten, as we said, or, if there
should be sufficient reason, delay, for the purpose of setting
yourself clear, — if, my dear Quintus, it were any unimportant
matter on which you were asking me my wishes, still after
having left it to yourself to do what you thought best, I
should point out what I wished myself But in the present

* ToiavS" 6 rXrinav ir6\(fios e^epyd^ejai. A line from the Supplicee
of Euripides.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 6S

state of affairs, you ask me plainly what sort of year I expect
the ensuing one to be ; certainly one of tranquillity for me,
or at least one of very great security, as the state of my own
house, and my reception in the forum, and the way in which
I am greeted at the theatre, indicate every day. And^ » * *
no man is unwilling to see * * * that I am in favour with
both Csesar and Pompey — these things give me confidence.
If any rage from that senseless man^ breaks out, everything
is prepared for putting him down.

3. These are my real sentiments and opinions, and I write
them to you in all plainness. And I beg of you not to fee
a doubt, speaking not like a flatterer, but as a brother; so
that, for the sake of your enjoying the pleasant condition in
which I find myself, I should wish you to come at the time
which you have mentioned. But still I should prefer beyond,
that the events which you expect * * * * And I attach
great consequence to your abundance, and to the expectations
of your obligations being acquitted. Of this you may be
assured, that if we succeed, nothing can be more fortunate
than we shall be when freed from all annoyance. There is
not much which is wanting to make us happy after our own
fashion; and that is very easy to be procured, provided I
keep my health.

4. An amazing degree of corruption prevails again; never
was it so great. In the middle of July, interest was double
what it had been, from the coalition into which Memmius
entered with Domitius for the sake of beating Scaurus.
Messala has a bad chance ; ^ I do not exaggerate, when I say

^ There is something lost here, which makes this sentence unintel-
ligible ; and it is probable that there is a little corruption in the former
part of the letter, and a few sentences later.

2 Clodius.

^ The candidates for the consulship in the next year, 701 a.u.c,
were Memmius, Domitius Calvinus, JEmilius Scaurus, and Valerius
Messala. Memmius and Domitius had won over the existing consuls
by a promise of procuring them whatever provinces they chose ; but at
last Pompey persuaded Memmius to break with Domitius, and join the
triumvirs. The senate instituted an inquiry. The year 700 passed
without any election of consuls for the ensuing year. Interest rose to
8 per cent, a-month ; and the year 701 opened with an interregnum,
and it was not till half the year had elapsed, that Cnseus Domitiua
Calvinus, and Messala, were elected '/onsuls for the remainder of the
year.

64 ClCERO's LETTERS

that the prerogative century will get above eighty thousand
pounds for its vote. The business is extremely unpopular ;
the candidates for the tribuneship have come to an agree-
ment, that every one of them shall place above four tti Dusaud
pounds a-piece in Cato's hands, as a pledge to conduct their
canvass as he approves; and those who forfeit their pledge are
to forfeit the money. And if the comitia for their election
is really unbribed, as is expected, Cato alone will have had
more influence than all the laws and all the judges.

LETTER XVI.

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. When you have received a letter from me written in
the hand of my secretary, you must consider that I had not
even a little leisure ; when it is written in my own hand, that
I had a little. For you must understand, that I was never
more distracted by causes and trials, and that too at a most
unhealthy time of the year, and when the heat is greatest.
But this, since that is your advice, must be borne ; nor must
I give cause for appearing to have been wanting, either to
your hopes or opinion; especially when, although that is
somewhat more difficult, I am still likely to gain great
influence and great dignity from these exertions; therefore,
as you wish, I take great pains to offend no one, and even
to be loved by those very men who are sorry to see me
so united with Csesar, and also to be earnestly caressed and
loved by all impartial persons, and even by those who are
inclined to favour the other side.

2. While there was a most violent discussion in the senate
for many days on the subject of corruption, because the con-
sular candidates had gone such lengths that it could not be
endured any longer, I was not present in the senate. I de-
termined not to come forward to offer any remedy for the
evils of the commonwealth without strong protection.

3. The day that I wrote this, Drusus had been acquitted
of prevarication^ by the tribunes of the treasury, by foui

^ Prevarication was the betrayal of his client's cause by an advocat*
wao aad undertaken it.

TO HIS BKOTH73B ijUINTUS. 65

votes in all, after the senators and knights had condemned
him. The same day, in the afternoon, I appeared in court
to defend Vatinius; that was not a difficult task. The
comitia are postponed till the month of September. The trial
of Scaunis will be brought on immediately, and we shall
not be wanting in our exertions on his behalf. I by no
means approved of the Messmates of Sophocles, although I
see that the piece was very neatly acted by you.

4. Now I come to that, which perhaps ought to have made
the first part of my letter. 0 how delightful to me are your
letters from Britain. I was afraid of the ocean : I was afraid
of the shore of the island. I do not indeed despise the
obstacles which may yet remain, but they present more
ground for hope than for fear, and I am anxious more because
of the eagerness of my expectation than from any alarm. And
I see that you have an admirable subject for writing about.
What a situation you have to describe, what natural cha-
racteristics of circumstances and places, what customs of the
people, what nations and battles, and even what a commander !
I will with all my heart help you, as you ask, in whatever you
wish ; and will send you the verses for which you ask, like
an owl to Athens.

5. But ah ! I see that I am kept in the dark by you ; for
how, my dear brother, did Caesar express himself about my
verses 1 for he wrote me word before, that he had read my first
book, and praised the beginning so much that he says he has
not read anything better even in Greek. What came aftei-,
he thought, was in some places a little paOvfjim-epa (more
careless), this is the very word that he uses. Tell me th(>
truth, is it the matter, or the style that does not please him 1
There is no reason why you should fear to tell me the truth,
for I shall not be an atom the less satisfied with myseit
Write to me on this subject with frankness, and, as jou
always do, with brotherly aifection.

66 CICERO S LFTTERS.

BOOK III.

LETTER I.
Marcui Cicero to his brother Quinttis, greeting.

1. 1. After the great heat, (for I do not recollect ever
having felt greater,) I refreshed myself in the neighbourhood
of Arpinum, with the extreme agreeableness of the river,
during the days of the games,^ having recommended the
men of my tribe to Philotimus. I was at Arcanum on the
10th of September: there I found Messidius and Philoxenus,
and the water which they had contracted to bring near the
villa flowing pleasantly enough, especially considering the
great general drought; and they said that they would collect
it in somewhat larger quantities. Everything was going on
well with Herus.2 At your Manlian farm I found Diphilus
slower than Diphilus ; yet nothing remained for him to do,
except the bath-rooms, the colonnade to walk under, and
the aviary. The villa pleased me exceedingly, because the
paved portico had an appearance of great dignity, which was
now for the fii'st time visible to me, since it is completely
uncovered, and the columns are polished. Everything now
depends on the ceiling being, elegant, which shall be an object
of attention to me. The pavements appeared to me to be
done correctly; some of the rooms I did not quite like, and
ordered them to be altered..

2. Where they say that you have written orders for a small
hall to be made in the colonnade, the place pleased me
better as it is ; for there did not seem to be room enough even
for a little hall, nor is one usually made, except in houses in
which there is a larger hall; nor could it have any bed-
chambers attached to it, or apartments of that kind. But
now, even from the mere beauty of the vaulted roof, it will
get the character of an excellent summer retreat.^ However,

> The Roman games took place in September. * The bailiff.

3 Manutius thinks this quite corrupt and unintelligiKe.

TO HTS BROTHER QUINTUS. 67

if you are of a different opinion, write again at the first
opportunity. In the bath-rooms I have moved forward the
stoves into the other corner of the dressing-room ; because
they were before placed in such a manner, that their chimney,
from which the heat comes, was situated imder the bed-
chambers. But I greatly approved of having a tolerably
large bed-chamber and a lofty winter-room, because they
were of a good size, and admirably situated on one side of
the covered walk, — on that side, I mean, which is next to the
bath-rooms. Dipliilus had not put the pillars upright, nor
opposite to one another; he will accordingly pull them down
again. Some day or other he will learn how to use a perpen-
dicular and a line. Altogether, I hope that Diphilus's work
will be finished in a few months, for Csesius, who was with
me on that occasion, gives most diligent attention to it.

II. 3. From that place we went straight along the Vitu-
larian road to your Fufidian farm, which, according to the
last communication, I had bought of Fufidius at Arpinum,
for a little more than eight thousand pounds. I never saw a
place more shady in the summer, with water flowing through
the land in many places, and in great abundance. What
would you have ? Csesius thought that you would easily be
able to irrigate fifty acres of meadow-land. This, at all events,
which I understand better, I can affirm positively, that you
will have a villa of exceeding pleasantness, with a fish-pond,
and springs of water besides, and a palaestra, and a green
wood. 1 hear that you wish to retain this farm near Bovillse ;
what you may choose to do about it, you will decide yourself
Calvus said that though the water was excepted, and the
light over that water reserved, and though a service^ lay upon
the farm, still we could keep up the piice if we chose to sell
it. I had Messidius with me : he said that he had agreed
with you at three sestertii"^ a foot ; and observed that he
himself 'had measured the distance, by steps, making fourteen
hundred paces. To me it appeared more ; but I will under-
take to say, that the money could nowhere be more advan-
tageously spent. I had sent for Chile from Venafrum ; but

Service, servitus, on a piece of land, when there was a right of way-
through it, of carrying water through it, of taking water from it,
feeding cattle on it, &c.

' The seatertvua was equal to 1 penny 8} farthings.
f2

68 CICERO's LETTERa

that very day a subterraneous passage atVenafrum had crushed
four of his fellow-workmen and apprentices.

4. On the 13th of September I was at Laterium. I saw
the road, which pleased me so much, that I thought it waa
a public work, with the exception of a hundred and fifty
paces ; for I measured it from the little bridge, which is close
to the temple of Farina on the side of Satricum. At that
spot, dust has been thrown in and not gravel ; but that shall
be altered ; and that part of the road is very steep ; but I waa
told that it could not have been carried in any other direction,
especially as you did not wish to have it go through the farm
of Locusta, or through that of Varro. Varro had almost com-
pleted the roads through his estate before. Locusta had not
touched his ; but I shall call upon him at Rome, and, as I
expect, shall move him ; and at the same time I will ask
Marcus Taurus, who is now at Rome, and who, I hear, gave
you a promise on the subject, about carrying the water through
his farm.

5. I conceived a good opinion of Nicephorus, your bailifl^
and I asked him, whether you had given him any charge
about that little building at Laterium of which you spoke to
me. And then he told me, in reply, that he himself had
contracted for that work for about a hundred and thirty
pounds; but that afterwards you had added a good deal
to the work to be done, but nothing to the money to be paid
for it ; and that, therefore, he had given up the contract. I
am in truth exceedingly well-pleased that you should add
those things as you determined ; although the villa which
at present exists, seems to be something like philosophy re-
proving the insanity visible in other villas : however, that
addition will give great pleasure.

I praised, too, your ornamental gardener ; he clothes every-
thing so with ivy, not only the foundations of the villa, but
the spaces between the pillars of the covered walk. So that
those figures in the Greek dresses appear to be cutting the
trees into shape, and to be selling the ivy. As for the dressing-
room, nothing can be more cool and mossy.

6. You have now heard nearly all that I have to say about
country affairs. He and Philotimus and Cincius are press-
ing forward the polishing of your town-house ; but I myself
also freq^uently go to look at it, as is easy to be done ; and I

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 69

therefore hope you will foel relieved from that cause of
•nxiety.

III. 7. As to what you ai-e always asking me about Cicero,
I pardon you, indeed ; but I also wish you to pardon me. For
I will not allow you to love him more than I do myself;
and I wish that he had been with me during those days
in the country near Arpinum, as he himself had desired,
and I no less. As to Pomponia, if it seems good to you, I wish
you would send an order, that when we go anywhere she is
to go with us, and take the boy. I shall raise a perfect
uproar if I can have him with me without his having any-
thing to do ; for at Rome he has no breathing room. You
know that I promised you that before gratuitously : what do
you think now that so great a bribe is offered me from you?

8. I now come to your letters ; of which I received several
while I was in the neighbourhood of Arpinum ; for three
were delivered to me on one day, and indeed, as they seemed,
all written by you at one time. One was at great length, in
which the fii-st statement was, that an earlier day was men-
tioned in your letter than in that of Ceasar. Oppius some-
times does that from necessity ; because, after he has arranged
to send off the couriers, and has received a letter from us, he
is hindered by some new business ; and of necessity sends it
off Ia*^^er than he had intended to do ; nor do we, when the
letter is once dated, care about the date being altered.

9. You mention Caesar's exceeding regard for us : you will
"do your best to cherish this ; we too will increase it by all the
means in our power. With regard to Pompey, I do with all
■diligence, and will continue to do, what you advise. That
my permission for you to remain longer is acceptable to you,
though to my own great sorrow and regret, I am yet partly
glad. What your object is in sending for horsebreakers and
others I have no notion ; there is not one of that sort of people
who will not expect a present from you equal to a suburban
farm. And as for your mixing up my friend Trebatius with
that fellow, for that you have no foundation. I sent him to
Csesar, because he had previously satisfied me ; if he does not
please him equally, I am not bound to anything, and I acquit
and release you also of any charge in respect of him. With
regard to your statement, that you are every day more and
more esteemed by Csesar, I am rejoiced beyond all expression.

^^■^■i"iir»"^^^^^p^»^«-".^'---l" ..-^

70 CICEROS LETTERS

I am also very much attached to Balbus, who is, as you writer
an active assistant in that business ; I am very glad too that
my friend Trebonius is beloved by you, and you by him.

10. As to what you write about the tribuneship, I asked
it for Curtius by name ; and Csesar wrote me back word that
it was secured for Curtius, also mentioning him by name ;
and he reproached me for my shamefaced ness in asking. If
I ever ask for any one again, (as I told Oppius too, that
he might write to him,) I shall easily allow a refusal to be
given me, since those who are troublesome to me^ do not easily
allow refusals to be given them from me. I love Curtius, (as
I told the man himself,) on account not only of your asking,
but of your testimony in his favoiu*, — because from your
letters I easily perceived his zeal for our safety.

With respect to the affairs of Britain, I learned from your
letters that there was no reason either why we should fear,
or why we should rejoice. With respect to public affairs, on
which you wish Tiro to write to you, I was already writing to
you rather carelessly myself ; because I knew that everything,
as well of the smallest as of the greatest importance, was sent
to Caesar.

IV. 11. I have now completed my answer to your longest
letter: hear now as to your little one; in which the first
remark is, about Clodius's letter to Csesar, in which affair I
approve of Caesar's conduct, in not granting you leave, though
you asked it in the most affectionate manner, to write a single
word of answer to that Fury. The next observation is about
the speech of Marius Calventius. I marvel at your saying
that you think I should write a reply to it, especially as no
one is likely to read it if I write nothing in reply, while all
the children will learn my answer to him by heart as a lesson.

I have begun those books of mine which you are looking
for, but am unable to finish them at the present time. I have
completed the required speeches for Scaurus and for Plancius.
The poem to Csesar, which I had composed, I have destroyed.^
^Vhat you ask, I will write for you, since the springs them-
selves are now thirsty, if I have any room.

^ Noble considers that the text is here incorrect or defective.

2 Incidi. .'imesti interprets this verb by conscindere ; and Schillet
agrees with him in giving it the sense of "cutting to pieces," ol
** annulling."

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS 71

12. I now come to the third letter. As to what you say^
that Balbus is soon coming to Rome with a number of com-
panions, and that he will be constantly with me till the
middle of May; that will be very pleasant and delightful to
me. As to the exhortations which you give me, in the same
letter, as oftentimes before, to ambition and to diligence, I will
observe them; but when am I to enjoy life ?

13. A fourth letter was delivered to me on the 13th of
September, which you had dated from Britain on the 10th
of August. In it there was no news, except about the Erigona ;
which if I receive from Oppius, I will write you word what
I think of it; and I have no doubt that it will give me
pleasure. And (a matter which I have passed over) with
respect to the person who, you say, wrote to Csesar about the
applause which Milo received, I readily allow Csesar to imagine
that the applause was very great ; and, in fact, so it was ; and
yet the applause which is given to him appears in some degree
to be given to us.

14. A very old letter from you has also been brought me,
but brought rather late, in which you give me instructions
about the temple of Tellus, and the portico of Catulus. Both
works are going on with all speed ; at the temple of Tellus, in-
deed, I have also placed your statue. Also, as to the wishes that
you express about the gardens, I never was very desirous of
such things ; and ray house now makes up to me for the want
of the luxury of a garden.

When I came to Rome, on the 19th of September, T found
the roof of your house completed, which, above the chambers,
you had decided should not have any great number of gables;
but it slopes down in anything but a neat manner to the roof
of the colonnade below. While I have been absent, my Cicero
has not ceased from his attendance on the rhetorician : you
have no reason to be anxious about his attainments, since
you know his natural abilities; and his studious disposition I
see myself. All his other interests I look to, as if I thought
that I were going surety for them.

V. 15. As yet, three parties are prosecuting Gabinius :

Lucius Lentulus, the son of the flamen, who has already lodged

an accusation of treason' against him; Tiberius Nero, with his

well-disposed backers; and Caius Memmius, the tribune of

* MoQestaa. See nolo, p. 74.

72 Cicero's letters

the people, with Lucius Capito. He arrived in the city on
the 20th of September ; no entrance was ever more mean or
more solitary. But I do not dare to place any confidence in
these trials. Because Cato was indisposed, he has not as yet
been prosecuted for peculation. Pompey labours very hard
to reconcile me to him ; but he has not succeeded as yet, and,
if I retain any portion of my liberty, he shall not succeed. I
am extremely anxious for a letter from you.

1 6. As to what you write me word that you have heard,
namely, that I interfered in the coalition of the candidates for
the consulship, it is not true ; for agreements were made iu
that coalition of such a character (which Memmius subse-
quently exposed) that no respectable person ought to have
been concerned in them : and, besides, it was not a proceed-
ing for me, to have anything to do with a coalition from which
Messala was excluded, — a man with whom I agree perfectly in
all points ; and, in my opinion, also with Memmius. I have
already done many things for Domitius, which he wished, and
which he requested of me ; and I have laid Scaurus under
great obligations to me by defending him. As yet it has been
uncertain, both when the comitia would take place, and who
were to be the new consuls.

17. When I was just folding up this letter, a courier
arrived from you on the 21st of September, having made the
iourney in twenty days. 0 how anxious I am ! How much
I have grieved over that most kind letter from Caesar; but
the more kind it was, the greater grief did that misfortune
of his cause me.^ But I come to your own letter. In the
first place, I approve above all things of your intention of
remaining, especially since, as you write me word, you have
consulted Caesar on the subject. I wonder that Oppius should
have said anything to Publius, for I did not like the man.

18. As to what you write in your enclosure, that I should
be appointed one of Pompey 's lieutenants in the middle
of September, I have not heard it; and I have written to
CsBsar, that Vibullius brought directions from CsBsar about
my stay to Pompey, but not to Oppius. With what object 1
Although I detained Oppius, becavise the right of speaking

^ It seems probable that this refers to a storm mentioned in tha
fourth book of his account of the Gallic war, in which he lost a great
number of ships. His daughter Julia, too, died nearly about this time.

TO mS BROTHER QUINTU8. 73

fii-st to Pompey belonged to Vibullius ; for Ccesar had talked
the matter over iu an interview with him ; to Oppius he had
written. However, I can have no second thoughts in Caesar's
affairs. He is next to you and to our children in my heart ;
so near, indeed, that he is almost equal to them. I seem to
myself to feel thus from judgment; for indeed I ought; but
still I am warmed with love for him.

VI. 19. When I had written these last lines, which are in
my own hand, your Cicero came in to us to supper, as Pom-
ponia was supping out. He gave me your letter to read,
which he had received a short time before; a letter written
in the Aristophanic spirit, being in truth both pleasant and
sensible ; and I was greatly pleased with it. He also gave
me that other letter of yours, in which you enjoin him to
attach himself as much to me as to his tutor. How those
letters delighted himl how they gratified me! Nothing
can be more engaging than that boy, — no one can be more
attached to me. These lines I dictated to Tiro while at
supper, that you may not be surprised at their being in
a different hand.

20. Your letters were very acceptable also to Annalis, as
they showed that you were very anxious about him, and,
at the same time, assisted him with most serious advice.
Publiiis Servilius the father, from the letters which he saya
have been sent him from Caesar, intimates that you have done
what was very acceptable to him, in having spoken with
great courtesy and great earnestness of his attachment to
Caesar.

21. When I had returned to Rome from the neighbour-
hood of Arpiuum, I was told that a horsebreaker had set out
to go to you. I cannot say that I was astonished at his
having acted so like a barbarian as to go without any letter
from me to you; 1 merely say that it was vexatious to me, —
for I had been thinking of it for a long time, — in consequence
of what you wrote to me, that if there should be anything
which I should wish to be conveyed to you with extra-
ordinary care, I was to give it to him ; because, in truth, in
these letters which I usually send to you, I generally write
nothing which would cause me any annoyance if it fell into
other hands. I used to keep myself for Minucius. and
Salvius, and Labeo. Labeo will either go at a late period, of

74 Cicero's letters

will remain here. The horsebreaker did not even ask if 1
wished to send anything.

22. Titus Pinarius sends very kindly-expressed letters about
you to me ; saying that he is beyond all measure delighted
■with your letters, conversation, and, besides, with your sup-
pers. Tliat man has always pleased me, and his brother is a
great deal with me. Do you, therefore, as you have begun
to do, cherish that young man.

VII. 23. As I have had this letter under my hands several
days, owing to the delay of the couriers, many different
things have consequently been thrown into it, one thing at
one time, and another at another ; as for instance this : Titus
Anicius has already often said to me, that he should not
hesitate to purchase a suburban villa for you, if he could
meet with one. In regard to this remark of his, I cannot but
wonder at two things : that though you write to him about
buying you a suburban villa, you not only do not write to me
about it, but even write to quite the contraiy effect; and
also, that when you are writing to him, you recollect nothing
about him, nothing about those letters of his which you
showed me when you were at Tusculum, and nothing about
the precepts of Epicharmus, " Take notice how he treats any
one else." You forget, in short, the man's whole countenance,
and language, and disposition; and, as I conjecture, just as
if — ^ but to these things you must look yourself

24. Take care that I may know what you really wish
about this suburban villa, and take care at the same time that
he does not cause any trouble. What more have I to say?
What? Oh, this : Gabinius, on the 28th of September,
entered the city by night; and to-day, at the eighth hour,
when, according to the edict of Cains Alfius, he ought to have
appeared to the accusation of majesty ,2 he was almost over-
whelmed by the concourse and by the detestation of the whole
people. Nothing ever was more contemptible than his ap-
pearance. Piso, however, comes very near to him; I am
therefore thinking of introducing a marvellous episode in the

^ Orellius saya that this is not an aposiopesis, hut that some Greek
word or phrase is lost.

^ Majesty was nearly equivalent to treason. It was a general
term for any offence committed against the Roman people, or ita
Mcority.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTU8. 75

second of my books : Apollo in the council of the gods pre-
dicting wliat sort of return that of the two generals will be, of
whom one has lost his army, and the other has sold it.

25. Caesar wrote me a letter from Britain on the 1st of
September, which I received on the 28th, giving a satis-
factory account of the affairs of Britain; in it, that I may
not be surprised at receiving no letter from you, he says that
he had been without your company, as he had gone to the
coast. I have not sent him any answer to that letter, noi
even to congratulate him, because of his private mourning.
Again and again, my dear brother, I beg you to take care of
your health.

LETTER II.

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. On the 10th of October, Salvius went by sea to Ostia,
late in the evening, with the things which you wished to have
sent to you from home. On the same day, Memmius had
given Gabinius a warming before the people with so lucid au
accusation, that Oalidius was unable to utter a single word on
his behalf. But the day after, which was coming on as I waa
writing this before dawn, a great argument was to be held
at Cato's between Memmius and Tiberius Nero, and Caius
Antonius and Lucius Antonius, the sons of Marcus, as to wha
should manage the prosecution against Gabinius. We thought
that it would be allotted to Memmius, although there waa
an extraordinary struggle on the part of Nero. What would
you have] The matter is well pressed forward, did not our
friend Pompey, in spite of both gods and men, upset the
business.

2, Understand now the boldness of the man, and that some-
thing still amuses us in so distressed a condition of public-
affairs. After Gabinius, wherever he went, had said that he
was demanding a triumph, and after this good general had
suddenly entered the city by night, (as if, evidently, it had been
the city of an enemy,) he did not venture to present himself
before the senate. In the meantime, on the tenth day after
his arrival, on which he ought to have given in his report of
the numbers of the enemies and of our troops, he sneakei

76 OICBRO'S LRTTEKS

into the senate-house with a very small following. When he
•was about to depart, he was detained by the consuls. The
formers of the revenues were introduced. The man, being
attacked on all sides, and being wounded by me most of all,
could bear it no longer, and with a trembling voice called
me an exUe. On this, (0 ye gods ! nothing more honourable
«ver happened to me,) the whole senate to a man rose in an
uproar against him, so that they came close to him ; while
the farmers of the revenue started up with a similar noise
and rush. What more do you ask? All of them behaved
as if you yourself had been there. Nothing can be more
complimentary than the language of men out-of-doors. I,
however, restrain myself from accusing him, with difficulty
indeed, but I do restrain myself, not only because I do not
wish to oppose Pompey, (the business which presses me about
Milo is quite enough,) but because ^fie have no judges whom
we can trust. I dread a failure. I may take also into con-
gideration the malevolence of men, and I am afraid that if I
were to accuse him, something might happen to him; nor
do I despair that the matter may be accomplished without
me, though in some degree by my means.

3. All who are candidates for the consulship are impeached
on the charge of bribery, Domitius by Memmius, Memmiua
by Quiutus Curtius, a good and accomplished young man;
Messala by Quintus Pompey, Scaurus by Triarius. It is a
great measure in agitation, because the ruin either of tha
men, or of the laws, is threatened. Some efforts are made;
that no trials may take place. The affair appears to point to
an interregnum. The consuls wish to hold the comitia; tha
impeached parties are against it, and Memmius above all,
•because on the arrival of Caesar he hopes to become consul.
But he has an extraordinarily bad chance. Domitius and
Messala appeared sure of success ; Scaurus had lost heart.
Appius asserts, that if it were not for a lex curiata, he shoull
succeed our friend Lentulus, who on that day showed won-
derful vigour against Gabiuius, (a thing which I had almost?
forgotten to mention;) he accused him of treason; names 2?
witnesses were given in ; while Gabinivis did not say a wori.
You now know the affairs of the forum. At home things go
on well, and the house itself is proceeding with great rapidity
onder the hands of the contractors.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTTJS, 77

LETTER III.
Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1, The hand of my secretary may be a sign to you how
busy I am. Be assured that there does not a day pass in
"which I do not speak on behalf of some accused person.
Thus, whatever I compose or meditate, I generally throw into
the time of my walk. In this state is my public business :
our domestic afiairs go on as I wish. The boys are well;
they learn with great diligence ; they are taught with great
pains; they love us, and love one another. The polishing
of both our houses is going on; while your rural matters
at Arcanum and Laterium are advancing to completion.*
Besides, in one of my letters, I omitted nothing to give you
a clear account about the water, and the road.

But this subject of anxiety disturbs and annoys me, that
for the space of now more than fifty days, not only no letter
has come from you, none from Cassar, none from that country,
but not even a single report ; and that sea, and that country,
keep me now in a state of anxiety. Nor do I cease (as is
the case with persons in love) to imagine the things which I
least wish. I do not therefore now ask you to write to me
about yourself and about affairs in that quarter, (for I know
that you never omit to do so when you have an oppor-
tunity,) but I wish you to know, that I scarcely ever longed
for anything so much, as, when 1 wrote this, I did for a letter
from you.

2, Hear now what is going on in the republic. Day after
day appointed for the comitia is constantly cancelled by
notices of ill omens, to the great joy of the well-affected
citizens, in such unpopularity are the consuls on account of
the suspicion of their having bargained for bribes from the
candidates. There are four candidates for the consulship;
all are prosecuted ; the causes are difl&cult ones ; but still we
will exert ourselves that Messala may come off" safe ; a result
which is even connected with the safety of the rest. Publius
Sylla has impeached Gabinius of bribery, his stepson Mem-
mius supporting the accusation, as well as his brother Cajcilius,

* A corrupt passage, says Orellins. There are various readings, bui
none satisfactory.

78 CICERO 8 LETTERS

and his son Sylla, Lucius Torquatus made objections, but
failed in his purpose, to the great joy of all men.

3. Do you ask, what is to become of Gabinius? We shall
know in three days about the impeachment for treason ; on
which charge he is weighed down by the detestation of all
classes; and is especially damaged by the evidence. He has
very cool accusers; the bench is of a varied character; the
chief judge, Alfius, is a man of high and resolute temper.
Pompey is earnest in canvassing the judges; how it will end
I know not ; but I see no room for him in the city. I have
a moderate wish for his downfal, but the faintest possible as
to the result of the whole proceedings.

4. You have now an account of almost everything. I will
add this one particular : your Cicero and mine is now apply-
ing himself with great diligence to the instructions of Pajonius,
a rhetorician, a man, in my opinion, well accomplished, and
of excellent character; but you know well enough that my
own style of education is a little more learned and philo-
sophical. Though, therefore, I do not wish Cicero's progress,
and that course of instruction, to be impeded; and the boy
himself seems to be greatly charmed and delighted with the
exercise in declamation ; (and as I was myself also practised
in it, I would allow him to go on in my steps, for I feel sure
that he will an-ive at the same end,) but still, if I take him
anywhere into the country with me, I shall lead him into
ray own method and practice. For a great reward is offered
me from you, which certainly I shall not fail to gain through
my own fault. In what parts you are going to winter, and
with what expectations, I should wish you to write me word
with all possible minuteness. FarewelL

LETTER IV.

Marcus Ciosro to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. Gabinius has been acquitted. Altogether, nothing could
be more childish than Lentulus, his accuser, and his fellow-
prosecutors, nothing more corrupt than the bench ; but still,
if the exertion and entreaties of Pompey had not been extra-
ordinary, and if the repoil of a coming dictatorship had nol

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTXJS. 79

been full of alarm, he would not have made any reply even
to Lentulus; and yet with him for his accuser, and with that
bench for his judges, he had thirty-two votes against him,
seventy persons voting. Certainly, this trial is of so severe
a character, that he seems likely to be convicted on the other
accusations, and especially on that of peculation ; but you
see that there is really no republic at all, no senate, no
judges, no dignity in any one of us.

Why should I say more about the judges 1 Two men of prae-
torian rank were on the bench ; Domitius Calvinus; he voted
openly for his acquittal, so that all might see it; and Cato;^
he, after the votes had been counted, withdrew himself from the
circle, and was the first to announce the result to Pompey.

2. Some say, and Sallust among them, that I ought to have
been the accuser. Should I trust myself to such judges?
What would have been thought of me if he had escaped
while I had pleaded against him 1 But other considerations
influenced me. Pompey would have thought that he had
a dispute with me, not about the safety of Gabinius, but his
own dignity. He would have entered the city. The matter
would have come to a regular quarrel ; I should have seemed
like Pacideianus when matched with ^seminus the Samnite;
perhaps he would have bitten off my ear. He would at least
have been reconciled to Clodius. With my own conduct
certainly, I am thoroughly satisfied, particularly if you do
not disapprove of it. He, after he had been honoured by me
with eminent exertions on my part, and though I owed Lim
nothing, and he owed everything to me, was still unable t:;
bear my differing in opinion with him about the affairs of the
commonwealth, (I will not use a harsher expression ;) anti
even at the period when he was less powerful, he showed hoi?
much he could do against me when I was at the height 0\
my reputation. Now, when I myself am not even anxious t:
acquire any great influence, when the republic itself has cer
tainly no power at all, and when he has power over everything
could I possibly contend with him 1 For so I must hav;
done. I do not believe that you think that I ought to hav
undertaken such a task.

3. [You should,] Sallust still argues, [have done] cne of

• What Cato, is uncertain ; but it was not, as Paul Manutius observes,
the Cato afterwards called Uticensia.

80 CICKKO'S LETTERS

two things ; [if you did not accuse him,] you should hava
defended him, and have granted that to the entreaty of
Pompey : for indeed he did entreat very earnestly. A plea-
Bant friend certainly Sallust is, who thinks that I was bound
either to incur a most dangerous enmity or everlasting
infamy. But I myself am pleased with this middle course ;
and it is gratifying to me, that after I had with great serious-
ness given my evidence in accordance with good faith and
religion, the defendant said, that if he could possibly have
been in the city, he would have satisfied me;^ nor did he put
a single question to me.

4. With respect to the verses which you wish me to writs
out for you, the task cannot be undertaken by me, a task
■which requires not only time, but also a mind free from all
care. But enthusiasm is also wanting, for I am not altogether
"without anxiety as to the coming year, though I am without
apprehension. And at the same time (I assure you that I
speak without the slightest irony) I assign a higher place in
that kind of writing to you than to myself

5. As to completing your Greek library, changing some
books, and procuring some Latin ones, I wish indeed that those
matters may be done, especially as they have reference to my
accommodation. But I myself have no person by whose
agency I can get such things done for me; for the books
which have attractions for me are not for sale, and cannot be
completed except by a man who is both skilful and diligent :
however, I will give Chrysippus a commission, and I will
speak with Tyrannio. I will inquire too, what Scipio has
done about the money. Whatever seems proper, I will attend
to it. As to Ascanio, you shall do whatever you please ; I
will interpose no obstacle on my own accoiint. I commend
you for not being in a hurry about your suburban villa, but
I advise you to have one.

6. I have written this on the 24th of October, the
day on which the games were beginning, as I was going
to my Tusculan villa, and taking my Cicero with me for a
game ^ of instruction, not of amusement ; on that account

* Would hava thanked me, for not having been his accuser, but
having merely given testimony against him. — Paul Manutius.

* In Ivdum discendi, non litsionis. He plays on the word ludut^vrbid
he had used just before; ludi committdtantitr.

iMOM

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 81

I did not go further than I wanted, because I desired to be
present at the triumph of Pomptinius/ on the 3d of Novem-
ber ; for there will be I know not what trifle of business ;
since Cato and Servilius, the praetors, threaten that they will
prevent it ; and I do not know what they can do, as he will
both have Appius the consul with him, and the majority of
the praetors, and the tribunes of the people. However, they
80 threaten, and especially Quintus Scaevola, who breathes
nothing but war. My kindest and dearest brother, take care
of your health.

LETTERS V. VI.

Marcus Cicero to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1, With respect to your question, what I have done about
those books which, when I was in the neighbourhood of
Cumae, I began to write, I have not been idle, nor am I idle ;
but I have several times changed my whole plan and method
of treating the subject : for after two books were completed,
in which, during that nine days' festival which took place in
the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius, a conversation is
commenced by me between Africanus,^ a little before his
death, and Laelius, Philus, Manilius, Quintus Tubero, and
Fannius and Scaevola, the sons-in-law of Laelius ; and that
conversation is extended over nine days, and through nine
books, being on the best form of government, and the charac-
ter of the best citizen, (the work in truth was put together
with sufficient clearness, and the dignity of the speakers added
some weight to the arguments ;) — when these books were read
by me at my Tusculan villa in the hearing of Sallust, I was
assured by him that opinions might be given on those sub-
jects with much greater authority, if I myself were to speak
on the republic, especially as I was not a Heraclides of Pon-
tus, but a man of considar rank, and one who had myself been
eoncemed in the most important affairs of state; but that
what I attributed to characters of such antiquity, would
appear to be fictitious; that as to the dialogue upon oratory

' Over the Allobroges.

* That is, the younger Africanus. The book alluded to is the treatiflt
De Bepublicd., discovered in this century.
a

82 CICERO's LETTERS

in th jse treatises of mine, I had doue well ncvt to tatter iu my
own character what was said on the art of speaking, but to
refer it to those men whom I had seen myself; but that
Aristotle himself delivers in his own character what he writes
about the commonwealth, and the most excellent kind of
citizen.

2. He made an impression upon me, and so much the
more because, [by the plan that I had adopted,] I was imable
to touch upon the greatest disturbances in our commonwealth,
inasmuch as they were posterior to the age of the speakers ;
though at first I had made this very thing one of my objects,
lest in touching on our own times, I should give ofience to any
one. Now I shall both avoid that, and shall myself converse
•with you ; but, nevertheless, if I come to Rome, I shall send
you what I had originally written ; for I imagine that you
"will be of opinion, that those books were not put aside by
me without some feeling of disappointment.

3. I am exceedingly gratified by Caesar's great good-will, of
■which he has assured me in his letter : but I do not depend
much on the promises which he holds out. I am neither
eager for honours nor anxious for glory; and I am more
desirous of the duration of his good- will, than the fulfilment
of his promises. Nevertheless, I live amidst the same-ambi-
tion and labour, as if I were expecting what I never solicit.

4. As to what you ask me about making verses, it is in-
credible, my dear brother, how much I want time ; nor indeed
am I sufficiently animated in thought to sing of those things
which you wish. And do you, who have surpassed all men
in that description of language and expression, ask me for
suggestions on a subject which I cannot fully grasp even with
the utmost exertion of thought 1 Nevertheless, I would do
it as well as I could, but, (what by no means escapes your
knowledge,) there is need, for composing a poem, of a certain
cheerfulness of spirit, which the times altogether take away
from me. I indeed free myself, as far as I can, from all
anxiety on account of the commonwealth, and devote myself
to literature; but still I will tell you what in truth I wished
above all things concealed from you : I am made wretched,
my dearest brother, I am made wretched by the consideration
that there is no commonwealth; no courts of justice; and that
this present time of life of mice, which ought to be in full

_J

dMfli

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTU8. 83

possession of the authority of a senator, is either harassed
with the labour of pleading'in the forum, or endured witli
the aid of private literary pursuits ; and that the idea which
I cherished from my childh»Dd,

At all times to excel, and be above

My fellows,

is all come to nothing ; that of my enemies, some are not
attacked by me, some are even defended; that not only my
inclinations, but my very dislikes are not free ; and that
Csesar is the only one of all men who is found to love me aa
much as I desire ; or even, as some think, is the only one whp
is inclined to love me.

Yet none of these vexations are of such a nature tha*"
I cannot every day soothe myself with great consolation ; bul
the greatest consolation of all will be if we shall be together
again; but, at present, to those other disquietudes of mine,
there is added even the most vehement longing to see you.

5. If, as Pansa thinks that I ought to have done, I had
defended Gabinius, I should have been utterly ruined ; those
who hate him, and they are all ranks of men, would have
begun to hate me, on account of him whom they already
hate. I bore myself, in my opinion, admirably, so as to do
only so much as every one might see. And in the whole of
my conduct, as you advise me, I devote myself greatly to the
cultivation of ease and tranquillity.

6. In respect of the library, it is Tyrannio who is the
idler. I will speak to Chrysippus ; but it is a troublesome
task, and one that requires a very diligent man. I find this
myself, who, with a great deal of trouble, meet with no suc-
cess. But for Latin books, I know not whither to turn my-
self; so faultily are they copied, and so dishonestly are they
3old ; however, I will not neglect to do what may be done.
Crebrius, as I wrote you word before, is at Rome, and the
men who take their oaths to anything, tell me that he is under
^eat obligations to you. I fancy that the money matters have
oeen settled in my absence.

7. When you say that you have finished four tragedies in
jxteen days, are you borrowing anything from any one else ]
And are you aiming at credit/^ by copying out the Electra
or the Troades? Do not be an idler; and do not fancy that

' Host texts have XP^°^ '• Oronovius and some others prefer kAAs.
a2

84 aCERO S LETTERS.

the saying yvio6i a-eavrov is intended merely to diminiah
arrogance, but that it also intimates that we should know
our own powers. However, I would wish you to send me
both them, and the Erigona. You have in this packet my
last two letters.

LETTER VII.
Marcm Cicero to his brother Quintiis, greeting.

1. Thebe is a wonderful flood at Rome, and especially
along the Appian road, as far as the temple of Mars ; the
walks of Crassipes, and his gardens, have been cai-ried away,
and many shops. There has been an amazing quantity of
water down as far as the public fish-ponds. The passage of
Homer ^ is powerfully illustrated : —

As on an autumn day, when Jupiter

Pours violent waters forth, whene'er, enraged.

His anger burns 'gainst men :

For it applies well to the acquittal of Gabinius : —

Men who by force in council will pronounce
Judgments unjust, and banish right, the voice
Of heav'n not heeding.

But I have made up my mind not to trouble myself about
these matters.

2. When I arrive at Rome, I will write you word what
I observe, and especially about the dictatorship; and I will
give the courier letters, both for Labienus and for Ligurius.

I wrote this before daybreak, by the light of a little wooden
candlestick, which was very acceptable to me, because they
said that you^ when you were at Samos, had had it made.
Farewell, my most affectionate and most excellent brother.

LETTER VIII.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. There is no need for me to reply to your former letter,

which is full of discontent and complaints; of which kind

too you say that you had given Labienus another the day

before; but he has not arrived yet. For your caore recent

1 U, xvi. 386.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS. 85

letter has removed from me every feeling of annoyance ; only
I both advise and entreat you, to recollect amid all those
annoyances and labours and feelings of regret, what our
intention was in your journey. For we were not aiming at
any trifling or ordinary advantages ; for what advantage could
there have been which we should have thought worth pur-
chasing at the price of our separation? We were seeking
most powerful protection, for the full maintenance of our
dignity, from the good-will of a most excellent and most
influential man. More is risked on hope than on money;
everything else will go ^ to loss. If, therefore, you often turn
back your thoughts to the consideration of our old objects
and hopes, you will more easily bear those hardships of
military sei*vice, and other things which annoy you; and
still you will be able to shake them off" when you please.
But the full time for that matter has not arrived yet, though
it is approaching.

2. Moreover, I recommend you not to trust anything to
your letters, from which, if it should be divulged, we should
suffer annoyance. There are many things of which I had
rather be ignorant than be informed of them at any risk.
I will write to you further with a mind at ease, when my
Cicero is going on well again, as I hope he will. I would
wish you to take care and let me know to whom I must give
the letter which I am to send you next ; whether to the
couriers of Caesar, that he may at once send them on to you,
or to those of Labienus; for where those Nervii^ are, or how
far off" they are, I know not.

3. I derived great pleasure from your letter concerning the
virtue and gravity of Caesar, which he had displayed when
under deep aflSiction. And as to your requesting me to
finish the poem which I have begun to him, although I am
distracted with labour, and still more in mind, still, since
Caesar has learned from the letter which I had sent to you,
that I have begun something, I will resume what I had
commenced, and complete it in these idle days of supplica-
tions; during which I am extremely glad that our friend

* Stntentur is the reading of Orellius and most other editors ; Nobba
has strttantur.

' The Nervii in Gaul, among whom Quintus was in winter quarters
with hia legion. Cses. B. G. v. — Paul Ma/imtiua,

86 CICERO S LETTERS

Messala and the rest are relieved from annoyance, and when you
Bet him down as quite sure to be consul with Domitius, ycu do
not in the least dissent from my own opinion. I will under-
take for Messala's conduct to Csesar; but Memmius places
hopes in the arrival of Caesar, in which I think he is mis-
taken ; here at least he is coldly regarded : as for Scaurus,
Pompey cast him off some time ago.

4. Matters are postponed ; the comitia are brought to an
interregnum. The rumour of a dictator is disagreeable to the
well-affected j but what they say is far more disagreeable to
me. However, the whole business is regarded with alarm,
and goes on slowly. Pompey plainly denies that he has any
inclination for it. Before he did not use to deny it to me.
Hirrus seems likely to propose it. O ye gods, what a fool of
a man ! how does he love himself without a rival ! He
frightened off, by my means, Crassus Junianus,^ a man wholly
devoted to me. It is very hard to know whether he wishes it,
or whether he does not. However, while Hirrus is acting, he
will not make people believe that he has any disinclination.
People at this time were talking of nothing else with regard
to public affairs ; at all events, nothing else is done.

5. The funeral of Serranus Domesticus the son, was a very
mournful one : it took place on the 1 9th of November. The
father spoke a funeral panegyric over him, of my writing.

6. Now as to Milo: Pompey has given nothing to him,
and everything to Gutta; and says that he will take care
that Csesar shall use all his endeavours to further his interest.
Milo is apprehensive of this, — and not without reason, — and
almost despairs, if he becomes dictator. If he with any armed
force, or with his protection, should assist any one who inter-
posed a veto to his dictatorship, he fears Pompey would be
his enemy; and if he does not assist some one, then he is
afraid that matters will be carried by violence. He is pre-
paring the most magnificent games,^ of such a character that
no man has ever exhibited any more costly ones ; a double
and a treble piece of folly, as they are not demanded,^ — either
because he had already exhibited a very fine show, or because

' The name is probably corrupt.

- In honour of the dead, by whose will he had received a bequetit
•^Paul Manutius.
» By the people. See Ep. ad Fam. ix. 8.— /dm.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTCS. 8T

means were wanting, or because he was a director,^ or because
he might fairly look upon himself as a director, and not aa
an sedile.^ I have now written nearly all that I had to say.
My dearest brother, take care of your health.

LETTER IX.
Marcus to his brother Quintus, greeting.

1. In the matter of Gabinius, none of those things which
were most affectionately imagined by you, were necessary to
be done:

Then may the wide-mouthed earth, with ample yawn,
Swallow me quick.

I acted with the most consummate dignity, as all men are of
opinion, and also with the greatest lenity, in all the steps
which I took : I neither pressed him hard, nor relieved him.
I was a very strong witness ; in other respects I was quiet.
The disgraceful and ruinous result of the trial I took very
easily; and my prudence indeed now redounds to my ad-
vantage; so that I am not in the least moved by these
calamities of the commonwealth, and the licentiousness of
audacious citizens, with which I used to be distracted ; for
nothing can be more utterly lost than these men and these
times.

2. Since, therefore, no pleasure can now be derived from
public affairs, I do not know why I should vex myself.
Literature, my studies, and leisure, my country-houses, and
especially our boys, give me great pleasure. Milo is the only
one that gives me annoyance ; but I wish that the consulsliip
may put an end to it ; in regard to which I will use no less
exertions than I used about my own ; and you, from where
you are, will be able to help me, as indeed you do. Concerning

' Magister. A director or trustee to see the property divided among
the legatees. — Idem.

* Cicero's meaning is, that to exhibit games was the part of sediles,
not of magistri, directors or trustees, a ad that Milo, therefore, as he
was only a magister, and not an sedile, ought to have forborne from
•xhibiting games. — Idem.

88 CICERO S LETTERS

that matter, the other points, unless violence breaks them o£F,
Rre going on well. For his estate I am in fear :

But the man rages beyond all endurance,

and is preparing games which are to cost a hundred thousand
pounds.^ But in this one particular I will bear with his in-
considerateness as well as I can ; and it is for your firmness
to be able to bear it.

3. With respect to the commotions of the coming year, I
had wished you to understand that there is no cause fof
domestic apprehension, but only for the common condition ol
the republic, about which, if I am not able to effect any good,
I am still unable to be wholly indifferent. But how cautious
I wish you to be in writing, you may conjecture from this,
that I do not even write to you any account of the disturb-
ances which are openly made in the republic, lest my letters,
being intercepted, should hurt any one's feelings. I there-
fore would have you fi'ee from domestic anxiety. As to the
interests of the commonwealth, I know how anxious you
always are about them.

I see that our friend Messala is consul ; if by the interven-
tion of the interrex, without any proper decision ; if by the
dictator's * influence, still without danger ; he has no unpopu-
larity to contend with. The ardour of Hortensius will have
great influence : the acquittal of Gabinius is looked on as the
promulgation of a law of impunity. By the bye, there has
not been anything done yet about a dictator.

Pompey is away ; Appius disturbs everything ; Hirrus is
preparing to act. Many people are counted ready to inter-
pose their veto. The people does not care ; the chiefs are
adverse ; I take no part.

4. I am greatly obliged to you for the promises which you
make about the slaves, and I am, as you write word, but very
poorly attended both in Rome and in the country ; but take
care of troubling yourself, I intreat you, about anything which
regards my convenience, unless it is entirely convenient to
you, and quite within your power.

* Copies vary as to this sum. Most of them have HSCCC ; which has
been generally thought corrupt.

• Per dictatorem. An allusion to Pompey, whom a party wished to
make dictator.

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTU8. 8J>

5. I laughed at Vatinius's letter ; but I am well aware that
I am observed by him in such a manner, that I must not
only swallow his existing hatred, but even digest [and put
up with] it.

6. As to the work which you exhort me to finish, I have
finished a very pleasant epic poem, (as it appears to me,) to
Caesar ; but I want a trustworthy courier, lest that should
happen which happened to your Erigona, for which alonej.
since Caesar has had the command, the road out of Gaul has
not been safe.

7. * * * Well? if I have not good mortar,
ought I to pull down the house? which indeed pleases me
more and more every day; and, above all, the lower portico;
and the rooms out of it are admirably made. As to Arcanum^
that is a work of Caesar himself, or indeed of some still neater
workman : for those images, and that palaestra, and fish-pond,
and stream, is the work of many Philotimi, not Diphili. But
I will myself go there, and send orders, and give directions.

8. You would complain still more of the will of Felix, if you
knew the truth ; for the documents which he thought that
he was signing, in which he had laid down strict directions as-
to the division of his property, he did not sign ; (he mistook
partly though his own blunder, and partly through that off
his slave, Sicuras;) and he signed documents which he did
not intend to sign. But let him bemoan himself. Let us-
take care of ourselves.

9. I love your Cicero as you beg me, and as he deserves,
and as I ought ; but I do not keep him always with me, botb
that I may not withdraw him from his teachers, and because-
his mother Porcia is away, without whom I am afraid of the-
boy's appetite ; but still we are a great deal together. I have
now replied to everything in your letter, my most aflfiBctionat©
and most excellent brother. Fare you welL

90 Cicero's liETTEBS to bbutus.

CICERO'S LETTERS TO BRUTUS.

INTRODUCTION.

The genuineness of this volume has been very commonly doubted;
but that question is one on which it seems now hardly worth while
to enter.

The first of these Letters was written in the year of Caesar's murder,
710 A.u.c, in the consulship of Antonius and Dolabella, who seized
that office on the death of Caesar, which he himself had previously
promised to resign to him.

Cicero, though he had not been privy to the conspiracy, yet as soon as
the deed was done, ranged himself on the side of the conspirators,
as being the only party with sufficient power to secure order. In
a few days, however, they negotiated with Antony, and he, desirous
to grasp the power which had been possessed by Caesar, prociired
them distant provinces, some of which had been previously assigned
to them by Caesar. Brutus was to have Macedonia ; Cassius, Syria ;
•and Decimus Brutus, Cisalpine Gaul. Soon afterwards Octavius re-
turned to Italy, arriving at Naples in the middle of April, where he
had an interview with Cicero ; and before the end of the month, he
arrived in Rome. Brutus and Cassius had already become unpopular
in the city, and retreated to Lavinium ; and Antony now began to
show his hostility to their party, forbidding Decimus Brutus to go
to his province, and prevailing on the senate to transfer Macedonia
and Syria from Marcus Brutus and Cassius to himself and Dolabella,
while they were to have, instead, the charge of supplying the city
%vith grain. The day after this vote was passed, (June 6,) Cicero had
an interview with Brutus and Cassius at Antium, where nothing was
decided on. As the city-praetor, Brutus ought to have exhibited the
Ludi ApoUinares ; but he was afraid to return to the city, which
indeed even Cicero did not think that he could do with safety. He
retired to the neighbourhood of Baiae, while his colleague presided
over the games, which were celebrated at his expense, and with great
magnificence. The conspirators were a little encouraged by news of
some advantages which Sextus Pompey had gained in Spain, though
he did not belong to their party; but he, in consequence, and
learning that Lepidus was raising an army to attack him, proposed
a general disarming of all parties.

Cicero himself was absent from Rome, visiting difiFerent places on the
coast, during the summer. Antony reconciled himself to Antonius,
and by his aid prevailed on the senate to allow him to resign Mace-
donia to his brother Caius, and to give him Decimus Brutus's
province of Cisalpine GauL Brutus and Cassius, as praetors, had no
right to be absent from the city without leave ; but they obtained ii

CICERO TO BRUTUS. 9l

from the senate, and subsequently quitted Italy for the East* with
the resolution to endeavour to make themselves masters by force of
the provinces which had been originally assigned to them, and of
which they had now been deprived. Cicero sailed from Italy, and
went to Syraaase, intending to proceed to Athens; but the wind
being unfavourable, he was driven back to Italy. He returned to
Rome on the last day of August, where he was received with accla-
mations by all parties ; but as he refused to appear the next day in
the senate, Antony was offended, and attacked him: and the day
afterwards Cicero delivered his first Philippic. Antony and Octavius
quarrel : Antony leaves Rome for Brundusium, to take the command
of the legions assembled there ; and Octavius visits the colonies in
Campania, and then Ravenna, and the towns between Rome and tha
frontiers of Gaul. Cicero supports Octavius. Antony returns to
Rome, and again leaves it, and goes northward to attack Decimus
Brutus, who throws himself into Mutina. The consuls-elect for th«
ensuing year were Hirtius and Pansa.

LETTER I.
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

Lucius Clodius,^ tribune of the people elect, has a very great
liking for me ; or, that I may use a more emphatic expression,
has a very great love for me ; and as I am quite certain of
that, I have no doubt that you (for you know my disposition
thoroughly) will suppose that he also is beloved by me : for
nothing appears to me to be less becoming to a man, than
not to respond in attachment to those by whom you ai'e in-
vited to it.

He appeared to me to suspect, (and not indeed, without
great concern,) that something has been reported to you by
his enemies, or rather through the agency of his enemies, by
which your aflFection has been alienated from him. It is
not my custom, my dear Brutus, (and this I think you know,)
to say anything rashly about another; for it is dangerous,
on account of the secret nature of men's wishes, and the
variety of their characters. But I have thoroughly examined
and understood and appreciated the disposition of Clodius:
there are many indications of it, but not necessary to bo
written ; for I wish you to look upon this rather as a testi-
monial than as a letter. He was promoted by the favour of
Antony, and a great portion of that very favour is owing tc
you ; and therefore, as long as it did not interfere with our
* Nothing more is known of this Clodiua.

92 BRUTUS TO CICERO.

safety, he would be glad to see him safe. But he is aware
that matters have been brought into such a state, (for he is,
as you are aware, by no means deficient in acuteness,) that
both cannot be safe : and therefore he prefers that we should
be so. And of you yourself he speaks and feels with the
greatest friendliness : so that if any one has written you a
different account of him, or has sought to give you a different
impression in conversation, I beg of you over and over again
rather to believe me, who am both able to judge of him more
easily than any obscure informer, and am more sincerely at-
tached to you : think therefore that Clodius is most friendly
to you, and that he is such a citizen as a man of the greatest
prudence and of the most affluent fortune ought to be.

LETTER IT.

Brutus to Cicero, greeting.

I HAVE been earnestly expecting your letter, which you
wrote after you received the news of the state of our affairs,
and of the death of Trebonius ;^ for I have no doubt that you
fully explain your views to me. By a most shameful atrocity,
we have lost a most excellent citizen, and have been expelled
from the possession of the province, which it is easy to
recover; nor will it be less disgraceful or iniquitous that it
should not be recovered, if it be possible. Antony^ is as yet
with us ; but, I assure you, I am both moved by the entreaties
of the man, and I am afraid that the madness of some parties
may fall upon him. I am altogether in perplexity. But if I
knew what you thought best, I should be free from anxiety,

• This was the first blood shed by either paxty after the death of
Caesar. Trebonius had been assigned the province of Asia Minor, and
had taken possession of it ; but Dolabella proceeded through Asia
Minor, to take possession of Syria, where Cassius was already in arms.
Trebonius did not dare openly to defy him ; but the gates of the dif-
ferent cities were closed against him. He attacked Smyrna, in which
Trebonius himself was, scaled the walls by night, seized him in his bed,
and beheaded him ; while the soldiers mutilated the body, and tearing
down the head from Dolabella's tribune, kicked it about the streets, till
the features could no longer be recognised. This oocarred about th«
end of February 711 A.u.c.

^ CaiuB Antony, who waa a prisoner.

BRUTUB TO CICERO. 93

for I should feel sure that that really was the best. As
soon as possible, therefore, make me acquainted with your
opinions.

Our friend Cassius has Syria, and the Syrian legions ; having
been invited spontaneously by Murcus and Martins, and by
the troops themselves. I have written to my sister Tertia,
and t3 my mother, not to spread any account of this most
admirable and fortunate exploit of Cassius, till they knew
your opinion, and till you thought it desirable to do so.

I have read your two speeches; of which you spoke one
on the 1st of January, and the other was in reply to Calenus,
on the subject of my letters. You now doubtless expect me
to praise them : I know not whether the merit of courage or
of abiUty displayed in them be the greater. I now grant that
they may be called Philippics, as you wrote, jestingly, in one
of your letters. We are in need of two things, my dear
Cicero ; money, and reinforcements ; one of which may be
hastened by you, I mean that some portion of the troops
from Italy may be sent to us, either secretly, and in spite of
Pansa, or else by an open motion in the senate; the other
thing, money, which is still more necessary, not more for my
troops than those of the other commanders, * *

On this account I am the more concerned that we have lost
Asia; which I hear is oppressed to such a degree by Dolabella,
that the murder of Trebonius no longer appears his most
barbarous action. Vetus Antistius, however, has aided me
with money.

Your son Cicero endears himself to me so greatly by his
industry, patience, diligence, and magnanimity, — in short, by
the performance of every kind of duty, that he seems never
for a moment to forget whose son he is. Though, therefore,
I cannot make you love him more than you do, since he is
already most dear to you ; at least allow so much weight to
my opinion, as to feel sure that he will not have to appropriate
any of your glory, in order to arrive at honours similar to
those of his father.

Dyrrhachium, the 1st of Apri...^

^ These letters are differently arranged in different editions. I have
followed the arrangement of Middleton as most consistent with the
historical order of the events alluded to ; but the letters of Brutus are
just as spurious as those attributed to Cicero. It may save troualo

94

CICEllO TO BRUTUS.

LETTER III.
Cicero to Brutus, gretf.mg.

You have been able to learn the admirable disposition ol
Plancus for the good of the commonwealth, and the number
of his Legions and auxiliary troops, and, in short, of his whole
force, from his letters, of which I suppose that a copy has
been sent to you. I imagine too, that from the letters of
your own friends, you have arrived at a complete understand-
ing of the levity and inconsistency of your friend Lepidus,

io give the arrangement of the different editions, — that adopted by
Middleton, and the ordinary arrangement, which divides these Letters
mto two books : —

FIRST WORDS.

MIDDLETON.

ORDINARY EDITION

Lucius Clodius . ,

L .

Book I. 1.

Literas tuas . . .

IL .

IL 5.

Planci auimum . .

in. .

IL 2.

Datis mane . . .

IV. .

IL 4.

Quae literse . . .

V. .

IL 7.

Veteris Antistii . .

VL .

L 11.

Multos tibi . . .

VIL .

L 8.

Cum haec scribebam

VIIL .

IL 1.

Nostra} res , . .

IX. .

I. 3.

A. d. V. Calendas .

X. .

L 6.

Quanta sim Isetitid,

XI .

L 4.

Lucius Bibulus . .

xn. .

L 7.

Noli expectare . .

XIIL .

L 6.

Scripts et obsignate

XIV. .

I. 2.

Scribis mihi . . .

XV. .

L17.

Fungerer ....

XVL .

L 9.

Etsi daturus . .

xvn. .

L12.

De Marco Lepido .

XVIII. .

I. 13.

Nullas adhuc . . .

XIX .

L 10.

Breves tuae . . .

XX. .

L14.

Messalam habes .

XXL .

L15.

Particulam literarum

XXII. .

L16.

Cum ssepe te . .

XXIIL .

.18.

Si per tuas . . .

XXIV. .

II. 8.

There is also one given in the ordinary editions as a fragment of
a separate letter ; but printed by Middleton as the end of Letter II.
and one beginning " Quod egere," which Middleton considers a portion
of Letter IV., but which I have followed the ordinary edition in giving
18 a separate letter, and which will be found as Letter IV. Letter XXIV,
Widdleton himself gives up as a forgery.

CICERO TO BRUTUS. 95

(who, next to his own brother, hates his relations above all
people,) and his invariably hostile feelings towai'ds the com-
monwealth. My expectation disquiets me, the fulfilment of
which is wholly reduced to an extremely critical state ; for all
my hopes depend on the delivery of Brutus, for whom 1 was
in a state of great alarm.

At present, I have suflScient difficulty here, with that mad-
man Servilius, with whom I have borne longer than my
dignity fairly allowed ; but I did bear with him for the sake
of the republic, that I might not give the profligate portion
of the citizens a man, not indeed of great wisdom, but of
noble birth, to whom they might flock as a leader — which,^
nevertheless, they do. But I did not think it right that he
should be alienated from the republic. However, I have done
with enduring him now, for he had begun to show such inso-
lence, that he looked upon no one as free. In the case of
Plancus, he burst forth with incredible indignation, and con-
tended with me in such a spirit for two days, and was so
completely beaten by me, that I hope that he will be more
modest hereafter. And while this very contest was going
on, at the time when the debate was proceeding with the
greatest vehemence, on the 9th of April, a letter was deli-
vered to me in the senate, from our friend Lentulus, with an
account of Cassius and his legions, and Syria; and as soon
as I had read it aloud, Servilius lost heart, as well as many
others, for there are several other persons of high rank who
are thoroughly disaffected : but Servilius was exceedingly
indignant that assent was expressed to my opinion about
Plancus. He is a great monster in regard to the common-
wealth, but * * ♦

LETTER IV.

Cicero to JSruttis, greeting.

As to your remark that you are in need of two necessary
things, reinforcements and money, it is very difficult to know
what advice to give you ; for no means occur to my recol-
lection, which I consider that you can use, except those which
the senate has voted, giving you the power of borrowing
money from the difierent cities. But about the reinforce-

©6 CIOERO TO BRUTUS.

ment, I do not see what can be done ; foi so far is Pansa
from being able to afford you any portion of his ariny, or
of his new levies, that he is even greatly annoyed at so many
volunteers going to you; in my opinion, because he thinks
.that for those affairs about which there is now a contention
in Italy, no forces can be too great ; but as many people
suspect, because he has no desire for you to become too strong.
I, however, have no suspicion of this kind.

With regard to what you say, that you have written to
your sister Tertia, bidding her not to make public the things
which have been done by Cassius, till I approved of it, I see
that you were afraid of what there was good reason to fear,
namely, that the disposition of Caesar's party (as parties have
still distinctive appellations) would be greatly excited by the
intelligence. But, before we received your letters, the affair
was known and spread abroad; and, besides, your couriers
had brought letters to many of your friends. The fact was
therefore not to be suppressed, since, indeed, it could not be
done; and if it could have been done, we should have thought
it a matter not to be published, rather than wholly concealed.
With respect to my Cicero, if there really is as much in him
as you say in your letter, I am as glad as I ought to be; and
if, because you love him, you make his merits so much the
greater, I still rejoice extremely on that very account, that he
is beloved by you.

April 12th.

LETTER V.

Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

After I had given Scaptius letters for you on the morning
of the 11th of April, the same day I received one from you
in the evening, dated on the 1st of April, from Dyrrhachium ;
and, therefore, when on the next day I was informed by
Scaptius that the men to whom he had given the letters the
day before had not started, but were going to set off imme-
diately, I scratched these few lines to you in the midst of the
confusion of my morning levee. About Cassius I am delighted,
and congratulate the republic on his success; I congra-
tulate myself too, for having delivered my opinion in spite of

HMiii

CICERO TO ERUTUB. 97

the opposition and anger of Pansa, that Cassius should pur-
sue Dolabella actively as an enemy; and I declared with
great boldness that he was already carrying on that war with'
out waiting f:»r any decree of the senate from us. I also said
about you what I thought at that time ought to be said.

This speech of mine will be sent to you, since I see that you
are pleased with my Philippics.

As to my advice that you ask respecting Caius Antonius,
I think that you ought to keep him prisoner till we know the
result of the affairs of Brutus.* From the letters which you
have sent me, Dolabella seems to be oppressing Asia, and
conducting himself most shamefully in that province; but
you have written to several people that " Dolabella has been
shut out by the Rhodians." Now, if he has been to Rhodes,
it seems to me that he must have left Asia; and if that
be the case, I think that you ought to stay there; but if
he has once got possession of the place, then, believe me, you
ought not, but should, as I think, piu-sue him into Asia.
You seem to be likely to do nothing better at the present
moment * * *

LETTER VI.

Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

I CONCLUDE that your relations, to none of whom do I yield
in attachment to you, have informed you what letter was
read publicly in the senate on the 13th of April in your
name, and at the same time in that of Antony. But it
was not necessary that we should all write about the same
things; what was necessary for me to write to you was, what
I thought of the entire conduct of this war, and what my
deliberate opinion and sentiments were. My feeling, my
dear Brutus, with respect to the republic in general, has
always been the same as your own ; my plan of action in some
points, not indeed in all, may perhaps have been a little more
vigorous. You know that my opinion has always been, that
the republic should be delivered not only from the tyrant, but
also from the tyranny. You adopted more gentle notions,
' Pijcimus Brutus.
n

4)8 OIOBRO TO BRUTU3.

certn'.uly, to yovir own immortal honour; but which of the
two plans was the better, we have felt with great grief, and
^8till feel, to our great danger. On that recent occasion you
referred everything to the object of ensuring peace, which
could not be managed by mere speeches ; I directed all my
aims to secure liberty, which indeed can have no existence
without peace ; and peace itself I thought could be best esta-
blished by war and arms.

Zeal was not wanting to those who cried for arms, but we
repressed their impetuosity, and checked their ardour. In
consequence, our affairs fell into such a state, that if some
god had not inspired Csesar Octavianus with the feelings which
animated him, we must have fallen into the power of that
most abandoned and infamous man, Mark Antony, with whom
you see how great and perilous a contest there is ; and there
would have been none, if Antony had not been spared on
that occasion. 1

But I forbear to speak of those matters ; for the exploit
then performed by you,^ an exploit ever memorable, and almost
divine, precludes all blame ; and, indeed, it cannot be extolled
with all the praise that it deserves.

You have lately appeared of a grave countenance. You
have collected by yourself, in a short time, an army, and
troops, and a sufficient number of legions. 0 ye immortal gods,
'what an announcement was that, what a letter ! how great
was the joy of the senate ! how extreme the alacrity of the
whole city ! I never saw anything extolled with such unani-
mity. There had been some expectation about the remains
of Antony's force, whom you had deprived of his cavalry and
of the chief part of his legions ; but it came to such an end
^as we could have wished ; for your letter, which was read in
the senate, shows the wisdom of the general, the valour of the
soldiers, the industry of your friends, and among them of my
€icero. Had it seemed advisable to your friends that a
motion should be made respecting your letter, and had it not
arrived at a most turbulent time, after the departure of Pansa
the consul, proper and deserved honours would have been
decreed to the immortal gods on the occasion.

Behold, on the 13th of April, early in the morning, your
-rapid courier, Pilus, arrives. What a man ! 0 ye gods, how

• 'When Ctcsax" was murdered. * The assassination of Cffisar.

CICERO TO BR'JTUS. 99

grave ! how steady ! how well affected to the republic ! He
brings two letters, one in your name, and one in tL&t of
Antony. He delivers them to Servilius the tribune of the
people, Servilius gives them to Cornutus; they are read in
the senate : " Antony the proconsul." There was great asto-
nishment, just as if any one had read " Dolabella the
emperor ;" from whom, indeed, couriers had arrived, but no
one like Pilus, bold enough to produce the lettei'S, or deliver
them to the magistrates.

Your letter was read; it was short, indeed, but very
mild towards Antony. The senate admired it greatly ; to me
it was not quite clear what I ought to do. Should I pronounce
it forged ? But what if you owned it 1 Should I pronounce
it genuine 1 That was not for your honour/ The day, there-
fore, was suffered to pass in silence.

But the next day, when conversation on the matter had
become general, and when Pilus had given a great deal of
apparent offence, a commencement was fairly made on my
part. I said a good deal about the " proconsul Antony."
Sextius was not wanting to the cause; and afterwards he
spoke to me, observing in how much danger he thought his
son and mine would be, if they had taken up arms against a
proconsul. You know the man; he did full justice to the
argument. Others spoke too ; and our friend Labeo remarked
that your seal was not affixed to the letter, or the date added,
and that you had not written to your relations, as you used
to do. By this he wished to prove that the letter was forged ;
and, if you wish to know more, did prove it.

Now, my dear Brutus, you have to decide upon the whole
plan of the war. I see that you are pleased with lenity, and
think it of the greatest advantage. It is very honourable, but
it is in a different situation of affairs, and at other seasons,
that there is room for clemency. At present, my dear
Brutus, what is the state of affairs 1 The hopes of the needy
and profligate point to the destruction of the temples of the
immortal gods ; nor, indeed, is anything else to be determined
by this war, but whether we are to exist, or not.

Who is it that we are sparing, and what are we doing?

' I\>r if Antony had been a legal proconsul, it must have been not
only dishonourable, but criminal in Brutus, to act against him as au
enemy. — Middle ton.

n 2

100 BRUTUS TZ CICERO.

Are we thinking of the safety of those, by whom, if they should
be victorious, not a trace of us will be left 1 For what differ-
ence is there between Dolabella and any one of the three
Antonies ? If we spare any one of them, we shall have been
too harsh with Dolabella. Although the stite of affairs
themselves compelled the senate and people of Rome to
embrace such opinions as these, still it was only brought about
in a very great degree by my prudence and authority.

If you do not approve this course, I will defend the opinion
which you may express, but shall not abandon my own. Men
expect from you nothing careless on the one hand, or cruel
on the other. Moderation in this matter is easy, by being
strict to the leaders, but liberal to the common soldiers.

I wish, my dear Brutus, that you would have my Cicero
with you as much as possible. He will find no better school
of virtue than the contemplation and imitation of you.

16th of April.

LETTER VII.
Bruttis to Cicero, greeting.

Such are the feelings of Vetus Antistius towards the com-
monwealth, that I do not doubt that he would have proved
himself a most strenuous defender of the common liberty in
reference to Caesar and Antony, if he could have found an
opportunity ; for he who, when he encountered Dolabella in
Achaia, furnished with infantiy and cavalry, preferred to run
any risk firom the treachery of a bandit ready for everything,
rather than seem either to have been compelled to give, or to
have given willingly, any money to that most profligate and
infamous person, has of his own accord promised lis, and
actually given, above sixteen thousand pounds^ out of his
own funds ; and, what is much more valuable still, he has
offered us himself, and united himself to us.

I have endeavoured to persuade him to remain as general
in the camp, and to aid in the defence of the republic ; but
le considered that he ought to depart, since he had disbanded

' Hsxx. Paul Manutiua admonishes us that we must take this for
ricies-centenamiUia nummUm, i.e. 2,000 ses'jertia, or, as Middletou givet
it, lG,'AiU

CICERO TO BRUTU3. 101

his army; but he promised to return to us immediately,
accepting an appointment as lieutenant, unless the consuls
should proceed to hold comitia for the election of praetors.
For I earnestly recommended him, as he was so well affected
to the commonwealth, not to postpone offering himself as a
candidate. His conduct ought to be acceptable to all, at
least such as look upon this as the army of the republic ; and
so much the more pleasing to you, as you defend our liberty
with greater courage and glory, and as you will gain a greater
accession of dignity, if that result for which we hope shall
attend our counsels.

Moreover, my dear Cicero, I beg of you most particularly,
and as a friend may, to look favourably on Vetus, and to
exert yourself to add to his honours ; since, although nothing
can turn him aside from the path which he has chosen, yet
he may be excited by your praises and kindness to adhere
more vigorously and tenaciously to his resolution ; and this
will very much oblige me.

LETTER VIII.
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

1 HAVE recommended many persons to you, and I must
continue to recommend ; for every virtuous man and good
citizen is guided chiefly by your judgment, and all men of
courage are eager to exert their efforts and spirit in your
service; nor is there 'any one who does not think that my
interest and influence have great weight with you. But I
recommend to you Caius Nasennius, a native of the municipal
town of Suessa, in such a way that I cannot recommend any
one with more sincerity. For in the Cretan war, he com-
manded the eighth century of the Principes under Metellus,
and, since that time, he has been occupied in his own family
affairs. At present, being influenced both by the state of
the republic and by your pre-eminent dignity, he would be
glad to obtain some post by your means.

I recommend to you, my dear Brutus, a brave man, a pru-
dent man, and, if that be anything to the purpose, a wealthy
man. It will give me great pleasure if you treat him in such
a manner that he may thank me for your favour to him.

102 CICERO TO 3RUTU8.

LETTER IX.
Cicero to Bruttts, greeting.

At the time that I was writing this letter, mattei? were
Biipposed to have been reduced to the last extremity; for
melancholy letters and news arrived about our friend Brutus.
They did not indeed very much disturb me, for I could by no
means distrust the armies and generals whom we have ;
yet I did not agree with the majority, for I had not a bad
opinion of the fidelity of the consuls, which was strongly
suspected. I desired in some particulars more prudence and
promptness ; and if they had exerted those qualities, we
should have already reestablished the republic.

For you are not ignorant how great is the importance
of seasonableness in public affairs, and what a difference it
makes, whether the same thing be determined, imdertaken,.
or done, a little sooner or a little later. If everything that
was voted with resolution in this tumult, had either been
done on the day on which I delivered my opinion, and not
postponed from day to day, or if, from the time when things
were engaged to be done, they had not been still delayed and
procrastinated, we should now have no war at all.

I, my dear Brutus, have done everything for the republic
that a man is bound to do, who has been placed in the rank
in which I have been, by the deliberate judgment of the
senate and people ; not merely those things, which indeed are
all that are to be required of a man, good faith, vigilance,
and attachment to my country; for those are duties which
every man ought to practise ; but, by him who delivers his
opinion on affairs of a state among the chief men of it, I
think that pnidence ought also to be exhibited; nor, when
I have taken so much upon myself as to assume the helm
of the state, do I think myself less liable to i-eproof if I have
given any unprofitable advice to the senate, than I should
be if I had given any that is treacherous.

I am aware that a careful account is sent to you of what
has been done, and what is going forward. But there is also
something on my part of which I wish -tou to be informed,
namely, that my mind is fixed on the war, and that I attend

CICERO TO BKUTUa 103

to no other objfi.t, unless perchance the advantage of the
republic calls me to something else; and the chief part of
my thoughts are directed towards Cassius and yourself. Pre-
pare yourself, therefore, my dear Brutus, to understand, that
if affairs turn out well at this crisis, it is by you that the
republic must be improved ; or, if any miscarriage takes place,
it is by you that the republic must be restoi-ed.

LETTER X.
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

Our affairs seemed to be in a better position ; for I know
for a certainty that an account has been sent to you of
what has taken place. The consuls have proved to be just
such men as I often described them to you ; but the natural
inclination of young Csesar for virtue is marvellous. I trust
that when he is in the full possession of honours and influence,
we may be able to guide and restrain him with as much ease
as we have controlled him hitherto. No doubt that will be
a more difficult task, but still we do not despair, for the
young man feels altogether persuaded, chiefly by me, that it
is through his means that we have been saved ; and, doubt-
less, if he had not kept Antony away from the city, all would
have been lost.

But three or four days before this most fortunate event,
the whole city, under the influence of some alarm, were
running off with their wives and children to you ; but having
by the 20th of April recovered their spirits, they were de-
sirous rather that you should come hither, than that they
should go to you. On that day, indeed, I reaped the greatest
reward of all my great labours and long anxiety, if indeed
there is any reward in solid and true glory ; for a concourse
of as numerous a multitude as our city can contain flocked to
my house; by whom I was conducted as far as the Capitol,
and then, with the utmost acclamations and applause, placed
in the rostrum. There is no vanity in me, nor ought there
to be any; but yet the unanimity, the avowed gi-atitude, and
the congratulations of all ranks of men excite me, because it
is glorious for me to be popular from having secured the
welfare of the people. But I would rather that you should

104 CICEEO TO BRCTUa.

hear of these things from others; and I would wish you
to keep me informed, with the utmost care, of all your aflSdra
and plans, and to beware lest your easiness of dealing with
people may seem to resemble indifference. The senate feels,
and the Eoman people feel, that no enemies were ever more
worthy of the last extremity of punishment, than those
citizens who in this war have taken up arms against their
country ; on whom I cry for vengeance, and whom I attack
with every vote that I give, while all honest men approve of
my conduct.

How you ought to judge of this matter, is a question for
your own prudence. My opinion is, that the cause of the
three brothers is one and the same. We have lost two con-
suls, honest men, indeed, but honest men merely. Hirtius,
it is true, died in the hour of victory, after he had defeated
the enemy, a few days before, in a great battle; for Pansa
had retired from the field, after receiving some wounds under
which he could not support himself. Brutus * is pursuing
the remains of the enemy, and so is Caesar. All those who
have adhered to the party of Mark Antony have been de-
clared public enemies; and accordingly most men interpret
that decree of the senate as affecting those whom you have
in your hands, whether captured, or having surrendered. I
myself, indeed, advanced nothing more severe when I was
giving judgment on Caius Antonius by name, as I had settled
my opinion, that the senate ought to learn his case from you.

22d of April

LETTER XT.
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

On the 2 2d of April, when opinions were given in the
senate about the propriety of pursuing with war those who
had been declared enemies, Servilius included Ventidius in
the number, and added, that Cassius ought to pursue Dola-
bella. Having expressed my agreement with him, I proposed
further, that you also, if you thought it desirable, and for the
advantage of the state, should pursue Dolabella with youf

1 Decimus Brutus.

CICERO TO BRUTUa. 105

army ; but that, if you could not do so with any benefit to
the state, or if you did not conceive that it would be foj
the public advantage, you should keep your army where it
is. The senate could do nothing more honourable, than to
leave it wholly to you to decide upon what appeared to you
most beneficial for the commonwealth.

My own opinion, indeed, is, that if Dolabella has any force,
if he has a camp, or any ground on which to make a stand,
it will be becoming your character and your dignity to pur-
sue him.

Of the forces of our friend Cassius we knew nothing, for
no letters have come from him, nor was any news brought
upon which we could rely as certain. But of how much
importance it is that Dolabella should be crushed, you are
certainly aware, not only that he may receive the punishment
due to his atrocities, but that there may be no place to
which the leaders of the rebels may betake themselves in
their flight from Mutina. And that this was my opinion
even before, you may call to mind from my former letters ;
although at that time there was a haven of refuge in your
camp, and a resource for safety in your army; for which
reason, now that we are delivered from our dangers, as I
trust that we are, we ought the more to devote ourselves to
the destruction of Dolabella. However, you will give a still
more diligent consideration to these matters, and come to a
wise determination respecting them. You will give us in-
formation, if you please, how you decide, and what you are
doing.

I am very anxious to have my Cicero elected into your
college,! and I certainly think that, in the comitia for the
election of priests, a regard for the wishes of the absent mem-
bers may be had; for such a thing has been done before ;
since Caius Marius, when he was in Cappadocia, was made
augur by the Domitian law: nor has any law prohibited such
a thing from being done in future.

Moreover, in the Julian law, which is the most recent law
jn the subject of appointments to the priesthood, there is a
jlause in these words, " Who is present as a candidate, or to
jrhom regard shall be had," which clearly shows that regard

^ That is, of the Pontifices, or miuor priests, in which there werj
•everal vacancies at th's time. — Sm Letter XIV. Mlddkton.

106 BRUTUS TO CICERO

may be had to a person, even though he is not present. Oij
this subject I have written to him to follow your advice, as in
everything else. You must also determine what is to be done
with respect to Domitius and to our friend Cato. But, though
it may be lawful for regard to be had to a person in his
absence, yet everything is easier to those who are on the spot.
If you decide, however, that you must go into Asia, there will
be no possibility of bringing our friends hither for the
comitia.

We certainly expected that if Pansa had been alive, every-
thing would have been sooner settled ; for he would at once have
chosen himself a colleague, [in the room of Hirtius,] and then
the comitia for the election of priests would have taken place
before those for the election of prsetors ; but now I foresee a
great deal of delay by means of the auspices; for, while there
shall be one patrician magistrate, the auspices cannot lapse
into the hands of the senators. Certainly affairs are in a state
of great confusion. I should wish you to put me in posses-
sion of your sentiments on the whole matter. — The 5th of
May. Farewell.

LETTER XII.
Brutus to Cicero, greeting.

It is easier for you to imagine, than for me to express, how
much delight I felt on learning the exploits of our Brutus
and the consuls. I am pleased with other things, and am glad
that they happened; but I am especially delighted that the
sally made by Brutus was not only advantageous to him-
self, but of the greatest service to the attainment of the
victory. As to what you say, in your letter, that the cause
of the three Antonies is one and the same, and that it is for
me to determine what opinions I should entertain, I have
no opinion but this, that the right of decision concerning
those citizens who were not killed in the battle against us,
belongs to the senate or people of Rome.

But, you will reply, you are wrong in this, that you call
men of a hostile disposition to the republic, citizens. Nay,
I am strictly right ; for what the senate has not yet decreed,
or the Roman people ordered. I do not arrogantly pre-

BRUTUS TO CICERO. 107

judge, or bring under my own decision. Nor do I change
my feelings with regard to this particular in my conduct,
that from him whom circumstances did not compel me to
put to death/ I neither took anything away with cruelty^
nor did I treat him with at all too much indulgence, but kept
him in my power as long as the war lasted. I look upon it
as by far more honourable, and what the republic may
better allow, to abstain from persecuting the miserable ia
their misfortunes, rather than to heap boundless powers on
those already powerful, which may but excite their cupidity
and arrogance.

In this respect, my dear Cicero, best and bravest of men,
deservedly most dear to me for my own sake, and for that of
the republic, you seem to trust too much to your hopes, and to
be too willing, as soon as any one has done anything properly,
to give and entrust everything to him, as if it were not easy
for a mind corrupted by bribery to be led away to evil counsels.
Such is your good temper, that you will bear an admonition
with equanimity, especially in regard to the safety of the
commonwealth. Still, you will do what you yourself think
best, and I will do the same when you have given me your
opinion.

At present, my dear Cicero, we must take care not to exult
idly at the overthrow of Antony, and not to allow our method
of eradicating the first evil to cause the production of a
second and worse calamity ; for no misfortune can now befaV
•us, either through inadvertence, or passive permission, in
which there would not be something to blame in all, and
especially in you, whose authority the senate and people oi
Rome not only allow, but desire to be, as great as that of on&
man can possibly be in a free state ; — authority which you
are bound to uphold by cherishing sentiments, not oidy of
honour, but of prudence. Nor is any exercise of prudence,
of which you have abundance, necessary to be demanded
from you, except moderation in dispensing honours. All
other eminent qualities are found in you in such a degree
that they may be compared to those of any of the ancients ;
but this one propensity of yours, proceeding, as it does, from-
grateful and liberal feelings, requires to be checked by a more

* He refers again to Caiiis Antony, who was in his power, and seem*
to think tb.e war tei-miuated by the battle of Mutina.

108 BRUTUS TO CICERO.

cautious and moderate exercise of geierosity; ftr the senate
ought to give nothing to any one, wh ch may be either a pre-
cedent or a protection to disaffected persons. I am very
apprehensive, therefore, about the consulship, lest your friend
Csesar should think that he has already mounted higher
through your decrees than he will rise from his present
eminence, if he become consul. But if Antony found in
the instruments of regal power left him by another an oppor-
tunity of assuming regal power himself, of what disposition
do you think any one likely to be, who by the authority, not
of a slain tyrant, but of the senate itself, imagines that he has
a right to covet all imaginable power 1

I shall then, accordingly, praise your good fortune and your
prudence, when I begin to see clearly that Csesar will be
contented with the extraordinary honours which he has al-
ready received. Are you then, you will say, going to make
me liable for the misconduct of another 1 For another's mis-
conduct assuredly, if measures might have been taken to
prevent its occurrence. I only wish that you could clearly
see my fears respecting him.

After I had written this letter, I heard that you were made
consul. If I really see that come to pass, I shall then indeed
begin to imagine to myself a true republic, relying on its own
strength. Your son is well, and has been sent forward into
Macedonia with the cavalry.

The 15th of May. From the camp.

LETTER XIII.

Brutus to Cicero, greeting.

No one can know better than yourself, whose exertions and
anxieties for the commonwealth have been so great, how dear
Lucius Bibulus ought to be to me. And, therefore, either
his own virtue, or our friendship, ought sufficiently to recom-
mend him to you ; so that I think I need not write at any
length to you. For my wishes ought to have influence with
you, provided they are reasonable, or provided they are ex-
pressed in compliance with a necessary duty. He has resolved
to be a candidate foi I'ausas place; and we both solicit

BRUTUS TO CICERO. 109

a nomiuation for it from you; for you cannot confer thia
favour on one more closely connected with you than I am, or
nominate any one more deserving than Bibulus.

Why need I say anything about Domitius and Apuleius,
when they are thoroughly recommended to you by their own
good qualities? Still you ought to support Apuleius by your
influence ; but the character of Domitius will be made
apparent from his own letter. Do not exclude Bibulus from
your confidence, a man of siich merit already, that, believe
me, he is likely to become one that may deserve the praises
of the few resembling yourself.

LETTER XIV,
Brutus to Cicero, greeting.

Do not wait for me to ofier you any formal expression of
thanks; for such formality ought long ago to have been
banished from our friendship, which has arrived at the utmost
degree of affection.

Your son is not with me at present ; but we are to meet in
Macedonia; for he has been ordered to bring the cavalry
from Ambracia through Thessaly, and I have written to him
to meet me at Heraclea. When I see him, since you give me
leave to do so, we will settle the matter together about his
returning to offer himself a candidate, or to recommend him-
self for that honour. I most earnestly recommend to you
Glycon, Pansa's physician, who is married to the sister of our
friend Achilles ; for we hear that he has fallen under sus-
picion with Torquatus of having been accessory to the death
of Pansa, and is kept in prison as a murderer; but nothing
is less worthy of belief ; for who has suffered more misfortune
by the death of Pansa ? Moreover, he is a modest and pru-
dent man; one whom no personal advantage seems likely
to have prompted to crime. I entreat you, and, indeed,
earnestly entreat you, (for our friend suffers no less anxiety
than is natural,) to deliver him from custody and to save
him. I think that this concerns my duty in regard to my
private affixirs as much as any other thing whatever.

While I was writing this letter to you, a letter waa

110 CICEEO TO BRUTUS.

delivered to me by Satrius, the lieutenant of C-uivis Treboniua,
from Tullius and Deiotarus, with the news that Dolabella had
been defeated rnd put to flight.

I have sent you a Greek letter from a man named Cyche-
reus, which was written to Satrius.

My friend Flavius has chosen you as arbitrator in a dis-
pute which he has with the people of Dyrrhachium about an
estate ; and both I and Flavius, my dear Cicero, entreat you
to bring the affair to a settlement. There is no doubt what-
ever, that the city was indebted to the man who has made
Flavius his heir ; nor do the Dyrrhachians themselves deny
this ; but they declare that the debt was remitted by Caesar.
Do not allow an injury to be done by your friends to my
friend.

The 16th of May. The camp in the lower part of Candavia.^

LETTER XV.
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

After my letter had been written and sealed up, a letter
was brought to me from you full of news : and, what was the
strangest of all things, saying, that Dolabella had sent five
cohorts into the Chersonese. Has he such an abimdance of
men with him, that he, who was said to be fleeing from Asia,
can attempt to attack Europe? And did he think that he
would be able to do anything with five cohorts, when you
have in that country five legions, an excellent body of cavalry,
and a very numerous force of allies? I hope indeed that
those cohorts are already yours, since that robber has been
60 insane.

I greatly aj prove of your wisdom, in not having moved
your army from ApoUonia and Dyrrhachium until you heard
of the flight of Antony, the sally of Brutus, and the victory
of the Roman people. As to what you write, therefore, that
you have since determined to lead your army into the
Chersonese, and not to permit the empire of the Roman
people to be a sport to a most profligate enemy, you act aa
becomes your own dignity, and for the advantage of the
republic.

' A. mountainous district between Macedonia and Illyricuja.

BRUTUS TO ATTIC US. Ill

With respect to your intelligence of the sedition whici has
taken place in the fourth legion about Caius Antony, (you
will take what I say in good part,) the severity of the soldiers
pleases me better than joui own,

I am very glad indeed that you have experienced the good-
will of the army and of the cavalry.

If you have any news about Dolabella, you will send me
word of it, as you promise; with respect to whom, I am
very much pleased that I had provided beforehand that your
judgment should be unfettered as to carrying on war against
him ; it was of very great importance to the republic, as I
perceived at the time; and, as I now think, to your own
dignity.

As to what you write, that " I have managed so as to be
able to pursue the Antonies at perfect leisure," and praise me
for having done so, I dare say that such appears to you to be
the case; but I myself am far from approving of the dis-
tinction which you draw; for you write, that "civil wars are
to be prevented with more resolution, than revenge is to be
inflicted on the vanquished." On this point, my dear Brutus,
I most completely disagree with you ; not that I yield to
you in clemency ; but a salutary severity is far superior to an
empty show of mercy. If we are determined to be merciful,
we shall never be without civil wars. However, this you
must settle. As to myself, I may say what the Father in
Plautus's Trinummus says.

But for my part, my life is almost ended ;
You are the most concern' d.

Take my word for it, my dear Brutus, you will be crushed,
if you do not take care: for you will not always have the
people in the same disposition as at present ; nor the senate ;
nor the leader of the senate. You may receive this as de-
clared to you by the oracle of the Pythian Apollo; nothing
can be more true. 18 th of May.

LETTER XVI.

JSnUiAS to Auicus, greeting.

You write mo word, that Cicero is surprised that I neveJ
give any opimon of his actions. Since you press i lie questiou,

112 BBUTUS TO ATTICUS. ,

I will, under compulsion from you, tell you wtiat I think. 1
know that Cicero has done everything with the best inten-
tions: for what is better known to me than his disposition
towards the republic? Yet he seems to me, though of all
men the most prudent, to have done some things (what shall
I say?) imprudently, or with a view to popiilarity, since in
the cause of the republic he has not hesitated to make the
most powerful Antony his enemy. I know not what to say
to you, except this one thing, that the cupidity and boldness
of the boy Csesar have been rather excited than repressed by
Cicero ; and that he gives way so much to his indulgence for
him, as not to restrain himself from attacks upon others,
attacks which recoil upon himself with double force; since
he himself has put more persons than one to death,^ and
since he must confess himself to be an assassin before he
makes the objections to Casca's^ act which he does make, and,
in his conduct to Casca, imitates Bestia.^

Because we are not every moment boasting of the ides of
March, as he is always talking of the nones^ of December,
will Cicero, for that reason, condemn that most laudable act
on a better pretext than that on which Bestia and Clodius
have been accustomed to inveigh against his consulship?
Our good friend Cicero boasts to me, that he has supported
the whole war against Antony in the garb of peace. Of
what profit is that to me, if a succession to the position occu-
pied by Antony is demanded as the wages for having put
Antony down, and if he, who has repressed that evil, has
become the author of another, which will have a more solid
foundation, and a deeper root, if we will but allow it ? for the
line of conduct which he has taken is that of one who is

* In Catiline's plot, for which he put five of the principal conspira-
tors to dea.th.—Middleton.

* The passage seems to imply that Cicero had reproached him for
killing Caesar, and called him an assassin. — MiddUton.

* L. Calpurnius Bestia was a tribune of the people, at the expiration
of Cicero's consulship; supposed to have been deeply engaged in
Catiline's conspiracy; and, when Cicero laid down his office, joined
with his colleague Metellus in prohibiting him from speaking to tha
people ; and was ever after a perpetual enemy and reviler of his adml-
idstration. — Vid. Sallust, c. 43 ; Plutar. in Cic. — Middhton.

* It was on the nones of December that Cicero crushed the con-
spiracy of Catiline. The whole tone of this letter proves it to be •
forgery, and a very clumsy oi;«

BRUTUS TO ATTICU8. 113

afraid, not of tyranny itself, but of Antony being the
tyrant.

But I do not thank the man who, provided that he is not
slave to an angry master, does not object to slavery itself;
but to whom even triumphs and rewards are decreed, and
who is honoured with every sort of complimentary vote.
A man ought to be ashamed to desire that fortune of which
he has now taken on him the name ! Is this the conduct of
a man of consular rank 1 Does this become Cicero 1 Since
you would not let me be silent, you will read what must of
necessity be unpleasant to you. Indeed, I feel myself with
how much uneasiness I write this to you; nor am I ignorant
what your sentiments are with regard to the present state of
affairs, which, though desperate, you think may still be
retrieved. And in truth, my dear Atticus, I do not blame
you ; for your age, your habits, and your family, render you
inactive, as, indeed, I have learned from the report of our
friend Flavins,

But I return to Cicero. What difference is there between
Salvidienus and him 1 or what more would Salvidienus pro-
pose to be voted to Octavius than he does 1 You will reply,
he is still afraid of the remains of civil war. Is there then
any one so afraid of a defeated enemy, as not to think that
there is also reason to fear the power of one who has a vie
torious amy, and the rashness of a boy 1 Or does he act
thus, because he thinks that everything ought to be sur-
rendered to Octavius, at once and voluntarily, because of his
great dignity 1 0 the great folly of fear, so to guard against
that very object which we fear, that, when we perhaps might
have avoided it, we of our own accord invite it and draw it
upon ourselves ! We are too much afraid of death and exile
and poverty : these things appear to Cicero to be the very
extreme of evils; and as long as he finds people from whom
he can obtain what he wishes, and by whom he may be
honoured and praised, he does not despise slavery, provided
it be honourable ; if indeed anything can be honourable in
the worst and most wretched of all contumely.

Though Octavius, therefore, call Cicero his father; though
ne refer everything to him, and extol him, and thank him ;
yet it will be seen at last that his words are at variance with
his acts : for what can be so inconsistent with every feeling of

T

114 BRUTUS TO ATTICUS.

a huaaan being, as to look upon that man as a parent, who
is not even in the condition of a free man ? Yet that excel-
lent man directs his efforts only to this end, makes this his
ftim, hastens to attain this object, that Octavius may be
favourable to him. I indeed now think nothing of those
accomplishments, with which I know that Cicero is so com-
pletely furnished; for of what profit to him are the writings
which he has composed in such vast abundance, in defence of
the liberty of our country, concerning dignity, concerning
death, and exile, and poverty ? and how much more justly
does Philippus ^ appear to understand things, who has given
less to a stepson than Cicero gives to a stranger 1 Let him
(iease, therefore, in his boasting, to insult our sorrows ; for what
advantage is it to us that Antony has been defeated, if he is
defeated only that what he held may be open to another ?
Although your letter intimates that things are doubtful.

Let Cicero then live, as he can endure to do so, a suppliant,
and submissive to another; if he has no regard either to
his age, his honours, or his past achievements. As for me,
there will assuredly be no condition of slavery so attractive,
as that I should be diverted by it from waging war with the
thing itself, that is to say, with kingly authority, with extra-
ordinary commands, with absolute dominion, and with power
that seeks to set itself above the laws, even though Antony
be a good man, as you describe him, but as I never thought
him to be. But our ancestors would have no master over
them, even if he had been their father.

If I did not love you really as much as Cicero is persuaded
that he is loved by Octavius, I should not have written this
to you. I am sorry that you must be vexed at what I have
now written, since you are greatly attached to all your fi-iends,
and especially to Cicero ; but assure yourself that nothing is
abated of my good-will towards him, though much of my
favourable opinion of him j for it can never be, but that as
anything appears to a man, so he will form his opinion of it.
I wish you had sent me word, what are the conditions offered
to my dear Attica ;2 I might have been able to tell you s»me-

* Philippus had married Atia, the mother of Octavius ; but the letter
is mistaken, for Philippus had gone far beyond Cicero in the honours
which he wished to procure for Octa^•ius.

^ The daughter of Atticus. Paul Manutius supposes that the allu-
bion intended is to a proposal of marriage.

CICKRO TO BRUTUS. US-

thing of my own feelings on the subject. I do not wonder
that the health of my dear Portia is an object of concern to
you.

To conclude, I will cheerfully do what you ask mc ; for my
sisters also make the same request: and I know the nian>
and what it is that he wants.

LETTER XVIL
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

I SHOULD perform the same office for you, which you per-
formed for me in my sorrow,^ and should endeavour to comfort
you by letter, if I did not know that you do not require in
your distress the remedies with which you alleviated my
grief 3 and I wish that you may now cure yourself with
greater ease than T, on that occasion, cured myself For it
is inconsistent with the character of so great a man as you.
are, not to be able to do himself, what he has recommeudedi
to another. As for myself, not only the arguments which you
had collected, but your authority, deterred me from indulging
in too much sorrow : for, when I appeared to you to bear my
distress with less fortitude than became a man, especially one
who was in the habit of addressing consolation to others, you
reproached me in your letters in harsher language than was
your habit. Having, therefore, a high opinion of your
wisdom, and being in awe of it, T recollected myself, and
attached the more weight to the things which I had formerly
learned and read and heard, after your authority was added-
to them.

And at that time, my dear Brutus, I had to obey only
duty, and my natural disposition ; you have to regard the
people, and the public stage (as we say) on which you are ;
for since the eyes, not only of ycur own army, but of all your
fellow-citizens, and almost of all nations, are turned upon you,,
it least of all becomes him by whose means we are rendered
bolder, to appear himself weakened in spirit. You have
indeed met with affliction, (for you have lost that to which
ihere was nothing similar on earth,) and you must giieve at
' For his daughter Tullia.

116 CICEnO TO BRUTUS.

SO severe a misfortune, lest to want all sense of grief should
be found more wretched than to grieve; but as it is bene-
ficial to others to mourn with moderation, it is for you
necessary.

I would say more, if even what I have said was not too
much to say to you.

We are looking for you and your army, without which,
(though everything else may succeed to our wish,) we
scarcely seem likely to have sufficient freedom. Of the
general aspect of the affairs of the commonwealth, I will
write more at length; and, perhaps, with more certainty,
in a letter which I was thinking of entrusting to our friend
Vetus.

LETTER XVIIL
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

Although I was just going to give a letter to Messala
Corvinus, still I did not hke my friend Vetus to go to you
without a letter from me. The republic, my dear Brutus, is
in a situation of the greatest danger; and though victorious,
we are forced to fight again ; this has happened through the
wickedness and folly of Marcus Lepidus.

For the republic, there was nothing at which I felt greater
concern, than that I was unable to yield to the entreaties of
your mother and sister; for I thought that I should easily
satisfy you, which is an object of the highest importance
with me.

^or in no way could the cause of Lepidus be distinguished
from that of Antony; indeed, in everybody's judgment it was
the worse of the two, because after Lepidus had been com-
plimented by the senate with the highest honours, and after
he had only a few days before sent an admirable letter to
the senate, he suddenly not only received the relics of our
defeated enemies as his friends, but is even carrying on a most
vigorous war against us by land and sea, of which it is uncer-
tain what will be the result. When we are asked, therefore,
to show pity to his children, no argument is advanced why
the greatest severities are not to be endured by us, (may

BBUTUS TO CICERO. 117

Jupiter avert the omen !) if the father of those children should
be victorious.

Not indeed that it escapes my recollection, how bitter
a thing it is that the crimes of fathers should be atoned for
by the punishment of their children ; but this has been
admirably provided by the laws, that their affection for their
children may make the parents more truly attached to the
republic. It is Lepidus, therefore, who is cruel to his chil-
dren, not he who pronounces Lepidus a public enemy; and
if he, after laying down his arms, had been condemned for
violence to the state, in a trial for which he would have
had nothing to say in his defence, his children would suffer
the same punishment, — their property being confiscated;
although what your mother and sister deprecate for those
children, the same and many more cruel evils Lepidus,
Antony, and the rest of our enemies, are denouncing against
us all.

At this time, therefore, our gi-eatest hope is placed in you,
and in your army. It is of the very greatest consequence,
both to the general state of the commonwealth, and also to
your own glory and dignity, that you, as I have written before,
should come into Italy with all possible speed; for the
republic is in the greatest need, both of your forces, and of
your wisdom.

Because of your letter, I gladly embraced Vetus, out ol
regard to his good-will and singular service to you; and I
see that he really is most thoroughly attached and devoted
both to you and to the republic. I shall see my Cicero, as I
hope, shortly, for I trust that he will very soon come into
Italy with you.

LETTER XIX.

Bi-utus to Cicero, greeting.

The fear that every one else entertains of Marcus Lepidus,
makes me also fear. If he should withdraw himself from us,
(a suspicion which I hope that men have entertained of him
groundlessly and wrongfully,) I beg and entreat you, my
dear Cicero, invoking our intimate friendship and your good-
will to me, to forget that the children of my sister are sons

J 15 CICEllO TO 15KUTU3.

of Lepidus, and tc think that I have succeeded to the place
of father to them; if I obtain this of you, then there is
nothing, assuredly, which you will hesitate to undertake iu
their behalf.

Other people live with their relations on different terms;
I can do nothing for the children of my sister sufiicient to
satisfy either my incliuatiou or my feelings of duty. But
what is there that good citizens can grant me, (if 1 am worthy
of having anything granted me,) or what is there that I can
do for my mother or sister, or for these children, if their
uncle Brutus has no weight with you, and the rest of the
senate, to counterbalance the conduct of their father Lepidus?
I am not able to write you a long letter, for my anxiety
and sorrow; nor, indeed, have I any reason: for if in a
matter of such importance, and one that touches me so
olosely, there is need of words to arouse or to encourage
you, there is no hope that you will do what I wish, and
•what you ought.

Do not, therefore, expect a long entreaty from me. Look
upon me ; consider who I am ; a man that has a right to
obtain this favour either from Cicero, as one closely attached
to me as a private individual, or from a man of consular
rank, and of such a character, without reference to private
friendship. What you resolve to do, I should wish you as
soon as possible to let me know in reply.

The 1st of July. — At the camp.

LETTER XX.

Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

As yet I have received no letter from you ; nor even any
report to tell me that you, having received the authority of
the senate for such a step, were proceeding with your army
to Italy ; though the republic was very desirous for you to do
that, and to do it with all speed. For our intestine evil
grows worse and worse every day; nor do we suffer more
from our foi-eign enemies than from our domestic foes, who
existed, indeed, at the very beginning of the war, but who at
that time were more easily put down. The senate xixen

CICERO TO BRUTUS. 119

assumed a more erect attitude, being roused not only by my
■known opinions, but also by my exhortations.

In the senate, Pansa was energetic and fierce enough, both
against the rest of this faction, and especially against his
father-in-law, who, as consul, wanted neither courage at the
beginning of his office, nor fidelity at the end. The war was
carried on at Mutina in such a way that there was no fault to
be found with Csesar. There may have 1 ■ en something to
blame in Hirtius ; and the general fortuu^ of the war, if
■compared with prosperous ones, has been wavering; if with
disastrous ones, good. The repilblic was victorious, the troops
of Antony having been routed, and he himself expelled by
Brutus. But so many errors were afterwards committed,
that, as one may say, victory slipped through our fingers;
our genei'als did not pursue the enemy, though disheartened,
disarmed, disabled ; and an opportunity was given to Lepidus,
through which we might feel his inconstancy, often felt
indeed before in still greater disasters. The armies of Brutus
find Plancus are good, but untrained. The auxiliary forces
from the Gauls are very faithful and very numerous. But
some persons, by most scandalous letters, and by treacherous
accounts and information, have excited Caesar, who has
hitherto been governed by my counsels, and who is himself
of a most excellent disposition and admirable steadiness, to
conceive a confident hope of obtaining the consulship. And
as soon as I perceived that such was the case, I never ceased
to warn him, as he was absent, by letter, nor to reproach his
friends, who were here on the spot, and who appeared to be
encouraging that desire of his : nor did I, in the senate,
hesitate to lay open the true source of those most flagitious
counsels ; nor do I remember the senate or the magistmtes to
have been on any occasion better disposed. For it has never
happened before, when there has been a question about con-
ferring some honour out of the usual course of things on
a powerful man — I may even say, on the most powerful man
in the state (since power now depends on force and arms) —
that no tribune of the people, no one invested with any other
magistracy, no private individual, ever could be found to
propose it.

But still, with all this exhibition of lesolution and virtue,
the city wa« nevertheless in an anxious state ; for we are

120 CICERO TO BRUTUS.

mocked, my dear Brutus, botli by the licentiousuess of tha
soldiers and the insolence of the generals. Every one de-
mands to have as much authority in the republic as he has
force at command. Neither reason, nor moderation, nor
law, nor precedent, nor duty, nor even the delibei-ate judg-
ment and opinion of the citizens, nor regard for the estima-
tion of posterity, has any weight at all.

I, foreseeing all this a long time ago, was fleeing from Italy,
at the very time when the news of your edicts caused me to
return. But you, Brutus, roused me again at Velia ; for
although I gi'ieved that I was going to a city from which you,
who had delivered it, were taking flight, (which indeed had
formerly happened to me also, under a similar danger and
sadder fortune,^) still I proceeded, and came to Rome, and
without any support made Antony quake ; and, in opposi-
tion to his impious arms, I by my authority and counsels
secured for us the protection of Caesar, which was volun-
tarily offered; and if he remains in the same disposition
and continues to be guided by me, we seem likely to have
quite suiEcient defence. But if the counsels of bad men
have more weight than mine, or if the tenderness of his age
prove unable to support the heavy burden of afSiirs, all our
hope is in you. Fly to us, therefore, I beseech you ; and, in
the result, complete the deliverance of that republic which
you have already delivered, more through your own virtue and
magnanimity than through any train of circumstances. A
general concourse of all classes will gather round you. Exhort
Cassius to the same course by letter. There is no hope of
liberty anywhere except in the head-quarters of your united
armies. lu the west, we find both generals and armies
entirely true to us. And, for my part, I feel confident that
the support of the young Octavius may be relied on ; but so
many persons are trying to shake his fidelity, that I some-
times am afraid that he may be influenced by them.

You now know the general aspect of the aflfaii's of the com-
monwealth, as they stood at the time when I wrote this letter.
I trust that, in process of time, they may grow better; but if

* He alludes to the case of his exile, when he was not only driven
out of the city by his enemies, as Brutus now was, but was banished
by a particular law, which had not yet happened to Brutus, though it
did in a short time edter.—Middlelon.

CICERO TO BRUTUS. 121

the contrary should be the case, (which presage may the gods
avert !) I shall grieve for the fate of the republic which de-
served to be immortal : but for myself how short a space of
life is left!

LETTER XXL
Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

Your letter was short. Short, do I say 1 It was no letter
at all. Does Brutus, at such a crisis as this, write me those
lines only. You had better have written nothing at all ; and
yet you expect letters from me. Which of your friends has
ever come to you without a letter from me? And which of
my letters had not something of consequence in it ? If, indeed,
they have failed to reach you, I suppose that not even your
own family letters have arrived either.

You write me word, however, that you will send me a
longer letter by my son Cicero. You will indeed do well;
but stiU this one ought to have been longer. But I, as soon
as you wrote to me about Cicero's departure from you,^ im-
mediately packed off a courier with letters for him, bidding
him, even if he had reached Italy, to return to you; for
nothing could be more agreeable to me, or more honourable
to him, although I had several times written to him that the
comitia for the election of priests had, by my extreme exer-
tions, been postponed to another year; a delay which I exerted
myself to procure, not only for the sake of Cicero himself, but
for that of Domitius, Cato, Lentulus, and the Bibuli, as I also
wrote to you.

However, when you sent off to me that dwarfish letter i f
yours, this was not yet known to you.

I do therefore, my dear Brutus, beg of you with all earnest-
ness, not to let my son depart from you, but to bring him
with you when you come ; and this, if you have any just
regard for the republic, for the benefit of which you were
bom, you ought to do instantly. For the war has revived,
and that through the no small wickedness of Lepidus. And

' This alludes, as Middleton observes, to Letter XIII., in which it
was said that young Cicero was to come to Rome, to be a candidate for
cue of the va^nt priesthoods.

122 CICERO TO BRUTUS.

Caesar's army, which was most excellent, is not only of no use
to lis, but even compels us to demand the presence of yours.
If that once reaches Italy, then there will be no citizen, at
■least no one who deserves to be called a citizen, who will not
betake himself to your camp, although we have Decimus
Brutus admirably united with Plancus. But you ai-e not
ignorant how little to be trusted the dispositions of men are
when infected with party spirit, and how uncertain, too, are
the events of battles.

Moreover, if we conquer, as I hope we shall, still affairs will
require the powerful direction of your wisdom and influence
to guide them. Come therefore to our assistance, I implore
you, and come as soon as possible ; and be assured that you
did not do a greater service to your country on the ides of
March, on which you repelled slavery from your fellow-citizens,
than you will do now if you come speedily. _ July the 13th.

LETTER XXII.

Cicero to £rutus, greeting.

You have Messala with you : how then shall I be able, by
any letter which I may write with ever so much care, to ex-
plain to you more clearly than he can what is going on in
the republic, and what is the state of aiFairs in it, since he is
thoroughly acquainted with everything, and is able also tc
set it before you, and represent it to you in the neatest pos-
sible manner? For do not fancy, my dear Brutus (although
it is not necessary for me to write to you what is already well
known to you, yet I cannot pass over in silence such excel-
lence in all qualities which deserves praise) ; do not fancy,
I saj , that there is any man like him for honesty, consistency,
anxiety, and zeal for the commonwealth ; so that eloquence,
in which he wonderfully excels, seems scarcely to find in his
character any room as a subject of praise, although in this
very particular his wisdom is the more conspicuous; with
such dignified judgment and exceeding skill has he practised
himself in the soundest kind of oratory. So great, too, is
his modesty, so incessant his application to study, that it ia
not to his genius (eminent as it is) that his greatest obligations
appear to be due.

CICERO TO BRUTUa 123

But I am letting myself be carried away too far by my
regard for him ; for it was not my sole object in this letter
to extol Messala, especially to Brutus, to whom his merit is
not less known than to myself, and to whom are still better
known those studies of his which I am now praising. And
though I was grieved at taking leave of him, I was comforted
by this one consideration, that as he was going to you, whom
I look upon as another self, he was both performing his duty
and pursuing a path to the greatest glory.

But enough of this. I come now, after a long interval
certainly, to a certain letter of yours, in which, while praising
me on many accounts, jou found fault with me in one point
as being too liberal, and as it were prodigal, in giving my
voice for awarding honours.^ It is for this that you blame
me ; others, perhaps, charge me with being too sevei*e as to
punishment and penalties ; unless, perhaps, you bring both
accusations against me. If such be the case, I desire that my
opinion on both these subjects should be thoroughly under-
stood by you; not merely that I may cite the saying of
Solon, who was both the wisest of the seven wise men, and
also the only legislator of the seven, and who said that com-
monwealths were held together by two things, rewards and
punishments; for I would add, that there certainly is mode-
ration to be observed in both these points as in all other
things, and a certain medium to be kept as to each of them.
But it is not my purpose to discuss so important a topic in
this place.

However, I do not think it improper to explain to you
what I have aimed at during this war in the several votes
which I have given in the senate.

After the death of Caesar and your memorable ides of
March, my dear Brutus, you have not forgotten what I
said had been omitted ^ by you, and how great a tempest
I declared to be hanging over the republic. A great plague
had been repelled by you, a great stain on the Roman
people had been effaced, and an immortal glory had been
gained by yourselves. But the whole equipage of kingly
power was only transferred to Lepidus and Antony, one of
Vyhom wag a vacillating man, the other polluted with vice ;
both of them were afraid of peace, and enemies to tranquillity.

' Especially to Octavius. ' I.e. ihe DUttinj? Antonv to deatii.

124 CTCEEO TO BRUTUS.

While these men were burning with a, desire of throwing the
republic into confusion, we had no foi'cc that could be opposed
to them ; but the whole city had roused itself with entire
unanimity to preserve its freedom. We were at that time
too energetic ; you perhaps acted more wisely in quitting the
city which you had delivered, and declined the aid of Italy,
which oiFered its services in your eause. When, therefore,
I saw the whole city occupied by traitors, that neither you
nor Cassius could be safe in it, and that it was overawed by
the forces of Antony, I thought that I also ought to depart.
For a city overwhelmed by wicked men, and deprived of all
power of helping itself, was a wretched spectacle.

But the same disposition which is always in me, through
devotion to my country, could not bear to be absent from its
dangers ; and accordingly, in the middle of my voyage to
Achaia, when, at the times of the Etesian winds, the west
wind, as if dissuading me from my resolution, had brought
me back to Italy, I met you at Velia, and expressed the
greatest concern on the occasion. For you were retreating,
my dear Brutus: you were retreating, I say; since our
friends the Stoics deny that it is for a wise man to flee. When
I came to Eome, I immediately put myself forward to check
the wickedness and insanity of Antony; and when I had
exasperated him against myself, I began to adopt resolutions
quite in the character of Brutus himself (for such resolutions
are the peculiar inheritance of your family) to deliver the
republic.

The long recital of what followed I shall omit, for it relates
to myself; I will only say that the character of this young
man Caesar, by whose means, if we would but confess the
truth, we still exist, has sprung wholly from the source of
my coimsels. No honours have been paid him from me, my
dear Brutus, that were not justly his due; none that were
not absolutely necessary. For when we first began to recover
our liberties, when not even the divine virtue of Decimus
Brutus had exerted itself in such a manner that we could
appreciate its value, and when our whole hope of defence lay
in that boy who had turned Antony away from our throats,
what honour was too great to be voted to himi Although
at that moment I paid him honour only in words, and that
expressed in moderate terms, I also proposed to invest him with

CICEHO TO BRUTUS. 125

miUtary command; and thougli this may have appeared a
compliment to one of his age, yet it was indispensable, as he
had an army; and what is an army without such command?
Philippus proposed to vote him a statue ; Servius, first of all,
voted him the privilege of standing for offices before the usual
time; Servilius made that time still earlier; nothing at that
moment appeared too great for him.

But, I know not how, men are more commonly found to be
liberal under the influence of fear than grateful in the hour of
victory. For I myself, when Decimus Brutus had been de-
livered; when that day, most joyful to the city, had shed its
light upon it, and that very day, as it happened, was the birth-
day of Brutus, proposed a vote that the name of Brutus should
be attached to that day in the calendar. And in this proposi-
tion I followed the precedent of our ancestors, who paid this
compliment to Larentia,^ a woman at whose altar in the Vela-
brum you pontiffs are in the habit of offering sacrifice. When
I proposed this honour to Brutus, my object was that there
should be in the calendar a memorial of his most welcome
victory; but on that day I found that there were rather
more malevolent than grateful people in the senate. At that
very time too I lavished, if you will have it so, honours on the
dead, Hirtius and Pansa, as well as Aquila ; and who would
blame me for so doing but those who, now that they are
delivered from their fear, have forgotten also their past
danger 1

To the grateful recollection of these services there was
added another reason for my conduct, which I hoped might
have a beneficial effect upon posterity; for I wished that
there should exist undying records of the public hatred to oui
most cruel enemies. I suspect, too, that this other matter is
the less approved by you, because it is not approved by your
friends, who are very excellent men indeed, but of no expe-
rience in public affairs ; namely, the vote which I proposed,
that Csesar might be permitted to enter the city with an
ovation. But 1 am of opinion (though I may perhaps bo

^ It is rather uncertain who Larentia was : the tradition is that she
was Romulus's nurse, and that Romulus instituted a yearly sacrifico
and festival in her honour. The Velabrum was a streoi or square, aa
Middleton remarks, where the Forum Boarium and Temple of Janu«
stood.

126 CICERO TO BRUTUS.

mistaken, nor is my temper such that my own opinions
deUght me in preference to those of others), that during the
whole of this war I have not done a wiser thing. Why it is so
I must not explain, lest I should seem to have been prudent
rather than grateful ; and even to say this is to say too much ;
let us therefore turn to something else.

I proposed that honours should be voted to Decimus
Brutus, and also to Lucius Plancus. Those, indeed, are noble
dispositions which are attracted by glory; but the senate
also is wise, which employs every method, provided it be
honourable, by which it thinks that any one can be induced
to support the republic.

But in the case of Lepidus I am blamed; inasmuch as
after I had proposed to erect a statue to him in the rostra,
I at a subsequent time proposed to remove it. The truth
was, that I sought by means of that honour to recall him
from desperate measures; but the insane folly of that most
vacillating of men defeated my prudence ; nor was so much
harm done iu raising a statue to Lepidus, as good in over-
throwing it.

I have said enough on the subject of honours ; I must now
add a few words on the subject of punishment; for I have re-
peatedly understood from your letters, that you were desirous
of having your clemency extolled towards those whom you
had defeated iu war. I believe that nothing is done by you
otherwise than wisely ; but to omit inflicting punishment on
guilt, (for that is what is called pardoning,) even though
under other circumstances it may be endurable, I think
ruinous in this war. For of all the civil wars which within
my recollection have taken place in our republic, there has not
been one of such a character that, whichever side proved vic-
torious, there would not still have been some form of a com-
monwealth left : but in this war, what sort of republic we
shall have, if victorious, I would not willingly say; if defeated,
we shall certainly have none at all. I therefore pronounced
very severe opinions against Antony; I pronounced severe
ones against Lepidus ; not so much for the sake of inflicting
vengeance upon them, as with a view at present to deter un-
principled citizens by fear from making war on their country,
and, for the future, to raise a record to prevent any one from
imitating such rashness, although this opinion was not more

CICERO TO BRUTUS. 127

my own in particular than that of all the citizens. Ae d in it
there is indeed this appearance of cruelty, that the penalty
reaches to their children who have deserved no punishment.
But it is an ancient custom, and one which prevails in all
states ; since even the children of Themistocles were reduced
to want. And if the same punishment falls on citizens
judicially condemned, how could we be more merciful to
enemies 1

And what ground of complaint has any one against me, who
must confess that if he had been victorious, he would himself
have been more severe towards me?

You have now the ground of the opinions which I de-
livered, at least on this subject of honours and penalties.
What opinions I entertained, and what votes I gave, on
other matters, I think you have heard; but to mention these
is not of so much necessity; what is absolutely necessary is,
that you, my dear Brutus, should come into Italy with
your army with all speed ; there is the strongest desire for
your arrival ; if you but set foot in Italy, all will flock to you.
For whether we are victorious (and we should indeed already
have been most gloriously victorious, if Lepidus had not
chosen to overturn everything, and ruin himself as well as his
friends), we shall require your authority to establish some
constitution in the state ; or whether there be still struggles
to come, our greatest hope is still in your authority and in
the power of your army. But hasten to us, I conjure you
by the gods ; for you know how much depends on opportu-
nities, how much depends on promptness.

I will take all possible care of the interests of your sister's
sons, as I hope that you will learn from the letters of your
mother and your sister ; in which cause I have a greater
regard for your wishes, which are most dear to me, than, as
some think, for my own consistency. But in nothing have I
a stronger wish both to be and to seem consistent, than in
my affection for you.

128 BRUTUS TO CICERO.

LETTER XXIII.
Bruttis to Cicero, greeting,

I HAVE read a small part of your letter, whicli you sent to
Octavius, and which was forwarded to me by Atticus. Your
Eeal and anxiety for my safety have given me no new delight ;
for it is not only a common thing, but one of even daily
occurrence, for me to hear something about you which you
have said or done, faithfully and honourably, for the mainte-
nance of my dignity. Yet that same part of the letter
which you wrote to Octavius about me has caused me as
much concern as I am capable of feeling ; for you thank him
on behalf of the republic in such language, in such a suppliant
and humble tone, (what shall I say? I am ashamed of our
condition and fortune, but still I must write it; you recom-
mend my safety to him ; and what kind of death would not
be preferable to safety so secured?) that you show plainly
that the overbearing power has not been removed, but only
the master changed. Recollect the words that you have
used, and then deny, if you can, that they are the language
of prayer addressed by a slave to his king. You say that
there is one thing only which is demanded and expected from
him; namely, that he should allow those citizens, of whom
virtuous men and the Roman people have a favourable
opinion, to live in security. But what if he will not allow
it ? Are we to have no existence ? But it would be better to
iave none than to exist only through his permission. I,
assuredly, do not believe that all the gods are so unfavourable
to the safety of the Roman people that Octavius must be
entreated for the safety of any citizen; I will not say for
that of the deliverers of the whole world. For I am glad to
take a high tone ; and it is fit that I should do so towards
those who know not what is to be feared for each individual,
or what ought to be asked of any one.

Do you then confess, Cicero, that Octavius has this power,
and are you nevertheless a friend to him? or, if you have
any regard for me, do you wish me to appear at Rome, when
I must first be recommended to that boy that I may have the
liberty of being there ? And for what have you to thank him,
if you think he must be entreated to consent and allow us to

BRUTUS 70 CICERO. 129

live in safety? Is this to be regarded as a favour, that he
prefers to be the person himself from whom such things are
to be petitioned, rather than Antony ? Does any one address
entreaties to a person who is the chastiser of the domineering
power of another, and not rather his successor in it, that men
who have done great services to the repubhc may be per-
mitted to live in it in safety? But that imbecility and
despair (the fault of which is not to be imputed to you in a
greater degree than to every one else) both impelled Julius
■Csesar to covet kingly power, and after his death persuaded
Antony to endeavour to occupy the place of him who had
been slain ; and now, too, it has elevated that boy to such
a degree, that you have thought that the safety of such men
as we are must be obtained of him by entreaties; and have
considered that we shall only be safe through the mercy
of one who is hardly yet a man, and by no other means.
But if we had recollected that we were Romans, these vilest
of men would not be more bold in their desires to grasp
dominion, than we should be in our determination to stop
their course; nor would Antony have been more encouraged
by the height of power attained by Cajsar, than deterred by
his fate.

How can you, a man of consular rank, and the avenger of
such atrocious crimes (though, while they are checked, I still
fear that our ruin has only been postponed by you for a short
time), how can you, I say, contemplate what you yourself
have done, and at the same time approve those other things,
or at least bear them with so lowly and acquiescent a spirit as
to wear the appeai'ance of one who does approve of them?

What private ill-feeling had you towards Antony? None,
for any other reason but that he assumed such authority,
requiring that men's safety should be begged of him; that
we, from whom he himself had received libei'ty, should enjoy
only a precarious safety ; and that his will as to the common-
wealth should be absolute. You then thought it time to
seek for arms, by which he might be prevented from lording
it over us : but was it your object that, while he was pre-
vented from so doing, we might address our prayers to some
one else, who would permit himself to be put in his stead; or
that the republic might have its full rights and be mistress
of itself? unless, indeed, our objection was not to slavery

130 BRUmS TO CICERO.

itself, bat to some particular kind of slavery. But we might
not only have endured our fortune, with Antony for an easy
master, but with adrantages also and honours, as sharers in
them with him, to whatever extent we pleased; for what
would he have denied to those whose patience he found to be
the main support of his authority 1 But none of these con-
siderations T/ere of such importance that we should sell our
good faith and liberty for it. What would not this very boy,
whom the name of Caesar appears to excite against the de-
stroyers of Csesar, what would not he think it worth, (if there
were an opportunity for such a bargain,) to have, with our
support, as much power as he certainly is likely to have,
since we are so eager to live, and to retain our fortunes, and
to be called men of consular rank? But then that other
Caesar will have been slain to no purpose ; and why did we
rejoice at his death, if, after it, we were to be slaves no less
than before?

Let no anxiety be felt, then, by others. But, as for me,
may all the gods and goddesses deprive me of everything,
sooner than of the determination not to allow to the heir of
the man whom I have slain what I did not allow to the man
himself, and what I would not allow even to my own father,
if he were to come to life again ; namely, that he should have
more power than the laws and the senate with my permission.
Can you possibly believe that the rest of the citizens will be
free under him, without whose permission there is no room
for us in the city? How, moreover, is it possible for you to
obtain what you ask? for you ask him to permit us to be
safe. Do we appear to you, then, certain of receiving safety
fi'om him when we have received life? And how can we
receive it, if we first throw away our dignity and our freedom?
Do you think that to live at Rome is to be safe ? It is cir-
cumstances, and not place, which must procure me safety.
I was not safe while Caesar was alive, unless indeed it waa
after I had resolved upon that deed. Nor can I be an exile
anywhere as long as I hate to be a slave, and to endure in-
sults worse than all other evils. Is not this to fall back into
the same darkness, when we request of him who has taken to
himself the name of a tyrant, (while in Grecian states even
the children of tyrants, after the parents are put down, aro
subjected to the same ftite,) that the mortal enemies and

BRUTUS TO OICEKO. 131

Buppressors of absolute power may be allowed to live in
safety ? Can I wish to see this state in such a condition, oi
even think it a state at all, if it is not able to receive freedom
when put into its hands, and even forced upon it ; and when
it is more afraid of the name of the king who has been re-
moved, in the person of a boy, than confident in itself, even
after it has seen that vei*y man who had the greatest power
of all cut off by the public spirit of a few individuals? Here-
after, do not recommend me to your Caesar; no, nor even
yourself, if you will listen to me. You value the number of
years, which your time of life renders it probable that you
may enjoy, at a very high rate, if, for the sake of them, you
will supplicate that boy.

In the next place, with regard to the admirable line of
conduct which you have adopted, and still pursue, towards
Antony, take care lest, instead of being praised as the part of
great magnanimity, it should be imputed to fear. For if you
like Octavius, as one from whom we must beg our safety, you
will appear not to have objected to a master, but only to have
been desirous of a more friendly one. That you praise him
for what he has hitherto done, 1 commend you ; for his
conduct deserves to be praised ; provided only that he under-
took that course of action in opposition to the power of an-
other, and not for the sake of establishing his own. But when
you judge that it is not only lawful for him to have such
power, but also that it should be given him by you, so that
he must be entreated not to prohibit us from living in safety,
you then grant too high a reward to his merits ; for you are
bestowing on him that very thing which the republic appeared
to possess in consequence of his conduct.

Nor does it occur to you, that if Octavius deserves any
honours for waging war against Antony, the Koman people
could then never bestow on those who eradicated that evil,
and of whom these are the relics, anything with which their
merit could be compensated, even if it were to heap upon
them all honours and rewards at once. But see how much
more lively men's fears are than their recollections, because
Antony is alive and in arms ; but with respect to Caesar, all
that was possible, or ought to have been done, has been done ;
nor can it now be recalled and undone. But is Octavius a
person of ouch importance, that \he Roman people ought to

132 BRUTIJ8 TO CICERO.

wait to see what decision he will fonn respecting us? And
are W3 of so little consequence, that it peems proper to entreat
a single individual for our safety?

I, however, (to return to that point,) am of such a disposi-
tion, that I not only would not address supplications to any
one, but would repress those who require supplications to be
made to them; or else I will withdraw from those who are
slaves, and fancy that Rome is in any place wherever I am
permitted to be free. And I will pity you, in whom neither
9.ge, nor honours, nor the example of other men's virtue, can
diminish the fond desire of life. For my part, I shall seem
to myself to be happy, if I can but perpetually and constantly
cherish the persuasion that due gratitude has been shoT^n for
my affection for my country. For what is more desirable
than for a man, enjoying the recollection of glorious actions
and the possession of liberty, to look down upon human
affiiirs? At all events, I will not yield to those who yield;
nor will I be conquered by those who wish themselves to be
conquered; and I will make every possible effort and
endeavour, and never cease to attempt to free our city from
slavery. If that fortune which ought to follow my endeavours
shall attend them, we shall all rejoice; if not, at least I myself
shall rejoice. For in what acts or meditations can my life be
better spent, than in such as have for their object the deliver-
ance of my fellow-citizens? You, my dear Cicero, I beg and
exhort not to be weary, nor to distrust the event. Ever, in
averting present evils, attend also to those which may come
hereafter, lest they should make a way for themselves, unless
you check, them in time. Consider that the bold and free
spirit, such as that with which you saved the state when
consul, and uphold it now when you are of consular rank, is
valueless without consistency and steadiness. I admit, indeed,
that the condition of tried, is harder than that of untried
virtue ; £)r we expect services from it as debts ; and if anything
turns out unfortunately, we then reproach the possessors of it
in a hostile spirit, as though we had been deceived by them.

Although, therefore, it is conduct worthy of great praise

for Cicero to resist Antony, yet, becanse his character as

consul^ seemed necessarily to promise that he would be of

similar character as a consulai-,^ no man wonders at it. But

' In suppressing the ccnspiiacy of Catiline. * In resisting Antony.

CICERO TO 82'JTU8. 133

if the same Cicero should waver in that judgment with regard
to others, which he has used with such firmness and magna-
nimity in repelling Antony, he will not only deprive himself
of all hope of future glory, but will cause even the renown
of his past achievements to be forgotten.

For nothing is great in itself, except that in which a prin-
ciple of sound judgment is visible. And as it becomes no
one more than yourself, to be attached to the republic, and
to be the defender of its liberties, both from your talents and
yo Jr actions, and in accordance with the wishes and demands
of all men, Octavius must, consequently, not be solicited to
allow us to live in safety. Rouse yourself rather, that you may
feel convinced that that city, in which you have performed
the greatest deeds, will ever be free and honoin-able, provided
that the people have proper leadera to resist the counsels of
the unprincipled.

LETTER XXIV.

Cicero to Brutus, greeting.

After I had repeatedly exhorted you by letter to come as
soon as possible to the succour of the republic, and to bring
your army into Italy, and did not suppose that your own
friends had any scruples about the propriety of the measure,
I was requested by that most prudent and anxious lady, your
mother,^ whose every care is bent upon you and devoted to
you, to pay her a visit on the twenty-fifth of July, which I,
as I was bound to do, did without hesitation. When I
arrived, Casca and Labeo and Scaptius were with her. But
she immediately mentioned the business on which she sent
for me, and asked me what my opinion was: whether we
ought to send for you, and consider such a step to be for your
advantage, or whether it would be better for you to delay
and remain where you were. I gave such an answer as I

* Servilia, the mother of Brutus, who is referred to in this letter,
had intrigued with Caesar; so that scandal had even called Brutua
Cajsar's son. Brutus appears to have had a great opinion of her al ilitiea,
and to have been greatly guided oj her in the transactions which fol«
lowed upon Csesar's death.

134 eiCERO TO BRUTUS.

tho ight most suited to your dignity and reputation ; saying
that you should, at the earliest possible moment, bring your
aid to the tottering and almost falling republic. For what
misfortune, do you think, is not to be expected in a war in
which the victorious armies declined to pursue a fleeing
enemy ;^ in which a general, in the enjoyment of complete
safety, of the most ample honours and the most abundant
fortune, blessed with a wife and children, near relations of
your own,^ declares war against the republic? and during
which, (need I add?) amid the great unanimity of senate and
people, there is still such a vast amount of evil remaining
within the walls? But, at the time that I was writing this,
I was afflicted with the utmost grief, because, when the re-
public had accepted me as a surety,^ as it were, for this young
man, this almost boy, I scarcely thought that I should be
able to perform what I had undertaken. And an engagement
for another person's principles and sentiments, especially in
affairs of preeminent importance, is a graver obligation, and
one more difficult to endure, than an engagement for money.
For money can be paid, and the loss of property may be
borne; but how are you to discharge that for which you have
engaged to the state, unless he on whose behalf you made
the engagement is willing to allow it to be discharged? Yet
I shall be able, as I hope, to hold this youth to his engage-
ments, in spite of many that offer resistance to me. For
there seems to be in him a good natural disposition ; but his
age is ductile, and many are ready to lead him astray, who,
by holding out to him the splendour of false honour, think
that the perspicacity of his judgment may be dazzled.

To my other troubles, therefore, is added the labour also
of using every contrivance to keep the young man to his
duty, that I may not incur the imputation of rashness.
And yet what rashness is it? For I have bound him for
whom I have become surety, rather than myself. Nor is it
possible that the republic should repent that I have become
surety for him, since in his conduct he has grown more

' This alludes, observes Middleton, to Octavius, who, with Decimua
BnituB, forbore to pursue Antony after the battle at Mutina.

* This refers to Lepidus, whose wife was the sister of Brutus.

' When Cicero speaks of being surety for Octavius, he refers to the
Fifth Philippic, c. 8. Octavius was at this time only twenty years
of age.

CICERO TO BRUTUS. 135

Bteady, not only from his natural disposition, but in conse-
quence also of my promise.

However, if I am not mistaken, the greatest difficulty in
the republic is the want of pecuniary resources; for the re-
spectable classes stop their ears more and more daily against
the call for tribute ; ^ because that which was collected by the
tax of one per cent.,^ where the rich were iniquitously rated,
has all been spent in rewards to the legions.

Boundless expenses also threaten us, both for those armies
with which we are now defended, and also for yours ; as to
Cassius, he seems likely to come sufficiently provided. But
I wish to discuss these and many other matters in conversa-
tion with you ; and I trust to do so very soon.

With respect to your sister's sons, my dear Brutus, I did
not wait for you to write to me. Doubtless the times them-
selves (for this war is sure to be protracted) reserve the whole
affair for you.^ But, from the very first, when I could form
no conjecture with respect to the duration of the war, I
pleaded the cause of the boys in the senate with such earnest-
ness as I suppose you have already understood from their
mother's letters. Nor shall there ever be any matter in
which, even at the peril of my life, I will not both do and
say what I think that you wish, and what I conceive to be
for your advantage. Farewell. The 27th of July.

' This tribute seems to have been a sort of capitation tax, propor-
tioned to each man's substance, and had been wholly disused in Rome
ever since the conquest of Macedonia by Paullus ^milius, which pro-
duced a revenue sufficient to ease the republic ever after from that
burden, until the present necessity obliged them to renew it. Plin.
H. N. xxxiii. 3. Middleton.

' 1 per cent, a month.

' Cicero, perceiving Brutus's great tenderness for his sister's chil-
dren, puts him here again in mind that before the receipt even of his
letters, he had been using his authority with the senate to make that
matter easy to them; but that, without any endeavours of his, the
times themselves would throw the affair into his hands whenever hf
eiiould come into Italy, since the war, by the treachery cf Lepidus, wa0
DOW likely to be carried into length. Middleton.

136 CIOERO TO OCTAVIUS.

LETTER XXV.

Cicero to Octavius, greeting}

Had permission been allowed me by your legions, wbicli
are most hostile to my name and to the Roman people, to
come into the senate and discuss the affairs of the republio
before that assembly, I should have done so ; and that not
BO much from inclination as from necessity; for no remedies
■which are applied to wounds cause such severe pain as those
which tend to effect a complete cure. But since the senate
is suiTounded with armed men, it cannot honestly come to
any decision but that it is afraid : (there are the standards of
armies in the capitol; soldiers are strolling about the city;^ a
camp is pitched in the Campus Martins; and all Italy is
occupied in every quarter by legions raised to protect our
liberties, but brought hither to enslave us, and hj the cavalry
of foreign nations :) I will for the present yield to you the
forum, and the senate-hoiise, and the most sacred temples of
the immortal gods, in which (liberty, that revived for a time,
being now again put down) the senate is consulted about
nothing, fears much, and agrees to everything.

In a short time, if the times should require such a step, I
will also depart from the city, which, having been saved by
me, in order that it might be free, I shall not endure to see
in slavery. I shall be willing even to depart from life, which,
although it is full of anxiety, yet, as long as it is likely to be
of service to the state, consoles me with favourable hopes of
a fair reputation with posterity ; but should those hopes be
taken away, I shall die without hesitation, and I shall depart
in such a manner, that good fortune shall appear to have beea
wanting to my judgment, rather than courage to myself.

But this one thing, which is at once an indication of my
present distress, an evidence of the past injustice with which

* Middleton himself gives up this letter as spurious, chiefly because
he fancies that the style is inferior to others of Cicero's letters. " In
short, it is no epistle, but the declamation of some boy venting hia
indignation, and trying, under the person of Cicero, how well he could
harangue on the perfidy and inerratitude of Octavius." — Middleton's
Preface to the Epistles to Quintus and Brutus.

* It was contrary to the Roman constitution and laws to introduca
the legionu into the city.

CTCERO TO OCTAVIUS 137

I have been treated, and a proof of my feeling for those from
whom I am separated, I will not omit to mention, in ordei
that since I am farbidden to do so while present, I may be
of service in my absence : if indeed my personal safety is
either useful to the commonwealth, or at the least connected
with the public safety. For, by the faith of the immortal
gods, (unless haply I appeal to those in vain whose ears and
minds are alienated from us,) and by the fortune of the
Roman people, (which although it is now unfavourable to us,
was at one time, and, as I trust, will again be propitious,)
who is there so devoid of humanity, who so bitterly hostile
to the name of this city, and to the homes of the citizens, as
to be able either to conceal his grief, or to feel none, at such
events as these 1 Or who, if he cannot by any means remedy
the public miseries, would not withdraw from his own share
in the danger by death 1

For, that I may begin at the beginning, and proceed to the
end, and compare the last events with the first, what day, as
it has arrived, has not been more miserable than the preced-
ing one? And what successive hour has not been more full
of calamities to the Roman people than that which was before
if? Mark Antony, a man of the greatest courage, (would
that he had elso been a man of wise counsels !) after Caius
Caesar had been removed (bravely, indeed, but far from for-
tunately) fi-om the dominion which he was exercising over
the republic, had become eager to obtain a more king-like
authority than a free city could possibly endure. He squan-
dered the public money ; he drained the treasury ; he dimi-
nished the revenues; he lavished the freedom of the city in
every direction, in professed compliance with Ceesar's will;
he exercised a dictatorship ; he imposed laws ; he prevented
a dictator from being appointed by law ; he himself in the
senate opposed the decrees of the senate ; he desired to en-
gross all the provinces to himself. From a man, indeed, by
whom Macedonia was despised as a province, though Ceesar,
when victorious, had taken it for himself, what could we hope
or expect?

You stood forward as the assertor of our freedom, a mosi
excellent assertor according to your conduct at that time;
(would that neither our own opinion, nor your assurances ol
good-faith, had deceived us !) and collecting all the veterani

138 CICERO TO OCTAVIDS.

into one body, and drawing off two of the legions, from
menacing the ruin of their country, to contribute to ita
safety, you suddenly, by your own power, raised up the repub-
lic when in great distress and almost overthrown. What at
that time did not the senate bestow upon you before you
solicited it, more abundantly than jou even desired, and with
more frequency than you had ventured to hope 1 It gave
you the forces, in order that it might have a defender armed
with authority, not that it might arm an adversary with
military power against itself It gave you the title of
Imperator, after the army of the enemy ^ had been routed,
assigning you honour, and not intending that that army,
fleeing and routed, should confer such a title on you by its
utter defeat. It voted you a statue in the forum, a place
in the senate, the highest honours in the state, before you
arrived at the legal age for them. If there is anything else
which can be bestowed on you, let it add that ; but what is
there beyond this that you can wish to receive?

If, however, everything has been bestowed on you without
any regard to your age, or to precedent, or even to the fact
that you are a mortal man, why do you so cruelly, if un-
grateful, so wickedly, if forgetful of the benefits heaped upon
you, thus seek to cripple the power of the senate 1 Whither
have we sent you? from whom are you returning? Against
whom is it that we have armed you? Against whom is it
that you are thinking of waging war? From whom are you
leading away your army? Against whom are you marshalling
your troops? Why is any enemy left? Why is a citizen re-
garded as an enemy? Why, in the middle of your march,
is your camp moved further from that of the enemy, and
nearer to the city?

Alas me! never really wise, though at one time vainly
thought to be that which I was not, how greatly, 0 3oman
people, has your opinion of me deceived you ! Alas for my
unfortunate and rash old age ! Alas for my grey hairs, dis-
honoured at the end of a life deprived of judgment! It was
I that incited the conscript fathers to the ruin of their
country ; it was I that deceived the republic. It was I my-
lelf that persuaded the senate to lay violent hands on its own

' The army of Antony, defeated at the battle of Mutina.

CICERO TO OCTAVIUS. 139

existence, when I called you a Junonian^ youth, and the
golden offspring of your mother. But the fates of your
native land pointed you out as its future Paris, one who
should lay waste the city with conflagration, Italy with war ;
one who should pitch his camp in the temples of the immor-
tal gods, and hold the senate in his camp.

Alas ! for the miserable change in the affairs of the com-
monwealth, so rapid and sudden, so different from all former
circumstances ! What writer will ever exist of such genius,
as to be able so to give an account of these events that they
shall appear to be facts and not fictions? What reader will
ever exist of so credulous a disposition, as not to think those
things akin to fable which will then be handed down in our
records with the greatest truth? For reflect that Antony
was pronounced a public enemy ; that the consul elect, the
very father of the republic, was besieged by him ; that you
went forth to deliver the consul and to crush the enemy; that
the enemy was routed by you, and the consul delivered from
his state of siege; then, that a short time afterwards that
very enemy who had been routed was sent for by you, and
united as a coheir with you to seize the goods of the Roman
people, as if the republic had been dead; that the consul
elect was again blockaded in a place where he defended him-
self, not with walls, but with rivers and mountains : — Who
will attempt to relate such events as these? Who will dare
to believe them ? It may indeed be permitted to a man to
have erred once with impunity ; and a frank confession may
be an excuse for an offender ; for I will speak the ti-uth ; I
would rather, 0 Antony, that we had not driven you away
when you were our master, than that we should receive this
youth in that character ! Not that any slavery is desirable,
but because the fortune of the slave is more or less dis-
honourable according to the dignity of his master; and of
two evils, while we have to avoid the greater, we must choose
the less.

Antony, however, condeacenaed to obtain by entreaty the
things which he wished tr> appropriate ; you, Octavius, extort
them by force. He applied for a province legitimately, as a

' Either because Mars, the god of war, was the son of Juno ; or
because all the sons of Juno were godliie beings. Facciol. in voc,
Junonius.

1^0 CICERO TO OCTWIUS.

consul ; you coveted one, though invested with no ofl5.ce. lie
erected tribunals, and passed laws, to ensure the safety of the
wicked; you do so to procure the destruction of the most
virtuous. He protected the capital from bloodshed and from
conflagration at the hands of slaves; you wish to destroy
everything, and bury it under blood and flame. If he acted
as a king, who assigned provinces to Cassius and the Bruti,
and those other protectors of our name, what will he do who
seeks to rob them of life? If he who drove them out of the
city was a tyrant, what shall we call him who does not leave
them even a place to live in exile?

If, therefore, there is any sense at all in those buried re-
mains of our ancestors ; if all sense and feeling is not con-
sumed in the same fire with the body; what, if they should
ask what the Roman people are now doing, — what, I say, will
any one of us reply who next takes his departure to those
eternal mansions? Or what account will those ancient heroes
of our race, the Africani, the Fabii, the Paulli, and the
Scipios, receive of their posterity? What will they fear
concerning their country, which they themselves decorated
with spoils and triumphs? Will any one venture to tell them
that there is a certain young man, about eighteen years old,
whose grandfather was a banker, whose father was a mere
hack bail, each of them subsisting on precarious sources of
livelihood ; the one continuing such practices till his old age,
so that he cannot deny it; the other beginning them in his
boyhood, so that it is impossible for him not to confess it :
that this youth is plundering and ravaging the republic; a
youth to whom no valour, no provinces reduced in war and
annexed to the empire, no dignity on the part of his ances-
tors, had attached the assistance of the powerful, but whose
beauty, by infamous practices, had gained him money, and
caused, in his person, a respectable name to be polluted with
licentiousness; that he had collected the veteran gladiators
of Julius, worn out with wounds and age, the needy relics of
the school of Caesar, to take up arms again, surrounded with
whom he might throw everything into confusion, show pity
for no one, and live for himself alone ; a youth who obtained
possession of the republic as if it were a dowry settled on
him at his marriage, or bequeathed to him by will?

The two Decii will hear that those citizens are now slaves^

CICERO TO OCTAVIUS. 141

to secure whose dominion over their enemies they devoted
themselves to death as the only means of victory. Caiup
Marius ■will hear that we are under the orders of a licentious
master; he who would not keep even a private soldier of loose
character in his army. Brutus will hear that that people,
whom he himself in the first instance, and whom his posterity
in a subsequent age, emancipated from kingly power, is now
Burrendered to slavery as the price of shameless debauchery.
If this intelligence is conveyed to them by no one else, it
shall certainly be soon conveyed to them by me; for if,
while alive, I shall be unable to escape those evils, I have
determined to flee from them by quitting life at tie sama
time.

CICERO'S DIALOGUES

DE ORATORE;

OR,

ON THE CHAEACTER OP THE ORATOR.

BOOK I.

THE ARGUMENT.

'Fhese Dialogues were written, or at least published, by Cicero in the
year B.C. 65, when he was about fifty-two years old, in the second
consulship of Pompey and Crassus. He composed them at the re-
quest of his brother Quintus, in order that he might set forth in
better form, at a more advanced period of life, and after his long
experience, those opinions on oratory which he had somewhat hastily
and crudely advanced in his early years in his books on Invention.
The Dialogues are supposed to have been held b.c. 91, when there
were great contentions at Rome respecting the proposal of the
tribune Marcus Livius Drusus to allow the senators, in common with
the equites, to be judges on criminal trials.

The persons present at the dialogue related in the first book are Lucius
Licinius Crassus, Marcus Antonius, his friend, the two most eminent
orators of their day ; Quintus Mucius Scsevola, the father-in-law of
Crassus, who was celebrated for his knowledge of the civil law, and
from whom Cicero himself received instruction in his youth ; and two
young men, Caius Amelius Cotta, and Publius Sulpicius Rufus, youths
of much ability and promise, who were anxious to distinguish them-
selves in oratory, and for whose instruction the precepts and obser-
vations conveyed in the Dialogues are supposed to have been delivered.
The scene of the conversations is the Tusculan villa of Crassus, to
which he had retired from the tumults at Rome, and where he was
joined by the rest of the party.

The object of Cicero, in these books, was to set before his reader all
that was important in the rhetorical treatises of Aristotle, Isocrates,
and other ancient writers on oratory, divested of technicalities, and
presented in a pleasing form.

Crassus and Antonius, in the first book, discourse on all the qualifica-
tions of a perfect orator, Crassus being the exponent of the senti-
mants of Cicero himself, and maintaining that a complete orator
must be acquainted with the whole circle of art and science.
Antonius expresses his opinion that far less learning is required in
the orator than Crassus supposes, au'il that, as universal knowledge

0. I.] DE ORATOKE. 143

is unattainable, it will be well for him not to attempt to acquire too
much, as he will thus only di«tract his thoughts, and render himself
less capable of attaining excellence in speaking, than if, contenting
himself with moderate acquirements, he devoted his attention chiefly
to the improvement of his natural talents and qualifications for
oratory.
Cicero bestowed great consideration on the work, and had it long in
hand. Ep. ad Att. iv. 12. See also Ad Att. iv. 16 ; xiii. 19 ; Ad
Fam. i. 9.

1. As I frequently contemplate and call to mind the times
of old, those in general seem to me, brother Quintus, to have
been supremely happy, who, while they were distinguished
with honours and the glory of their actions in the best days
of the republic, were enabled to pursue such a course of life,
that they could continue either in employment without
danger, or in retirement with dignity. To myself, also, there
was a time^ when I thought that a season for relaxation, and
for turning my thoughts again to the noble studies once
pursued by both of us, would be fairly allowable, and be
conceded by almost every one; if the infinite labour of
forensic business and the occupations of ambition should be
brought to a stand, either by the completion of my course of
honours,^ or by the decline of age. Such expectations, with
regard to my studies and designs, not only the severe cala-
mities resulting from public occurrences, but a variety of
our own private troubles,^ have disappointed. For in that
period,^ which seemed likely to offer most quiet and tran-
quillity, the greatest pressures of trouble and the most
turbulent storms arose. Nor to our wishes and earnest

I desires has the enjoyment of leisure been granted, to culti-

s vate and revive between ourselves those studies to which we

have from e*rly youth been addicted. For at our first

entrance into life we fell amidst the perturbation ^ of all

* After his consulship, A.u.c. 691, in the forty-fourth year of his age.
' There was a certain course of honours through which the Romans

passed. After attaining the qusestorship, they aspired to the ajdileship,
and then to the praetorship and consulate. Cicero was augur, quaestor,
sedile, prajtor, consul, and proconsul of Asia. Prowt.

* He refers to his exile, and the proposed union between Caesar and
Pompey to nuke themselves masters of the whole commonwealth,'
a matter to which he was unwilling to allude more plainly. EUendt.

* Qui locus. Quae vitae pars. Proust.

* The civil wars of Marius and Sylla. EUendt,

144 DBi oxa1"orb ; oe, [a i

ancient order ; in my cci'inilship -we were involved in strug-
gles and the hazard of «-*vrrything;^ and all the time since
that consulship we havo nad to make opposition to those
waves which, prevented by my efforts from causing a genera-
destruction, have abundantly recoiled upon myself. Yet
amidst the difficulties of affairs, and the straitness of time.
I shall endeavour to gratify my love of literature ; and what-
ever leisure the malice of enemies, the causes of friends, or
the public ser\'ice will allow me, I shall chiefly devote to
writing. As to you, brother, I shall not fail to obey your
exhortations and entreaties; for no person can have more
influence with me than you have both by authority and
affection.

II. Here the recollection of an old tradition must be
revived in my mind, a recollection not indeed sufficiently
distinct, but adapted, I think, so far to reply to what you
ask, that you may understand what opinions the most famous
and eloquent men entertained respecting the whole art of
oratory. For you wish, as you have often said to me, (since
what went abroad rough and incomplete ^ from our own note-
books, when we were boys or young men, is scarcely worthy
of my present standing in life, and that experience which I
have gained from so many and such important causes as
I have pleaded,) that something more polished and complete
should be offered by me on the same subjects ; and you are
at times inclined to dissent from me in our disputations on
this matter; inasmuch as I consider eloquence to be the
offspring of the accomplishments of the most learned men f
but you think it must be regarded as independent of ele-
gant learning, and attributable to a peculiar kind of talent
and practice.

Often, indeed, as I review in thought the greatest of man-
kind, and those endowed with the highest abilities, it has
appeared to me worthy of inquiry what was the cause that
a greater number of persons have been admirable in every
other pursuit than in speaking. For which way soever you
direct your view in thought and contemplation, you will see

' Alluding to the conspiracy of Catiline.
* The two books De Inventione Rhetoricd.

^ Prudentissimorum. Equivalent to dociissimorum. Pearce. Soma
manuscripts have eruditissimorum.

C. ni.J ON THE CriARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 145

numbers excellent in every e^'^ecies, not only of the humble.
but even of the highest arts. Who, indeed, is there, that, if
he would measure the qualifications of illustrious men, either
by the usefulness or magnitude of their actions, would not
prefer a general to an orator? Yet who doubts that we can
produce, from this city alone, almost innumerable excellent
commanders, while we can number scarcely a few eminent in
speaking? There have been many also in our own memory,
and more in that of our fathers, and even of our forefathers,
who had abilities to rule and govern afiairs of state by their
counsel and wisdom; while for a long period no tolerable
orators were found, or scarcely one in every age. But lest
any one should think that the art of speaking may more
justly be compared with other pursuits, which depend uj)on
abstruse studies, and a varied field of learning, than with the
merits of a general, or the wisdom of a prudent senator, let
him turn his thoughts to those particular sciences themselves,
and contemplate who and how many have flourished in tliem,
as he will thus be best enabled to judge how great a scarcity
of orators there is and has ever been.

III. It does not escape your observation that what the
Greeks call philosophy, is esteemed by the most learned
men, the originator, as it were, and parent of all the arts
which merit praise; philosophy, I say, in which it is difficult
to enumerate how many distinguished men there have been,
and of how great knowledge, variety, and coraprehensivenesH
in their studies, men who have not confined their labours to
one province separately, but have embraced whatever they
could master either by scientific investigations, or by pro-
cesses of reasoning. Who is ignorant in how great obscurity
of matter, in how abstruse, manifold, and subtle an art they
who are called mathematicians are engaged? Yet in that
pursuit so many men have arrived at excellence, that not one
seems to have applied himself to the science in earnest
without attaining in it whatever he desired. Who has ever
devoted himself wholly to music ; who has ever given himself
up to the learning which they profess who are called gramma-
rians, without compassing, in knowledge and understanding,
the whole substance and matter of those sciences, though
almost boundless? Of all those who have engaged in the most
liberal pursuits and departments of such sciences, I think I

b

146 DE oratore; or, [b. I.

may tmly say that a smaller number of eminent poets have
arisen than of men distinguished in any other branch of litera-
ture; and in the whole multitude of the learned, among whom
there rarely appears one of the highest excellence, there will
be found, if you will but make a careful review of our own
list and that of the Greeks, far fewer good orators than good
poets. This ought to seem the more wonderful, as attain-
ments in other sciences are drawn from recluse and hidden
springs ; but the whole art of speaking lies before us, and is
concerned with common usage and the custom and language
of all men ; co that while in other things that is most excel-
lent which is most remote from the knowledge and under-
standing of the illiterate, it is in speaking even the greatest
of faults to vary from the ordinary kind of language, and the
practice sanctioned by universal reason.

IV. Yet it cannot be said with truth, either that more are
devoted to the other arts, or that they are excited by greater
pleasure, more abundant hope, or more ample rewards ; for to
say nothing of Greece, which was always desirous to hold
the first place in eloquence, and Athens, that inventress
of all literature, in which the utmost power of oratory was
both discovered and brought to perfection, in this very city
of ours, assuredly, no studies were ever pursued with more
earnestness than those tending to the acquisition of elo-
quence. For when our empire over all nations was esta-
blished, and after a period of peace had secured tranquillity,
there was scarcely a youth ambitious of praise who did not
think that he must strive, with all his endeavours, to attain
the art of speaking. For a time, indeed, as being ignorant
of all method, and as thinking there was no course of ex-
ercise for them, or any precepts of art, they attained what
they could by the single fcrce of genms and thought. But
afterwards, having heard the Greek orators, and gained an
acquaintance with Greek literature, and procured instruc-
tors, our countrymen were inflamed with an incredible
passion for eloquence. The magnitude, the variety, the mul-
titude of all kind of causes, excited them to such a degree,
that to that learning which each had acquired by his indi-
vidual study, frequent pi-actice, which was superior to the
precepts of ah masters, was at once added. There were then,
as there are also now, the highest inducements offered for the

C. v.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 147

cultivation of this study, in regard to public favour, wealth,
and dignity. The abilities of our countrymen (as vp-e may
judge from many particulars,) far excelled those of the men
of every other nation. For which reasons, who would not
justly wonder that in the records of all ages, times, and states,
80 small a number of orators should be found 1

But the art of eloquence is something greater, and col-
lected from more sciences and studies, than people imagine.
V. For who can suppose that, amid the greatest multitude of
students, the utmost abundance of masters, the most emi-
nent geniuses among men, the infinite variety of causes,
the most ample rewards offered to eloquence, there is any
other reason to be found for the small number of orators
than the incredible magnitude and difficulty of the art-? A
knowledge of a vast number of things is necessary, without
which volubility of words is empty and ridiculous ; speech
itself is to be formed, not merely by choice, but by careful
construction of words ; and all the emotions of the mind,
which nature has given to man, must be intimately known ;
for all the force and art of speaking must be employed in
allaying or exciting the feelings of those who listen. To this
must be added a certain portion of grace and wit, learning
worthy of a well-bred man, and quickness and brevity in
replying as well as attacking, accompanied with a refined
decorum and urbanity. Besides, the whole of antiquity and
a multitude of examples is to be kept in the memory ; nor is
the knowledge of laws in general, or of the civil law in par
ticular, to be neglected. And why need I add any remarks
on deUvery itself, which is to be ordered by action o^
body, by gesture, by look, and by modulation and varia-
tion of the voice, the great power of which, alone and in
itself, the comparatively trivial art of actors and the stage
proves, on which though all bestow their utmost labour to
form their look, voice, and gesture, who knows not how fev
there are, and have ever been, to whom we can attend with,
patience ? What can I say of that repository for all things,
the memory, which, unless it be made the keeper of the
matter and words that are the fruits of thought and inven-
tion, all the talents of the orator, we see, though they be
of the highest degi'ee of excellence, will be of no avail ? Let
IS then cease to wonder what is the cause of the scarcity o:
1.2

148 DE ORATORE; OR, [b. I.

good speakers, since eloquence results from all tl ose quali-
fications, iu each of which singly it is a great mei'it to labour
successfully; and let us rather exhort our children, and others
whose glory and honour is dear to us, to contemplate in their
minds the full magnitude of the object, and not to trust that
they can reach the height at which they aim, by the aid of the
precepts, masters, and exercises, that they are all now follow-
ing, but to understand that they must adopt others of a
different character.

VI. In ray opinion, indeed, no man can be an orator
pob&essed of every praiseworthy accomplishment, unless he
has attained the knowledge of everything important, and of
all liberal arts, for his language must be ornate and copious
from knowledge, since, unless thei'e be beneath the surface
matter understood and felt by the speaker, oratory becomes
an empty and almost puerile flow of words. Yet I will
not lay so great a burden upon orators, especially our own,
amid so many occupations of public and private life, as
to think it allowable for them to be ignorant of nothing ;
although the qualifications of an orator, and his very pro-
fession of speaking well, seem to undertake and promise that
he can discourse gracefully and copiously on whatever sub-
ject is proposed to him. But because this, I doubt not, will
appear to most people an immense and iniinite undertaking,
and because I see that the Greeks, men amply endowed not
only with genius and learning, but also with leisure and appli-
cation, have made a kind of partition of the arts, and have
not singly laboured in the whole circle of oratory, but have
separated from the other parts of rhetoric that department
of eloquence which is used in the forum on trials or in deli-
berations, and have left this species only to the orator ; I
shall not embrace in these books more than has been attri-
buted to this kind of speaking^ by the almost unanimoua
consent of the greatest men, after much examination ar»d
discussion of the subject ; and I shall repeat, not a series of
precepts drawn from the infancy of our old and boyish learn-
ing, but matters which I have heard were formerly argued
in a discussion among some of our countrymen who were
of the highest eloquence, and of the first rank i:i 3very kind

' Deliberative and judicial oratory ; omitting the epideictic or demon-
strative kind.

C. VII. ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 149

of digruty. Not that I contemn the instructions vJiich the
Greek rhetoricians and teachers have left as, but, as they are
already public, and within the reach of all, and can neither
be set forth more elegantly, nor explained more clearly by
my interpretation, you will, I think, excuse me, my brother,
if I prefer to the Greeks the authority of those to whom the
utmost merit in eloquence has been allowed by our own
countrymen,

VII. At the time, then, when the consul Philippus was vehe-
mently inveighing against the cause of the nobility, and the
tribuneship of Drusus, undertaken to support the authority
of the senate, seemed to be shaken and weakened, I was told,
I remember, that Lucius Crassus, as if for the purpose of
collecting his thoughts, betook himself, during the days of the
Roman games, to his Tusculan country-seat, whither also
Quintus Mucins, who had been his father-in-law, is said to have
come at the same time, as well as Marcus Antonius, a sharer
in all the political pi'oceedings of Crassus, and united in the
closest friendship with him. There went out with Crassus him-
self two young men besides, great friends of Drusus, youths
of whom our ancestors then entertained sanguine hopes that
they would maintain the dignity of their order ; Cains
Cotta, who was then a candidate for the tribuneship of the
people, and Publius Sulpicius, who was thought likely to
stand for that ofl&ce in due course. These, on the first day,
conferred much together until very late in the evening,
concerning the condition of those times, and the whole cona-
monwealth, for which purpose they had met. Cotta re-
peated to me many things then prophetically lamented and
noticed by the three of consular dignity in that conversation ',
so that no misfortune afterwards happened to the state which
they had not perceived to be hanging over it so long before _;
and he said that, when this conversation was finished, there
was such politeness shown by Crassus, that after tliey hacJ
bathed and sat down to table, all the seriousness of the former
discourse was banished ; and there appeared so much plea
eantiy in him, and so much agreeableness in his humour
that though the early part of the day might seem to have
been passed by them in the senate-house, the banquet showed
ill the delights of the Tusculan villa.

But on the next day, when the older part of the company

150 DE oratore; or, [b. I.

had taKen sufl&cient repose, and were come to their walk,
he told me that Scsevola, after taking two or three turns,
said, " Why should not we, Crassus, imitate Socrates in the
Phsedrus of Plato 1 ^ for this plane-tree of yours has put me
in mind of it, which diffuses its spreading boughs to over-
shade this place, not less widely than that did whose covert
Socrates sought, and which seems to me to have gi'own not
60 much from the rivulet which is described, as from the
language of Plato : and what Socrates, with the hardest of
feet, used to do, that is, to throw himself on the grass, while
he delivered those sentiments which philosophere say were
uttered divinely, may surely, with more justice, be allowed to
my feet." Then Crassus rejoined, "Nay, we will yet further
consult your convenience ;" and called for cushions ; when
they all, said Cotta, sat down on the seats that were under
the plane-tree.

VIII. There, (as Cotta used to relate,) in order that the
minds of them all might have some relaxation from their
former discourse, Crassus introduced a conversation on the
study of oratory. After he had commenced in this manner.
That indeed Sulpicius and Cotta did not seem to need his
exhortations, but rather both to deserve his praise, as they
had already attained such powers as not only to excel their
equals in age, but to be admitted to a comparison with their
seniors; "Nor does anything seem to me," he added, "more
noble than to be able to fix the attention of assemblies of
men by speaking, to fascinate their minds, to direct their
passions to whatever object the orator pleases, and to dissuade
them from whatsoever he desires. This particular art has
constantly flourished above all others in every free state, and
especially in those which have enjoyed peace and tranquillity,
and has ever exercised great power. For what is so admirable
as that, out of an infinite multitude of men, there should
arise a single individual, who can alone, or with only a few
others, exert effectually that power which nature has granted
to all 1 Or what is so pleasant to be heard and understood as

' P. 229. Compare Ruhnken ad Lex. Timsei, v. i.fi<(>t\a(pes, &nd
Manutiua ad Cic. Div. ii. 11, p. 254. Cicero aptly refers to that
dialogue of Plato, because much is said about eloquence in it. The
plane-tree was greatly admired by the Romans for its wide-spreading
Bhade. See I. H. Vossius ad Virg. Georg. ii. 70; Plin. H, N. xiL Z;
xvii. 15 ; Hor. Od. ii. 15. 5; Gronov. Obss. L 5. EUendt.

C. IX.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 151

an oration adorned and polished with wise thoughts and
weighty expressions 1 Or what is so striking, so astonishing,
as that the tumults of the people, the religious feelings of
judges, the gravity of the senate, should be swayed by the speech
of one man 1 Or what, moreover, is so kingly, so liberal, so
munificent, as to give assistance to the suppliant, to raise
the afflicted, to bestow security, to deliver from dangers, to
maintain men in the rights of citizenship ? What, also, is
so necessary as to keep arms always ready, with which you
may either be protected yourself, or defy the malicious, or
avenge yourself when provoked 1 Or consider, (that you
may not always contemplate the forum, the benches, the
rostra, and the senate,) what can be more delightful in leisure,
or more suited to social intercourse, than elegant conversa-
tion, betraying no want of intelligence on any subject 1 For
it is by this one gift that we are most distinguished from
brute animals, that we converse together, and can express our
thoughts by speech. Who therefore would not justly make
this an object of admiration, and think it worthy of his utmost
exertions, to surpass mankind themselves in that single ex-
cellence by which they claim their siiperiority over brutes 1
But, that we may notice the most important point of all,
what other power could either have assembled mankind,
when dispersed, into one place, or have brought them from
wild and savage life to the present humane and civilized
state of society; or, when cities were established, have
described for them laws, judicial institutions, and rights?
And that I may not mention more examples, which are almost
without number, I will conclude the subject in one short
sentence : for I consider, that by the judgment and wisdom
of the perfect orator, not only his own honour, but that of
many other individuals, and the welfare of the whole state,
are principally upheld. Go on, therefore, as you are doing,
young men, and apply earnestly to the study in which yoy
are engaged, that you may be an honour to yourselves, an
advantage to your friends, and a benefit to the republic."

IX. Scaevola then observed with courtesy, as was alwaya

his manner, " I agree with Crassus as to other points (that

I may not detract from the art or glory of Lselius, my

father-in-law, or of my son-in-law here),^ but I am afraid,

* Ciassujs.

152 r>E oratoee; or, [b. l

Crassus, that I cannot grant you these two points ; one, tJbat
states were, as you said, originally established, and have often
been preserved, by orators ; the other, that, setting aside the
forum, the assemblies of the people, the coiu-ts of judicature,
and the senate-house, the orator is, as you pronounced, accom-
plished in every subject of conversation and learning. For
who will concede to you, either that mankind, dispersed
originally in mountains and woods, enclosed themselves in
towns and walls, not so much from being convinced by the
counsels of the wise, as from being charmed by the speeches
of the eloquent? Or that other advantages, arising either
from the establishment or preservation of states, were settled,
not by wise and brave men, but by fluent and elegant
speakers'? Does Romulus seem to you to have assembled
the shepherds, and those that flocked to him from all parts,
or to have formed marriages with the Sabines, or to have
repelled the power of the neighbouring people, by eloquence,
and not by counsel and eminent wisdom ? Is there any trace
of eloquence apparent in Numa Pompilius, in Servius TuUius,
or in the i-est of our kings, from whom we have many excel-
lent regulations for maintaining our government? After the
kings were expelled (though we see that their expulsion was
effected by the mind of Lucius Brutus, and not by his tongue),
we not perceive that all the subsequent transactions are full
of wise counsel, but destitute of all mixture of eloquence?
But if I should be inclined to adduce examples from our
own and other states, I could cite more instances of mischief
than of benefit done to public affaii-s by men of eminent
eloquence; but, to omit others, 1 think, Crassus, that the
most eloquent men I ever heard, except you two,^ were the
Sempronii, Tiberius and Caius, whose father, a prudent and
grave man, but by no means eloquent, on several other occa-
sions, but especially when censor, was of the utmost service
to the republic; and he, not by any faultless flow of speech,
but by a word and a nod, transferred the freedmen into the
city tribes;^ and, if he had not done so, we should now have

^ Crassus and Antonius.

* Livy, xlv. 15, says that the freedmen were previously dispersed
among all the four city tribes, and that Gracchus included them all in
the Esquiline trilie. The object was to allow the freedmen as little
influence as possible in voti tg.

0. X,] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 153

no republic, -which we still maintain with difficulty; but hia
sons, who were eloquent, and qualified for speaking by all the
helps of nature and of learning, having found the state in
a most flourishing condition, both through the counsels of
their father, and the arms of their ancestors, brought their
country, by means of their oratory, that most excellent ruler
of states as you call it, to the verge of ruin.

X. " Were our ancient laws, and the customs of our an-
cestors; were the auspices, over which you, Crassus, and
I preside with great security to the republic ; were the reli-
gious rites and ceremonies; were the civil laws, the know-
ledge of which has long prevailed in our family, (and without
any pmise for eloquence,) either invented, or understood, or
in any way ordered by the tribe of orators 1 I can remember
that Servius Galba, a man of godlike power in speaking, as
well as Marcus jiEmilius Porcina, and Cueius Carbo himself,
whom you defeated when you were but a youth,^ was igno-
rant of the laws, at a loss in the practices of our ancestors,
and unlearned in civil jurisprudence ; and, except you, Crassus,
who, rather from your own inclination to study, than because
it was any peculiar business of an orator, have learned the
civil law from us, as I am sometimes ashamed to say, this
generation of ours is ignorant of law.

" But what you assumed, as by a law of your own, in
the last part of your speech, that an orator is able to speak
fluently on any subject, I would not, if I were not here in
your own domain, tolerate for a moment, but would head
a party who should either oppose you by an interdict,^ or
summon you to contend with them at law, for having so
unceremoniously invaded the possessions of others. In the
first place, all the Pythagoreans, and the followers of Demo-
critus, would institute a suit against you, with the rest of the
natural philosophers^ each in his own department, men whc

' Caius Papirius Carbo, after having been a very seditious tribune,
•went over in his consulship to the side of the patricians, and highly
extolled Lucius Opimius for killing Caius Gracchus. But, at the ex-
piration of his consulship, being impeached by Crassus, on what grounds
we do not know, he put himself to deatL Cic. Orat. iii. 20, 74 ;
Brut. 27, 103. Ellendt.

* An edict of the proetor forbidding something to be done, in con-
tradistinction to a decree, which ordered something to be done. Ellendt
refers to Oaius, iv. 139, 160.

154 DE OEATORB j OR, [b. L

are elegant and powerful speakers, with whom you could not
contend on equal terms. ^ Whole troops of other philosophers
would assail you besides, even down from Socrates their
origin and head, and would convince you that you had
learned nothing about good and evil in life, nothing about
the passions of the mind, nothing about the moi-al conduct of
mankind, nothing about the proper course of life ; they would
show you that you have made no due inquiry after know-
ledge, and that you know nothing ; and, when they had made
an attack upon you altogether, then every sect would bring
its separate action against you. The Academy would press
you, and, whatever you asserted, force you to deny it. Our
friends the Stoics woiild hold you entangled in the snares of
their disputations and questions. The Peripatetics would prove
that those very aids and ornanieats to speaking, which you
consider the peculiar property of the orators, must be sought
from themselves; and they would show you that Aristotle
and Theophrastus have written not only better, but also far
more copiously, on these subjects, than all the masters of the
art of speaking. I say nothing of the mathematicians, the
grammarians, the musicians, with whose sciences this art of
speaking of yours is not connected by the least affinity. I
think, therefore, Crassus, that such great and numerous pro-
fessions ought not to be made. What you can effect is suf-
ficiently great; namely, that in judicial matters the cause
which you plead shall seem the better and more probable;
that in public assemblies, and in delivering opinions, your
oratory shall have the most power to persuade; that, finally,
you shall seem to the wise to speak with eloquence, and even to
the simple to speak with truth. If you can do more than this,
it will appear to me that it is not the orator, but Crassus
himself that effects it by the force of talents peculiar to
himself, and not common to other orators."

XI. Crassus then replied, " I am not ignorant, Scsevola,
that things of this sort are commonly asserted and maintained
among the Greeks; for I was an auditor of their greatest

^ Jiisto Sacramento, The sacramentum was a deposit of a certain sum
of money laid down by two parties who were going to law; and
when the decision was made, the victoricu.3 party received his money
back, while that of the defeated party went into the public treasury
Varro, L. L. v. 180,

t-XI.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE OBATOR. 155

men, when I came ij Athens as quaestor from Macedonia,'
and when the Academy was in a flourishing state, as it was
represented in those days, for Charmadas, and Clitomachus,
and ^schinns were in possession of it. There was also Me-
trodorus, who, with the others, had been a diligent hearer of
the famous Carneades himself, a man beyond all others, as
they told me, a most spirited and copious speaker. Muesar-
chus, too, was in great esteem, a hearer of your friend
Pansetius, and Diodorus, a scholar of Critolaus the Peri-
patetic; and there were many other famous men besides,
highly distinguished in philosophy, by all of whom, with one
voice as it were, I observed that the orator was repelled from
the government of states, excluded from all learning and
knowledge of great affairs, and degraded and thrust down
into the courts of justice and petty assemblies, as into a
workshop. But I neither assented to those men, nor to the
originator of these disputations, and by far the most eloquent
of them all, the eminently grave and oratorical Plato ; whose
Gorgias I then diligently read over at Athens with Char-
madas ; from which book I conceived the highest admiration
of Plato, as he seemed to me to prove himself an eminent
orator, even in ridiculing orators. A controversy indeed
on the word orator has long disturbed the minute Grecians,
who are fonder of argument than of truth. For if any one
pronounces him to be an orator who can speak fluently only
on law in general, or on judicial questions, or before the
people, or in the senate, he must yet necessarily grant and
allow him a variety of talents; for he cannot treat even of
these matters with sufficient skill and accuracy without great
attention to all public afiairs, nor without a knowledge of
laws, customs, and equity, nor without imderstanding the
nature and manners of mankind ; and to him who knows these
things, without which no one can maintain even the most
minute points in judicial pleadings, how much is wanting
of the knowledge even of the most important affairs? But if
you allow nothing to belong to the orator but to speak aptly,
ornately, and copiously, how can he even attain these qualities
without that knowledge which you do not allow him? for
there can be no true merit in speaking, unless what is said is

* Craasus waa quaestor in Asia, a.u.c. 645, and, on his return, at th«
expiration of his office, passed through Macedoniai EUendt.

idfi DE ORAIORE ; OR, [b, I,

thorouglily understood by him who says it. If, therefore, the
natural philosopher Democritus spoke with elegance, as he ia
reported to have spoken, and as it appears to me that he did
speak, the matter on which he spoke belonged to the philosopher,
but the graceful array of words is to be ascribed to the orator.
And if Plato spoke divinely upon subjects most remote from
civil controversies, as I grant that he did ; if also Aristotle,
and Theophrastus, and Carneades, were eloquent, and spoke
with sweetness and grace on those matters which they dis-
cussed; let the subjects on which they spoke belong to other
studies, but their speech itself, surely, is the peculiar offspring
of that art of which we are now discoursing and inquiring.
For we see that some have reasoned on the same subjects
jejunely and drily, as Chrysippus, whom they celebrate as the
iicutest of philosophers; nor is he on this account to be
thought to have been deficient in philosophy, because he did
not gain the talent of speaking from an art which is foreign
to philosophy,

XII. " Where then lies the difference 1 Or by what
term will you discriminate the fertility and copiousness of
speech in those whom I have named, from the barrenness
of those who use not this variety and elegance of phrase 1
One thing there will certainly be, which those who speak well
will exhibit as their own ; a graceful and elegant style, dis-
iinguished by a peculiar artifice and polish. But this kind
of diction, if there be not matter beneath it clear and
intelligible to the speaker, must either amount to nothing, or
be received with ridicule by all who hear it. For what savours
so much of madness, as the empty sound of words, even the
choicest and most elegant, when there is no sense or knowledge
contained in them 1 Whatever be the subject of a speech,
therefore, in whatever art or branch of science, the orator, if
he has made himself master of it, as of his client's cause,
will speak on it better and more elegantly than even the
very originator and author of it can.^ If indeed any
one shall say that there are certain trains of thought and
reasoning properly belonging to orators, and a knowledge of
certain things ^circumscribed within the limits of the forum,
I will confess that our common speech is employed about
these matters chiefly ; but yet there are many things, in
^ See Quiatilian, ii. 21.

0. XIH.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 157

these very topics, -which those masters of rhetoric, as they are
called, neither teach nor understand. For who is i«norant
that the highest power of an orator consists in exciting tna
minds of men to anger, or to hatred, or to grief, or in recall-
ing them from these more violent emotions to gentleness and
compassion 1 which power will never be able to effect its ob-
ject by eloquence, unless in him who has obtained a thorough
insight into the nature of mankind, and all the passions of
humanity, and those causes by which our minds are either
impelled or restrained. But all these are thought to belong
to the philosophers, nor will the orator, at least with my con-
sent, ever deny that such is the case ; but when he has
conceded to them the knowledge of things, since they are
willing to exhaust their labours on that alone, he will assiime
to himself the treatment of oratory, which without that
knowledge is nothing. For the proper concern of an orator,
as I have already often said, is language of power and
elegance accommodated to the feelings and understandings of
mankind.

XIII. " On these matters I confess that Aristotle and Theo-
phrastus have written.^ But consider, Scsevola, whether this
is not wholly in my favour. For I do not borrow from them
what the orator possesses in common with them ; but they
allow that what they say on these subjects belongs to oratory.
Their other treatises, accordingly, they distinguish by the
name of the science on which each is written ; their treatises
on oratory they entitle and designate as books of rhetoric.
For when, in their discussions, (as often happens,) such topics
present themselves as require them to speak of the immortal
gods, of piety, of concord, of friendship, of the common
rights of their fellow-citizens, or those of all mankind, of the
law of nations, of equity, of temperance, of gi-eatness of
mind, of every kind of virtue, all the academies and schools
of philosophy, I imagine, will cry out that all these subjects
are their property, and that no particle of them belongs to
the orator. But when I have given them liberty to reason
on all these subjects in corners to amuse their leisure, I shall
give and assign to the orator his part, which is, to set forth
with full power and attraction the very same topics whicli
they discuss in such tame and bloodless phraseology. Thesv

* Though they are philosophers, and not orators or rhetoricians.

158 DE OBATORE ; OR, [b. X.

points I then discussed with the philosophers in person at
Athens, for Marcus Marcellus, our countryman, who is now
curule sedile, obliged me to do so, and he would certainly
have taken part in our present conversation, were he not now
celebmting the public games ; for he was then a youth mar-
vellously given to these studies.

"Of the institution of laws, of war, of peace, of alliances,
of tributes, of the civil law as relating to various ranks and
ages respectively,^ let the Greeks say, if they will, that Ly-
curgus or Solon (although I think that these should be
enrolled in the number of the eloquent) had more knowledge
than Hypereides or Demosthenes, men of the highest accom-
plishments and refinement in oratory ; or let our countrymen
prefer, in this sort of knowledge, the Decemviri who wrote
the Twelve Tables, and who must have been wise men, to
Servius Galba, and your father-in-law Lselius, who are al-
lowed to have excelled in the glorious art of speaking. I,
indeed, shall never deny that there are some sciences pecu-
liarly well understood by those who have applied their whole
study to the knowledge and consideration of them ; but the
accomplished and complete orator I shall call him who can
speak on all subjects with variety and copiousness. XIV. For
cften in those causes which all acknowledge properly to
lelong to orators, there is something to be drawn forth and
adopted, not from the routine of the Forum, which is the
only knowledge that you grant to the orator, but from some
of the more obscure sciences. I ask whether a speech can be
made for or against a general, without an acquaintance with
military affairs, or often without a knowledge of certain
inland and maritime countries 1 whether a speech can be
made to the people about passing or rejecting laws, or in the
senate on any kind of public transactions, without the greatest
knowledge and judgment in political matters? whether a
speech can be adapted to excite or calm the thoughts and

^ De jure civili generatim in ordines cetatesque descripto. Instead cf
civili, the old readiug was civium, in accordance with which Lambinua
altered descHpto into descriptorum. Civili was au innovation of Ernesti,
which Ellendt condemns, and retains civium; observing that Cicero
means ^'wra civium publica singulis ordinibus et cetatibus assignata. " By
ordines," says Ernesti, " are meant patricians and plebeians, senators,
knights, and classes in the census; by estates, younger i***** older
persons."

0. XV.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 159

passions (which alone is a great business of the orator)
without a most diligent examination of all those doctrines
which are set forth on the nature and manners of men by the
philosophers? I do not know whether I may not be lesa
successful in maintaining what I am going to say; but I
Bhall not hesitate to speak that which I think. Physics, and
mathematics, and those other things which you just now
decided to belong to other sciences, belong to the peculiar
knowledge of those who profess them ; but if any one would
illustrate those arts by eloquence, he must have recourse to
the power of oratory. Nor, if, as is said, Philo,^ the famous
architect, who built an arsenal for the Athenians, gave that
people an eloquent account of his work, is it to be imagined
that his eloquence proceeded from the art of the architect,
but from that of the oi-ator. Or, if our friend Marcus Antonius
had had to speak for Hermodorus^ on the subject of dock-
building, he would have spoken, when he had learned the
case from Hermodorus, with elegance and copiousness, drawn
from an art quite unconnected with dock-building. And
Asclepiades,^ whom we knew as a physician and a friend, did
not, when he excelled others of his profession in eloquence,
employ, in his graceful elocution, the art of physic, but that
of oi-atory. What Socrates used to say, that all men am
sufficiently eloquent in that which they understand, is very
plausible, but not true. It would have been nearer truth to
say, that no man can be eloquent on a subject that he doerj
not understand; and that, if he understands a subject ever
so well, but is ignorant how to form and polish his speech,
he cannot express himself eloquently even about what he does
understand.

XV. " If, therefore, any one desires to define and compre-
hend the whole and peculiar power of an orator, that man, in
my opinion, will be an orator, worthy of so great a name,
who, whatevei subject comes before him, and requires rheto-
rical elucidation, can speak on it judiciously, in set form,

' He is frequently mentioned by the ancients ; the passages relating
to him have been collected by Junius de PictuHl In Catal. Artif.
Ei-nesti. See Plin. H. N. vii. 38 ; Plut. Syll. c. 14 ; Val. Max. vii. 12.

' A Roman shipbuilder. See Turneb. Ad vers. xi. 2.

• See Plin. H. N. vii. 37. Celsus often refers to his aulhority as thft
U under of a new party. EUeiuU.

160 DE ORATORB ; OR, [B. I.

elegantly, and from memory, and with a certain dignity of
action. But if the phrase which I have used, ' on whatever
subject,' is thought by any one too comprehensive, let him
retrench and curtail as much of it as he pleases ; but this
I will maintain, that though the orator be ignorant of what
belongs to other arts and pursuits, and understands only
what concerns the discussions and practice of the Forum, yet
if he has to speak on those arts, he will, when he has learned
what pertains to any of them from persons who understand
them, discourse upon them much better than the very persona
of whom those arts form the peculiar province. Thus, if our
friend Sulpicius have to speak on military affiiirs, he will
inquire about them of my kinsman Caius Marius,^ and when he
has received information, will speak upon them in such a
manner, that he shall seem to Marius to understand them
better than himself Or if he has to speak on the civil law,
he will consult with you, and will excel you, though eminently
wise and learned in it, in speaking on those very points which
he shall have learned from yourself. Or if any subject pre-
sents itself, requiring him to speak on the nature and vices of
men, on desire, on moderation, on continence, on grief, on
death, perhaps, if he thinks proper, (though the orator ought
to have a knowledge of these things.) he will consult with
Sextus Pompeius," a man learned in philosophy. But this he
will certainly accomplish, that, of whatever matter he gains
a knowledge, or from whomsoever, he will speak upon it
much more elegantly than the very person from whom he
gained the knowledge. But, since philosophy is distinguished
into three parts, inquiries into the obscurities of physics, the
subtilties of logic, and the knowledge of life and manners, let
us, if Sulpicius will listen to me, leave the two former, and
consult our ease; but unless we have a knowledge of the
third, which has always been the province of the orator, we

' The son of the great Caius Marms, seven times consul, had married
Mucia, the daughter of the augur ScDovola. In Cicero's Oration for
Balbus, also, c. 21, 49, where the merits of that eminent commander
ai'e celebrated, Crassus is called his affinis, relation by marriaga
Henricksen.

''■ The uncle of Cneius Pompey the Great, who had devoted excel-
lent talents to the attainment of a thorough knowledge of civil law,
geometry, and the doctrines of th'^ Stoics. See Cic Brut. 47 ; Philippe
xii. 11; Beier, ad Off. L 6- ^a, Elkndt.

C, XVI.] ON THE CHAKACTEU OF THE ORATOR. 101

sliaU. leave him nothing in which ne can distinguish himself.
The part of philosophy, therefore, regarding life and manners,
must be thoroughly mastered by the orator; other subjects,
even if he has not learned them, he will be able, whenever
there is occasion, to adorn by his eloquence, if they are brought
before him and made known to him.

XVI. " For if it is allowed amongst the learned that Aratus.
a man ignorant of astronomy, has treated of heaven and the
constellations in extremely polished and excellent verses; if
Nicander,^ of Colophon, a man totally unconnected with the
country, has written well on rural affairs, with the aid of
poetical talent, and not from understanding husbandry, what
reason is there why an orator should not speak most elo-
quently on those matters of which he shall have gained
a knowledge for a certain purpose and occasion? For the
poet is nearly allied to the orator; being somewhat more
restricted in numbers, but less restrained in the choice of
words, yet in many kinds of embellishment his rival and
almost equal; in one respect, assuredly, nearly the same,
that he circumscribes or bounds his jurisdiction by no limits,
but reserves to himself full right to range wherever he
pleases with the same ease and liberty. For why did you
say, Scsevola,^ that you would not endure, unless you were in
my domain, my assertion, that the orator ought to be accom-
phshed in every style of speaking, and in every part of
polite learning? I should certainly not have said this if I
had thought myself to be the orator whom I conceive in my
imagination. But, as Caius Lucilius used frequently to say
(a man not very friendly to you,^ and ou that account less
familiar with me than he could wish, but a man of learning
and good breeding), T am of this opinion, that no one is to
be numbered among orators who is not thoroughly accom-

' Nicander, a physician, grammarian, and poet, flourished in the
time of Attains, the second king of Pergamus, about fifty years before
Christ. His Theriaca and Alexipharmaca are extant ; hia Qeorgica, to
which Cicero here alludes, haa perished. Jlenrichsen.

" See c. X.

* It is Lucilius the Satirist that is meant. \Vliat cause there had
been for unfriendliness between him and Scaevola is unknown ; perhaps
he might have spoken too freely, or made some satirical remark on the
accusation of Scsevola by Albucius for bribery, on which there are
Ncnie verses in b. ilL c. 43. Ellendt.

u

162 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. It

plished iu all branches of knowledge requisite for a man o{
good breeding; and though we may not put forward such
knowledge in conversation, yet it is apparent, and indeed
evident, whether we are destitute of it, or have acquired it ;
as those who play at tennis do not exhibit, in playing, the
gestures of the palaestra, but their movements indicate whe-
ther they have learned those exercises or are unacquainted
with them; and as those who shape out anything, though
they do not then exercise the art of painting, yet make it
clear whether they can paint or not ; so in orations to courts
of justice, before the people, and in the senate, although
other sciences have no peculiar place in them, yet is it easily
proved whether he who speaks has only been exercised in
the parade of declamation, or has devoted himself to oratory
after having been instructed in all liberal knowledge."

XVII. Then Scaevola, smiling, said : " I will not struggle
with you any longer, Crassus ; for you have, by some artifice,
made good what you asserted against me, so as to grant me
whatever I refused to allow to the orator, and yet so as to
wrest from me those very things again I know not how, and
to transfer them to the orator as his property.^ When
I went as praetor to Rhodes, and communicated to Apol-
lonius, that famous instructor in this profession, what I had
learned from Panaetius, ApoUonius, as was his manner, ridi-
culed these matters,^ threw contempt upon philosophy, and
made many other observations with less wisdom than wit;
but your remarks were of such a kind as not to express con-
tempt for any arts or sciences, but to admit that they are all
attendants and handmaids of the orator ; and if ever any one
should comprehend them all, and the same person should add
to that knowledge the powers of supremely elegant oratory,
I cannot but say that he would be a man of high distinction

* You granted me all that I desired when you said that all arts and
Bciences belong, as it were, respectively to those who have invented, or
profess, or study them ; . . . . but when you said that those arts and
sciences are necessary to the orator, and that he can speak upon them,
if he wishes, with more elegance and effect than those who have made
them their peculiar study, you seemed to take them all from me again,
and to transfer them to the orator as his own property. Proust.

* Orellius reads Hcsc — irrisit, where the reader will observe that the
pronoun is governed by the verb. Ellendt and some others read Qiwt
instead of Jtlcec. Several alterations have been proposed, but none of
them bring the sentence into a satisfactory state.

C XVIII.] ON THE CHARACTEK OF THE ORATOR. 163

and worthy of the greatest admiration. But if there should
be such a one, or indeed has ever been, or can possibly be,
you alone would be the person ; who, not only in my judg-
ment, but in that of all men, have hardly left to other
orators (I speak it with deference to this company) any glory
to be acquired. If, however, there is in yourself no deficiency
of knowledge pertaining to judicial and political affairs,
and yet you have not mastered all that additional learning
which you assign to the complete orator, let us consider whe-
ther you do not attribute to him more than possibility and
truth itself will allow." Here Crassus rejoined : " Remember
that I have not been speaking of my own talents, but of
those of the true orator. For what have I either learned or
had a possibility of knowing, who entered upon pleading
before I had any instruction ; whom the pressure of business
overtasked amidst the occupations of the forum, of canvassing,
of public affairs, and the management of the causes of friends,
before I could form any true notion of the importance of
such great employments? But if there seem to you to be so
much in me, to whom, though capacity, as you think, may
not greatly have been wanting, yet to whom learning, leisure,
and that keen application to study which is so necessary,
have certainly been wanting, what do you think would be the
case if those acquirements, which I have not gained, should
be united to some greater genius than mine ? How able, how
great an orator, do you think, would he prove?"

XVIII. Antonius then observed : " You prove to me,
Crassus, what you advance ; nor do I doubt that he will
have a far greater fund of eloquence who shall have learned
the reason and nature of everything and of all sciences. But,
in the first place, this is difficult to be achieved, especially
in such a life as ours and such occupations; and next, it
is to be feared that we may, by such studies, be drawn away
from our exercise and practice of speaking before the people
and in the forum. The eloquence of those men whom you
mentioned a little before, seems to me to be of a quite dif-
ferent sort, though they speak with grace and dignity, as well
on the nature of things as on human life. Theirs is a neat
and florid kind of language, but more adapted for parade
and exercise in the schools, than for these tumults of the
city and forum. For when I, who late in life, and then bu*

x2

164 DE ORATORfi ; OR, [b. I

lightly, touched upon Greek learning, was going as proconsul
into Cilicia, and had arrived at Athens^ I waited there several
days on account of the difl&culty of sailing; and as I had
every day with me the most learned men, nearly the same
that you have just now named, and a report, I know no<-
how, had spread amongst them that I, like you, was versed
in causes of great importance, every one, according to hia
j^bilities, took occasion to discourse upon the office and art of
an orator. Some of them, as Mnesarchus himself, said, that
those whom we call orators were nothing but a set of me-
chanics with glib and well-practised tongues, but that no
one could be an orator but a man of true wisdom ; and that
eloquence itself, as it consisted in the art of speaking well,
was a kind of virtue,^ and that he who possessed one virtue
possessed all, and that virtues were in themselves equal and
alike ; and thus he who was eloquent possessed all virtues,
and was a man of true wisdom. But their phraseology was in-
tricate and dry, and quite unsuited to my taste. Charmadas
indeed spoke much more diffusely on those topics ; not that
he delivered his own opinion (for it is the hereditary custom
of every one in the Academy to take the part of opponents
to all in their disputations), but what he chiefly signified was,
that those who were called rhetoricians, and laid down rules
for the art of speaking, understood nothing; and that no
man could attain any command of eloquence who had not
mastered the doctrines of the philosophei-s.

XIX. " Certain men of eloquence at Athens, versed in
public affairs and judicial pleadings, disputed on the other
side ; among whom was Menedemus, lately my guest at Rome ;
but when he had obsei-ved that there is a sort of wisdom
which is employed in inquiring into the methods of settling
and managing governments, he, though a ready speaker, was
promptly attacked by the other,^ a man of abundant learning,
and of an almost incredible variety and copiousness of argu-
ment; who maintained that every portion of such wisdom
must be derived from philosophy, and that whatever was
■established in a state concerning the immortal gods, the dis-
cipline of youth, justice, patience, temperance, moderation in
everything, and other matters, without which states would

' The Stoics called eloquence 03e cf their vlrtuea See Q aintilian,
fi. 20. » Charmada'J.

Z. XX. J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 1C5

either not subsist at all, or be cori-upt in morals, vras nowhere
to be found in the petty treatises of the rhetoricians. For it
those teachers of rhetoric included in their art such a mul-
titude of the most important subjects, why, he asked, were
their books crammed with rules about proems and perorations,
and such trifles (for so he o-diled them), while about the
modelling of states, the composition of laws, about equity,
justice, integrity, about mastering the appetites, and forming
the morals of mankind, not one single syllable was to be
found in their pages 1 Their precepts he ridiculed iii s\ich
a manner, as to show that the teaclaers were not only desti-
tute of the knowledge which they arrogated to themselves,
but that they did not even know the proper art and method
of speaking; for he thought that the principal business of an
orator was, that he might appear to those to whom he spoke
to be such as he would wish to appear (that this was to be
attained by a life of good reputation, on which those teachers
of rhetoric had laid down nothing in their precepts); and
that the minds of the audience should be affected in such
a manner as the orator would have them to be affected, an
object, also, which could by no means be attained, unless the
speaker understood by what methods, by what arguments,
and by what sort of language the minds of men are moved
in any particular direction; but that these matters were
involved and concealed in the profouudest doctrines of phi-
losophy, which these I'hetoricians had not touched even with
the extremity of their lips. These assertions Menedemus
endeavoured to refute, but rather by authorities than by
arguments ; for, repeating from memory many noble passage?
from the orations of Demosthenes, he showed that that
orator, while he swayed the minds of judges or of the people
by his eloquence, was not ignorant by what means he attained
his end, which Charmadas denied that any one could know
without philosophy.

XX. " To this Charmadas replied, that he did not deny tJiat
Demosthenes was possessed of consummate ability and the
utmost energy of eloquence; but whether he had these
powers from natural genius, or because he was, as was
acknowledged, a diligent hearer of Plato, it was not what
Demosthenes cDuld do, but what the rhetoricians taught,
that was the subject of inquiry. Sometimes too he war

166 DE oratore; or, [b. i.

carried so far by the drift of his discourse, as to maintaia
that there was no art at all in speaking; and having shown
by various arguments that we are so formed by nature as to
be able to Hatter, and to insinuate ourselves, as suppliants,
into the favour of those from whom we wish to obtain any-
thing, as well as to terrify our enemies by menaces, to relate
matters of fact, to confirm what we assert, to refute what is
said against us, and, finally, to use entreaty or lamentation;
particulars in which the whole faculties of the orator are
employed; and that practice and exercise sharpened the
imderstanding, and produced fluency of speech, he rested his
cause, in conclusion, on a multitude of examples that he
adduced; for first, as if stating an indisputable fact,^ he
affirmed that no writer on the art of rhetoric was ever even
moderately eloquent, going back as far as I know not what
Corax and Tisias,^ who, he said, appeared to be tb'^ in-
ventors and first authors of rhetorical science; and then
named a vast number of the most eloquent men who had
neither learned, nor cared to understand the rules of art,
and amongst whom, (whether in jest, or because he thought,
or had heard something to that effect,) he instanced me as
one who had received none of their instructions, and yet, as
he said, had some abilities as a speaker; of which two
observations I readily granted the truth of one, that I had
never been instructed, but thought that in the other he was
either joking with me, or was under some mistake. But he
denied there was any art, except such as lay in things that
were known and thoroughly understood, things tending to
the same object, and never misleading; but that everything
treated by the orators was doubtful and uncertain; as it was
uttered by those who did not fully understand it, and was
heard by them to whom knowledge was not meant to be
communicated, but merely false, or at least obscure notions,

^ Quasi deditd operd. As if Charmadas himself had collected all the
writors on the art of rhetoric, that he might be iu a condition to prove
what he now asserted; or, aa if the writers on the art of rhetoric them-
selves had purposely abstained from attempting to be eloquent. But
Oharmadas was very much in the wrong ; for Gurgias, Isocrates, Prota-
goras, Theophrastus, and other teachers of rhetoric were eminent for
eloquence. Prov^t.

^ Two Sicilians, said to have been the most anci-Mit writers on rhetoric.
See Quintilian, iiL 1.

C. XXI.] ON THE CHAKACTER OF THE ORATOR. 167

intended to live in their minds only for a short time. lu
short, he seemed bent on convincing me that there was no
art of speaking, and that no one could speak skilfully, or so
as fully to illustrate a subject, but one who had attained that
knowledge which is delivered by the most learned of the
philosophers. On which occasions Charmadas used to say^
with a passionate admiration of your genius, Crassus, that
I appeared to him very easy in listening, and you most
pertinacious in disputation.

XXI. " Then it was that I, swayed by this opinion, re-
marked in a little treatise' which got abroad, and into
people's hands, without my knowledge and against my will,
that I had known many good speakers, but never yet any one
that was truly eloquent ; for I accounted him a good speaker,
who could express his thoughts with accuracy and perspi-
cuity, according to the ordinary judgment of mankind, before
an audience of moderate capacity; but I considered him alone
eloquent, who could in a more admirable and noble manner
amplify and adorn whatever subjects he chose, and who em-
braced in thought and memory all the principles of everything
relating to oratory. This, though it may be difficult to us,
who, before we begin to speak in public, are overwhelmed by
canvassings for office and by the business of the forum, is
yet within the range of possibility and the powers of nature.
For I, as far as I can divine by conjecture, and as far as I can
estimate the abilities of our countrymen, do not despair that
there may arise at some time or other a person, who, when,
with a keener devotion to study than we feel, or have ever
felt, with more leisure, with better and more mature talent
for learning, and with superior labour and industry, he shall
have given himself up to hearing, reading, and writing, may
become such an orator as we desire to see, — one who may
justly be called not only a good speaker, but truly eloquent;
and such a character, in my opinion, is our friend Crassus, or
Bome one, if such ever was, of equal genius, who, having
heard, read, and written more than Crassus, shall be able to
make some little addition to it."

Here Sulpicius observed : " That has happened by acci-
dent, Crassus, which neither Cotta nor I expected, but which
we both earnestly desired, — I mean, that you should in-
* See 3. 47 — Cicero speaks of it as exilia, poor and dry, Brut. 44 ; Orat. &

168 DE oratore; or, [b. !.

sensibly glide into a discourse of this kind. Foi, ae we were
coming hither, we thought it would be a pleasure, if, while
you were talking on other matters, we might gather some-
thing worthy to be remembered from your conversation ; but
that you should go into a deep and full discussion on this
very study, or art, or faculty, and penetrate into the heart of
it, was what we could scarcely venture to hope. For I, who>
from my early youth, have felt a strong affection for you
both, and even a love for Crassus, having never left his com-
pany, could never yet elicit a word from him on the method
and art of speaking, though I not only solicited him myself,
but endeavoured to move him by the agency of Drusus ; on
which subject you, Antonius, (I speak but the truth,) never
failed to answer my requests and interrogatories, and have
very often told me what you used to notice in speaking. And
since each of you has opened a way to these subjects of our
research, and since Crassus was the first to commence this
discourse, do us the favour to acquaint us fully and exactly
what you think about the various kinds of eloquence. If we,
obtain this indulgence from you, I shall feel the greatest
obligation to this school of yours, Crassus, and to your Tus-
culan villa, and shall prefer your suburban place of study to
the famous Academy and Lyceum."

XXII. " Nay rather, Sulpicius," rejoined Crassus, " let us
ask Antonius, who is both capable of doing what you desire,
and, as I hear you say, has been accustomed to do so. As to
myself, I acknowledge that I have ever avoided all such kind
of discourse, and have often declined to comply with your
requests and solicitations, as you just now observed. This
I did, not from pride or want of politeness, nor because I
was unwilling to aid your just and commendable aspirations,
especially as I knew you to be eminently and above others
formed and qualified by nature to become a speaker, but, in
truth, from being unaccustomed to such kind of discussions,
and from being ignorant of those principles which are laid
down as institutes of the art." " Then," said Cotta, " since
we have got over what we thought the greatest difficulty,
to induce you, Crassus, to speak at all upon these subjects,
for the rest, it will be our own fault if we let you go before
you have explained all that we have to ask." " I believe
I must answer," says Crassus, " as is usually written in the

C. XXII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE OKATOR, 169

formulse for entering on inheritances,^ concerning such points
AS I KNOW AND SHALL BE ABLE." " And which of US," rejoined
Cotta, '' can be so presuming as to desire to know or to be
able to do anything that you do not know or cannot do?''
" Well, then," returned Crassus, " on condition that I may
say that I cannot do what I cannot do, and that I may own
that I do not know what I do not know, you may put ques-
tions to me at your pleasure." " We shall, then, first ask of
you," said Suipicius, " what you think of what Antonius has
advanced ; whether you think that there is any art in speak-
ing ] " " What ! " exclaimed Crassus, " do you put a trifling
question to me, as to some idle and talkative, though perhaps
studious and learned Greek, on which I may speak accord-
ing to my humour? When do you ii::agine that I have ever
regarded or thought upon such matters, or have not always
rather ridiculed the impudence of those men who, seated
in the schools, would demand if any one, in a numerous
assembly of persons, wished to ask any question, and desire
him to speak 1 This Gorgias the Leontine is said to have
6rst done, who was thought to undertake and promise some-
thing vast, in pronouncing himself prepared to speak on all
subjects on which any one should be inclined to hear him.
But afterwards those men made it a common practice, and
continue it to this day; so that there is no topic of such
importance, or so unexpected, or so new, on which they do
not profess that they will say all that can be said. But if I
had thought that you, Cotta, or you, Suipicius, were desirous
to hear such matters, I would have brought hither some
Greek to amuse you with their manner of disputation; for
there is with M. Piso,^ (a youth already addicted to this intel-
lectual exercise, and one of superior talents, and of great affec-
tion for me,) the peripatetic Staseas, a man with whom I am
well acquainted, and who, as I perceive is agreed amongst the
learned, is of the first eminence in his profession."

^ Cretionihus. An heir was allowed a certain time to determine,
eemere, whether he would enter upon an estate bequeathed to him, or
not. See Cic. ad Att. xi. 12; xiii. 46; Grains, Instit. ii. 164 ; Ulpian,
Fragm. xxiL 27; Heinecc. Syntagm. ii. 14, 17.

" Marcus Pupius Piso Calpurnianus, to whom Cicero was introduced
by his father, that he might pic fit by his learning and experience,
gee Ascon. Pedian. ad Pisoa. 26; Cic. Brut. 67; Be Nat. Eeor.
. 7, 16.

170 r>E ORATORE : OR, '"B. 1

XXIII. " Why do you speak to me," says Scsevola, " of
this Staseas, this peripatetic 1 You must comply with the
wishes of these young gentlemen, Crassus, who do not want
the common, profitless talk of any Greek, or any empty
declamation of the schools, but desire to know tiie opinions
of a man in whose footsteps they long to tread, — one who is
the wisest and most eloquent of all men, who is not dis-
tmguished by petty books of precepts, but is the first, both
in judgment and oratory, in causes of the greatest conse-
quence, and in this seat of empire and glory. For my part,
as I always thought you a god in eloquence, so I have never
attributed to you greater praises for oratory than for polite-
ness; which you ought to show on this occasion especially,
and not to decline a discussion on which two young men of
such excellent ability invite you to enter." " I am certainly,"
repUed Crassus, " desirous to oblige them, nor shall I think it
any trouble to speak briefly, as is my manner, what I think
upon any point of the subject. And to their first question,
(because I do not think it right for me to neglect your admo-
nition, Scsevola,) I answer, that I think there is either no art of
speaking at all, or but very little ; but that all the disputation
about it amongst the learned arises from a difference of opinion
about the word. For if art is to be defined according to what
Antonius just now asserted, '^ as lying in things thoroughly
understood and fully known, such as are abstracted from the
caprice of opinion and comprehended in the limits of science,
there seems to me to be no art at all in oratory; since all
the species of our forensic diction are various, and suited to
the common understanding of the people. Yet if those things
which have been observed in the practice and method of
speaking, have been noted and chronicled by ingenious and
skilful men, have been set forth in words, illustrated in their
several kinds, and distributed into parts, (as I think may
possibly be done,) I do not understand why speaking may not
be deemed an art, if not according to the exact definition of
Antonius, at least according to common opinion. But whether
it be an art, or merely the resemblance of an art, it is not,
indeed, to be neglected; yet we must understand that there
are other things of more consequence for the attainment of
floquence."

- Cap. XX.

C.XXV.J ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR 171

XXIV. Antonius then observed, that he was very strongly
of opinion with Crassus ; for he neither adopted such a defini-
tion of art as those preferred who attributed all the powers of
eloquence to art, nor did he repudiate it entirely, as most of
the philosophers had done. " But I imagine, Crassus," added
he, " that you will gratify these two young men, if you will
specify those particulars which you think may be more con-
ducive to oratory than art itself." " I will indeed mention
them," said he, " since I have engaged to do so, but must beg
you not to publish my trifling remarks ; though I will keep
myself under such restraint as not to seem to speak like
a master, or artist, but like one of the number of private
citizens, moderately versed in the practice of the forum, and
not altogether ignorant ; not to have offered anything from
myself, but to have accidentally fallen in with the course of
your conversation. Indeed, when I was a candidate for oflfice,
I used, at the time of canvassing, to send away Scsevola from
me, telling him I wanted to be foolish, that is, to solicit with
flattery, a thing that cannot be done to any purpose unless it
be done foolishly ; and that he was the only man in the world
in whose presence I should least like to play the fool; and
yet fortune has appointed him to be a witness and spectator
of my folly.^ For what is more foolish than to speak about
speaking, when speaking itself is never otherwise than foolish,
except it is absolutely necessary V " Proceed, however, Cras-
sus," said Scaevola; "for I will take upon myself the blame
which you fear."

XXV. " I am, then, of opinion," said Crassus, " that nature
and genius in the first place contribute most aid to speaking;
and that to those writei-s on the art, to whom Antonius just
now alluded, it was not skill and method in speaking, but
natural talent that was wanting; for there ought to be cer-
tain lively powers in the mind ^ and understanding, which
may be acute to invent, fertile to explain and adorn, and
strong and retentive to remember; and if any one imagines
that these powers may be acquired by art, (which is false, for

» See Val. Max. It. 5. 4.

' Animi atque ingenii celeres quidam motus. This sense of motus, as
Ellendt observes, is borrowed from the Greek Klvriffis, by which the
philosophers intimated an active power, as, without motion, all thingi
would remain unchanged, and nothing be generated. See Matkh. ad
Cic, pro Sext. 68, 143.

172 DE OKATOIiE ; OR, [b. L

it is veiy well if they can be animatea and excited by art;
but they certainly cannot by art be ingrafted or instilled,
since they are all the gifts of nature,) what will he say of
those qualities which are certainly born with the man him-
self, volubility of tongue, tone of voice, strength of lungs,
and a peculiar conformation and aspect of the whole coun-
tenance and body ? I do not say, that art cannot improve iq
these particulars, (fcr am not ignorant that what is good
may be made better by education, and what is not very
good may be in some degree polished and amended;) but
there are some persons so hesitating in their speech, so inhar-
monious in their tone of voice, or so unwieldy and rude
in the air and movements of their bodies, that, whatever
power they possess either from genius or art, they can never
be reckoned in the number of accomplished speakers; while
there are others so happily qualified in these respects, so
eminently adorned with the gifts of nature, that they seem
not to have been born like other men, but moulded by some
divinity. It is, indeed, a great task and enterprise for a
person to undertake and profess, that while every one else is
silent, he alone must be heard on the most important sub-
jects, and in a large assembly of men; for there is scarcely
any one present who is not sharper and quicker to discover
defects in the speaker than merits ; and thus whatever offends
the hearer effaces the recollection of what is worthy of praise.
I do not make these observations for the purpose of altogether
deterring young men from the study of oratory, even if they
be deficient in some natural endowments. For who does not
perceive that to C. Cselius, my contemporary, a new man, the
mere mediocrity in speaking, which he was enabled to attain,
■was a great honour 1 Who does not know that Q. Varius,
your equal in age, a clumsy, uncouth man, has obtained
his great popularity by the cultivation of such faculties aa
he has ?

XXVI. " But as our inquiry regards the complete oratob,
we must imagine, in our discussion, an orator from whom
every kind of fault is abstracted, and who is adorned with
every kind of merit. For if the multitude of suits, if tha
variety of causes, if the rabble and barbarism of the forum,
afford room for even the most wretched speakers, we must
not, for that reason, take our eyes from the object of oul

0. XXVI,] ON THE CHARACTEK OF THK ORATOR. 173

inquiry. In those arts, in which it is not indispensable
usefulness that is sought, but liberal amusement for the
mind, how nicely, how almost fastidiously, do we judge ! For
there are no suits or controvei'sies which can fca*ce men,
though they may tolerate indifferent orators in the forum,
to endure also bad actors upon the stage. The orator there-
fore must take the most studious precaution not merely to
satisfy those whom he necessarily must satisfy, but to seem
worthy of admiration to those who are at liberty to judge
disinterestedly. If you would know what I myself think,
I will express to you, my intimate friends, what I have
hitherto never mentioned, and thought that I never should
mention. To me, those who speak best, and speak with the
utn:iost ease and grace, appear, if they do not commence
their speeches with some timidity, and show some confusion
in the exordium, to have almost lost tlie sense of shame,
though it is impossible that such should not be the case;^
for the better qualified a man is to speak, the more he fears
the difficulties of speaking, the uncertain success of a speech,
and the expectation of the audience. But he who can pro-
duce and deliver nothing worthy of his subject, nothing
worthy of the name of an orator, nothing worthy the attention
of his audience, seems to me, though he be ever so confused
while he is speaking, to be downright shameless ; for we ought
to avoid a character for shamelessness, not by testifying
shame, but by not doing that which does not become us.
But the speaker who has no shame (as I see to be the case
with many) I regard as deserving, not only of rebuke, but of
personal castigation. Indeed, what I often observe in you I
rery frequently experience in myself, that I turn pale in the
sutset of my speech, and feel a tremor through my whole
thoughts, as it were, and limbs. When I was a young man,
I was on one occasion so timid in commencing an accusation,
that I owed to Q. Maximus^ the greatest of obligations for
immediately dismissing the assembly, as soon as he saw me
absolutely disheartened and incapacitated through fear."
Here they all signified assent, looked significantly at one

* Tametsi id accidere non potest. " Quamvia id fieri non possit, u*
q'.ii optim^ dicit, in exordio non perturbetur." Proust.

* He seems to be Quintua Fabius Maximus Ebumus, wlio was consij
A.u.c. 638, and who, it is probable, presided as pnetor on the occasion
of which Crassua speaks. ElUndi.

J 74 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. I,

another, and began to talk together; for there was a -won-
derful modesty in Crassus, which however was not only no
disadvantage to his oratory, but even an assistance to it, by
giving it the recommendation of probity.

XXVII. Antonius soon after said, " I have often observed,
as you mention, Crassus, that both you and other most
accomplished orators, although in my opinion none was ever
equal to you, have felt some agitation in entering upon their
speeches. When I inquired into the reason of this, and
considered why a speaker, the more ability he possessed, felt
the greater fear in speaking, I found that there were two
causes of such timidity : one, that those whom experience
and nature had formed for speaking, well knew that the
event of a speech did not always satisfy expectation
even in the greatest orators; and thus, as often as they
spoke, they feared, not without reason, that what sometimes
happened might happen then; the other (of which I am
often in the habit of complaining) is, that men, tried and
approved in other arts, if they ever do anything with less
success than usual, are thought either to have wanted in-
clination for it, or to have failed in performing what they
knew how to perform from ill health. ' Roscius,' they say,
' would not act to-day,' or, * he was indisposed.' But if any
deficiency is seen in the orator, it is thought to proceed from
want of sense ; and want of sense admits of no excuse, because
nobody is supposed to have wanted sense because he ' was in-
disposed,' or because 'such was his incKnation.' Thus we
undergo a severer judgment in oratory, and judgment is
pronounced upon us as often as we speak; if an actor is
once mistaken in an attitude, he is not immediately con-
Bidered to be ignorant of attitude in general; but if any
fault is found in a speaker, there prevails for ever, or at least
for a very long time, a notion of his stupidity.

XXVIII. " But in what you observed, as to there being
many things in which, unless the orator has a full supply of
them from nature, he cannot be much assisted by a master
I agree with you entirely; and, in regard to that point, 1
have always expressed the highest approbation of that emi-
nent teacher, ApoUonius of Alabanda,' who, though he taught

' A town of Caria. The ApoUonius mentioned above, c 17, wM
Apollonius Molo, a native of Rhodes. Proutt.

0. XXVIII. 1 ON THE CHAEACTER OF THE ORATOR. 1 7c»

for pay, would not s afFer such as he judged could never oecome
orators, to lose their labour with him; and he sent them
away with exhortations and encouragements to each of
them to pursue that peculiar art for which he thought him
naturally qualified. To the acquirement of other arts it is
sufficient for a person to resemble a man, and to be able to
comprehend in his mind, and retain in his memory, what is
instilled, or, if he is very dull, inculcated into him ; no volu-
bility of tongue is requisite, no quickness of utterance ; none
of those things which we cannot form for ourselves, aspect,
countenance, look, voice. But in an owitor, the acuteness of
the logicians, the wisdom of the philosophers, the language
almost of poetry, the memory of lawyei-s, the voice of tra-
gedians, the gesture almost of the best actors, is required.
Nothing therefore is more rarely found among mankind than
a consummate orator; for qualifications which professors of
other arts are commended for acquiring in a moderate degree,
each in his respective pursuit, will not be praised in the
orator, unless they are all combined in him in the highest
possible excellence."

"Yet observe," said Crassus, "how much more diligence
IS used in one of the light and trivial arts than in this, which
IS acknowledged to be of the greatest importance ; for I often
near Roscius say, that ' he could never yet find a scholar that
he was thoroughly satisfied with; not that some of them
were not worthy of approbation, but because, if they had
any fault, he himself could not endure it.' Nothing indeed
is so much noticed, or makes an impression of such lasting
continuance on the memory, as that in which you give any
sort of offence. To judge therefore of the accomplishments
of the orator by comparison with this stage-player, do you
not observe how everything is done by him unexceptionably ;
everything with the utmost grace ; everything in such a way
as is becoming, and as moves and delights all? He has
accordingly long attained such distinction, that in whatever
pursuit a man excels, he is called a Roscius in his art. For
my own part, while I desire this finish and perfection in an
orator, of which I fall so far short myself, I act audaciously ;
for I wish indulgence to be granted to myself, while I grant
none to others; for I think that he who has not abilitiee,
who is faulty in action^ who^ in short, wants a gracefiU

176 DE OP.ATOUE; OR, [b. I.

manner, should be sent ofP, as Apollonius advised, to that for
which he has a capacity."

XXIX. " Would you then," said Sulpicius, " desire me, or
our friend Cotta, to learn the civil law, or the military art ? ^
for who can ever possibly arrive at that perfection of yours,
that high excellence in every accomplishment?" "It was,"
replied Crassus, " because I knew that there was in both of
you excellent and noble talents for oratory, that I have
expressed myself fully on these matters ; nor have I adapted
my remarks more to deter those who had not abilities, than
to encourage you who had; and though I perceive in you
both consummate capacity and industry, yet I may say that
the advantage of personal appearance, on which I have
perhaps said more than the Greeks are wont to say, are in
you, Sulpicius, even godlike. For any person better qualified
for this profession by gracefulness of motion, by his very
carriage and figure, or by the fulness and sweetness of hia
voice, I think that I have never heard speak; endowments
which those, to whom they are granted by nature in an
inferior degree, may yet succeed in managing, in such
measure as they possess them, with judgment and skill, and
in such a manner as not to be unbecoming ; for that is what
is chiefly to be avoided, and concerning which it is most dif-
ficult to give any rules for instruction, not only for me, who
talk of these matters like a private citizen, but even for
Roscius himself, whom I often hear say, 'that the most
essential part of art is to be becoming,^ which yet is the only
thing that cannot be taught by art. But, if it is agreeable,
let us change the subject of conversation, and talk like our-
selves a little, not like rhetoricians."

" By no means," said Cotta, " for we must now intreat you
(since you retain us in this study, and do not dismiss us to
any other pursuit) to tell us something of your own abilities,
whatever they are, in speaking ; for we are not inordinately
ambitious ; we are satisfied with that mediocrity of eloquence
of yours; and what we inquire of you is (that we may not
attain more than that humble degree of oratory at which you
have arrived) ^ what you think, since you say that the eudow-

> The young Roman nobles were accustomed to pvirsue one of thrc«
studies, jurisprudence, eloquence, or war. Proust.
' Cotta speaks ironically

C. XXXI.] ox THE CIlAPwACIEPv OF THE ORATOR. 177

tnents to be derived from nature are not very deficient in us,
we ought to endeavour to acquire in addition."

XXX. Crassus, smiling, replied, " What do you think is
wanting to you, Cotta, but a passionate inclination, and a
sort of ardour like that of love, without which no man will
ever attain anything great in life, and especially such dis-
tinction as you desire 1 Yet I do not see that you need any
encouragement to this pursuit; indeed, as you press rather
hard even upon me, I consider that you burn with an extra-
ordinarily fervent affection for it. But I am aware that
a desire to reach any point avails nothing, unless you know
■what will lead and bring you to the mark at which you aim.
Since therefore you lay but a light burden upon me, and do
not question me about the whole art of the orator, but about
my own ability, little as it is, I will set before you a course,
not very obscure, or very difficult, or grand, or imposing, the
course of my own practice, which I was accustomed to pursue
when I had opportunity, in my youth, to apply to such
studies."

" 0 day much wished for by us, Cotta ! " exclaimed Sul-
picius j " for what I could never obtain, either by entreaty, or
stratagem, or scrutiny, (so that I was unable, not only to see
what Crassus did, with a view to meditation or composition,
but even to gain a notion of it from his secretary and reader,
Diphilus,) I hope we have now secured, and that we shall
learn from himself all that we have long desired to know."

XXXI. "I conceive, however," proceeded Crassus, "that
when you have heard me, you will not so much admire
what I have said, as think that, when you desired to hear,
there was no good reason for your desire; for I shall say
nothing abstruse, nothing to answer your expectation, nothing
either previously unheard by you, or new to any one. In the
first place, I will not deny that, as becomes a man well born
and liberally educated, I learned those trite and common
precepts of teachers in general; first, that it is the business
of an orator to speak in a manner adapted to persuade ; next,
that every speech is either upon a question concerning a
matter in general, without specification of persons or times, or
concerning a matter referring to certain persons and times.
But that, in either case, whatever falls under controversy,
the question with regard to it is usually, whether such a

i78 DE oratore; or. [b. *,

thing has been done, or, if it has been done, of what nature
it is, or by what name it should be called ; or, as some add,
whether it seems to have been done rightly or not. That
controversies arise also on the interpretation of writing, in
which anything has been expressed ambiguously, or contra-
dictorily, or so that what is written is at variance with the
writer's evident intention ; and that there are certain lines of
argument adapted to all these cases. But that of such sub-
jects as are distinct from general questions, part come under
the head of judicial proceedings, part under that of delibe-
rations; and that there is a third kind which is employed in
praising or censuring particular persons. That there are
also certain common places on which we may insist in judicial
proceedings, in which equity is the object ; others, which we
may adopt in deliberations, all which are to be directed to
the advantage of those to whom we give counsel; others in
panegyric, in which all must be referred to the dignity of the
persons commended. That since all the business and art of
an orator is divided into five parts,^ he ought first to find
out what he should say; next, to dispose and arrange his
matter, not only in a certain order, but with a sort of power
and judgment; then to clothe and deck his thoughts with
language; then to secure them in his memory; and lastly,
to deliver them with dignity and grace. 1 had learned and
understood also, that before we enter upon the main subject,
the minds of the audience should be conciliated by an exor-
dium; next, that the case should be clearly stated; then,
that the point in controversy should be established; then,
that what we maintain should be supported by proof, and
that whatever was said on the other side should be refuted ;
and that, in the conclusion of our speech, whatever was in our
favour should be amplified and enforced, and whatever made
for our adversaries should be weakened and invalidated.

XXXII. "I had heard also what is taught about the
costume of a speech; in regard to which it is first directed
that Ave should speak correctly and in pure Latin; next,
intelligibly and with perspicuity; then gracefully; then
suitably to the dignity of the subject, and as it were becom-
ingly; and I had made myself acquainted with the rules

^ Invention, disposition, embellishment, memory, and delivery. See
U. 19. Mlendt.

O. XXXIII.] ON THE CHARACTEB OP THE ORATOR. 179

relating to every particular. Moreover, I had seen art applied
to those things which are properly endowments of nature;
for I had gone over some precepts concerning action, and
Bome concerning artificial memory, which were short indeed,
but requiring much exercise; matters on which almost all
the learning of those artificial orators is employed ; and if I
should say that it is of no assistance, I should say what is no.
true; for it conveys some hints to admonish the orator, as
it were, to what he should refer each part of his speech,
and to what points he may direct his view, so as not to
wander from the object which he has proposed to himself.
But I consider that with regard to all precepts the case is
this, not that orators by adhering to them have obtained dis-
tinction in eloquence; but that certain persons have noticed
what men of eloquence practised of their own accord, and
formed rules accordingly ; ^ so that eloquence has not sprung
from art, but art jfrom eloquence ; not that, as I said before,
I entirely reject art, for it is, though not essentially necessaiy
to oratory, yet proper for a man of liberal education to learn.
And by you, my young friends, some preliminary exercise
must be undergone; though indeed you are already on the
course; but those ^ who are to enter upon a race, and those
who are preparing for what is to be done in the forum, as
their field of battle, may alike previously learn, and try their
powers, by practising in sport." "That sort of exercise,"
said Sulpicius, " is just what we wanted to understand ; but
we desire to hear more at large what you have briefly and
cursorily delivered concerning art; though such matters are
not strange even to us. Of that subject, however, we shall
inquire hereafter; at present we wish to know your sen-
timents on exercise."

XXXIII, " I like that method," replied Crassus, " which
you are accustomed to practise, namely, to lay down a case
similar to those which are brought on in the forum, and to

' A tque id egisse. Most critics have supposed these words in some
way faulty. Gesner conjectured, atque digessisse; Lambinus, atque in
artem redegiase ; Emesti, ad artemque redegisse. EUendt supposes that
id egisse may mean ei rei operam dedisse.

* Sed iis, qui ingrediuntur. Orellius and EUendt retain this reading,
though Emesti had long before observed that there is no verb on whiclj
iis can be considered as dependent, and that we must read ii or hi a4
a nominative to the following possunt.

h2

180 UE oratore; or, [b. t.

speak upon it, as nearly as possible, as if it were a real case.'
But in such efforts the generaUty of students exercise only
their voice (and not even that skilfully), and try their
strength of lungs, and volubility of tongue, and please them-
selves with a torrent of their own words; in which exercise
what they have heard deceives them, that men hy speaking
succeed in becoming speakers. For it is truly said also. That
•men hy speaking badly make sure of becoming bad speakers.
In those exercises, therefore, although it be useful even fre-
quently to speak on the sudden, yet it is mere advantageous,
after taking time to consider, to speak with greater prepara-
tion and accuracy. But the chief point of all is that which
(to say the truth) we hardly ever practise (for it requires great
labour, which most of us avoid) ; I mean, to write as much as
possible. Writing is said to be the best and most excellent
modeller and teacher of oratory; and not without reason; for
if what is meditated and considered easily surpasses sudden
and extemporary speech, a constant and diligent habit of
writing will surely be of more effect than meditation and
consideration itself; since all the argumente relating to the
subject on which we write, whether they are suggested by
art, or by a certain power of genius and understanding, will
present themselves, and occur to us, while we examine and
contemplate it in the full light of our intellect; and all the
thoughts and words, which are the most expressive of their
kind, must of necessity come under and submit to the keen-
ness of our judgment while writing; and a fair arrangement
and collocation of the words is effected by writing, in a
certain rhythm and measure, not poetical, but oratorical.
Such are the qualities which bring applause and admiration to
good orators ; nor will any man ever attain them, unless after
long and great practice in writing, however resolutely he may
have exercised himself in extemporary speeches ; and he who
comes to speak after practice in writing brings this advantage
with him, that though he speak at the call of the moment,
yet what he says will bear a resemblance to something written;
and if ever, when he comes to speak, he brings anything with
him in writing, the rest of his speech, when he departs from
what is written, will flow on in a similar strain. As, when

* Quam maximi ad ■veritatem accommodate, " with as much adapt»
tioa as possible to truth."

C, XXXI V.J ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 181

a boat has once been impelled forward, though the rowen
suspend their efforts, the vessel herself still keeps her motiou
and course during the intermission of the impulse and force
of the oars ; so, in a continued stream of oratory, when
written matter fails, the rest of the speech maintains a similar
flow, being impelled by the resemblance and force acquired
from what was written.

XXXIV. " But in my daily exercises I used, when a youth,
to adopt chiefly that method which I knew that Caius Carbo,
my adversary,^ generally practised ; which was, that, having
selected some nervous piece of poetry, or read over such
a portion of a speech as I could retain in my memory, I used
to declaim upon what I had been reading in other words,
chosen with all the judgment that I possessed. But at length
I perceived that in that method there was this inconvenience,
that Ennius, if I exercised myself on his verses, or Gracchus,
if I laid one of his orations before me, had forestalled such
words as were peculiarly appropriate to the subject, and such
as wei-e the most elegant and altogether the best ; so that, if
I used the same words, it profited nothing; if others, it was
even prejudicial to me, as I habituated myself to use such
as were less eligible. Afterwards I thought proper, and
continued the practice at a rather more advanced age,^ to
translate the orations of the best Greek oi-ators;^ by fixing
upon which I gained this advantage, that while I rendered
into Latin what I had read in Greek, I not only used the
best words, and yet such as were of common occurrence, but
also formed some words by imitation, which would be new to
our countrymen, taking care, however, that they were unob-
jectionable.

"As to the exertion and exercise of the voice, of the breath,
of the whole body, and of the tongue itselfj they do not so
much require art as labour ; but in those matters we ought to
be particularly careful whom we imitate and whom we would
wish to resemble. Not only orators are to be observed by
us, but even actors, lest by vicious habits we contract any
awkwardness or ungracefulness. The memory is also to be

' See c. X.

* Adolescens. When he imitated the practice of Carbo, be waa, lu
reya, adolescentulus.

^ A i^ractice recommended "by Quintilian, x. 5.

182 . DE ORATORE ; OR, [B. \,

exercised, by learning accurately by heart as many of our own
■writings, and those of others, as we can. In exercising the
memory, too, I shall not object if you accustom yourself to
adopt that plan of referring to places and figures which is
taught in treatises on the art.-"- Your language must then be
brought forth from this domestic and retired exercise, into
the midst of the field, into the d\ist and clamour, into the
camp and military array of the forum ; you must acquire
practice in everything; you must try the strength of your
understanding; and your retired lucubrations must be ex-
posed to the light of reality. The poets must also be studied ;
an acquaintance must be formed with history; the writers
and teachers in all the liberal arts and sciences must be read,
and turned over, and must, for the sake of exercise, be praised,
interpreted, corrected, censured, refuted; you must dispute
on both sides of every question; and whatever may seem
maintainable on any point, must be brought forward and
illustrated. The civil law must be thoroughly studied; laws
in general must be understood ; all antiquity must be known ;
the usages of the senate, the nature of our government, the
rights of our allies, our treaties and conventions, and what-
ever concerns the interests of the state, must be learned.
A certain intellectual grace must also be extracted from every
kind of refinement, with which, as with salt, every oration
must be seasoned. I have poured forth to you all I had to
say, and perhaps any citizen whom you had laid hold of in
any company whatever, would have replied to your inquiries
on these subjects equally well.''

XXXV. When Crassus had uttered these words a silence
ensued. But though enough seemed to have been said in the
opinion of the company present, in reference to what had
been proposed, yet they thought that he had concluded his
speech more abruptly than they could have wished. Scsevola
then said, "What is the matter, Cotta? why are you silent ?
Does nothing more occur to you which you would wish to
ask Crassus?" "Nay," rejoined he, "that is the very thing
of which I am thinking; for the rapidity of his words was
such, and his oration was winged with such speed, that
though I perceived its force and energy I could scarcely sea

* This is sufficiently explained in book ii. c. 87. See also Qvint
XI. 2.

C. XXXV. j ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOK. 183

its track and course; and, as if I had come into some liah.
and well-furnished house, where the furniture ■'^ was not un-
packed, nor the plate set out, nor the pictures and statues
placed in view, but a mtJtitude of all these magnificent
things laid up and heaped together; so just now, in the
speech of Crassus, I saw his opulence and the riches of hia
genius, through veils and curtains as it were; but when I
desired to take a nearer view, there was scarcely opportunity
for taking a glance at them ; I can therefore neither say that
I am wholly ignorant of what he possesses, nor that I have
plainly ascertained and beheld it." " Then," said Scsevola,
" why do you not act in the same way as you would do, if
you had really come into a house or villa full of rich fur-
niture? If everything was put by as you describe, and you
had a great curiosity to see it, you would not hesitate to ask
the master to order it to be brought out, especially if he was
your friend ; in like manner you will now surely ask Crassus
to bring forth into the light that profusion of splendid objects
which are his property, (and of which, piled together in one
place, we have caught a glimpse, as it were through a lattice,^
as we passed by,) and set everything in its proper situation."
" I rather ask you, Scsevola," says Cotta, "to do that for me ;
(for modesty forbids Sulpiciiis and myself to ask of one of
the most eminent of mankind, who has ever held in contempt
this kind of disputation, such things as he perhaps regards
only as rudiments for children ;) but do you oblige us in this,
Scsevola, and prevail on Crassus to unfold and enlarge upon
those matters which he has crowded together, and crammed
into so small a space in his speech." " Indeed," said Scsevola,
" I desired that before, more upon your account than my
own ; nor did I feel so much longing for this discussion from
Crassus, as I experience pleasure from his orations in pleading
But now, Crassus, I ask you also on my own account, that since
we have so much more leisure than has been allowed us for
long time, you would not think it troublesome to complete
the edifice which you have commenced; for I see a finer

' Vesie. Under this word is included tapestry, coverings of couches,
tnd other things of that sort.

^ An illustration, says Proust, borrowed from the practice of trader*
who allow goods, on which they set a hi^ih value, to be seen only throug
Attice-work.

184 DE ORATORE ; OR, [B. L

and better plan of the whole work thau I could have ima-
gined, and one of which I strongly approve."

XXXVI. " I cannot sufl&ciently wonder," says Crassus,
"that even you, Scasvola, should require of me that which
I do not understand like those who teach it, and which is of
such a nature, that if I understood it ever so well, it would
be unworthy of your wisdom and attention." "Say you
so ? " replied Scsevola. " If you think it scarcely worthy oi
my age to listen to those ordinary precepts, commonly known
everywhere, can we possibly neglect those other matters which
you said must be known by the orator, respecting the dispo-
sitions and manners of mankind, the means by which the
minds of men are excited or calmed, history, antiquity, the
administration of the republic, and finally of our own civil
law itself? For I knew that all this science, this abundance
of knowledge, was within the compass of your understanding,
but had never seen such rich furniture among the equipments
of the orator."

" Can you then," says Crassus, "(to omit other things in-
numerable and without limit, and come to your study, the
civil law,) can you account them orators, for whom Scsevola,-'-
though in haste to go to the Campus Martins, waited several
hours, sometimes laughing and sometimes angry, while Hyp-
sseus, in the loudest voice, and with a multitude of words, was
frying to obtain of Marcus Crassus, the prajtor, that the party
whom he defended might be allowed to lose his suit; and
Cneius Octavius, a man of consular dignity, in a speech of equal
length, refused to consent that his adversary should lose his
cause, and that the party for whom he was speaking should
be released from the ignominious charge of having been un-
faithful in his guardianship, and from all trouble, through
the folly of his antagonist T'^ " I should have thought such

• Not Quintus Screvola the augur, the father-in-law of Crassus, in
whose presence Crassus is speaking, but another Quintus Scaevola, who
was an eminent lawyer, and held the oflBce of pontifex ; but at the time
to wtich Crassus alludes he was tribune of the people, B.C. 105. Proust.

* The cause was as follows : — As Sca;vola the pontiff was going into
the field of Mars, to the election of consuls, he passed, in his way,
through the forum, where he found two orators in much litigation, and
blundering grievously through ignorance of the civil law. One of them
was Hypsajus, the other Cneius Octavius, who had been consul B.C. 128.
Hypsaeus was accusing some guai-dian of mal-administration of tlw

C XXXVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 183

men," replied Scaevola, " (for I remember Mucius^ told me the
story,) not only unworthy of the name of orators, but un-
worthy even to appear to plead in the forum." "Yet,"
rejoined Crassus, "those advocates neither wanted eloquence,
nor method, nor abundance of words, but a knowledge of the
civil law : for in this case one, in bringing his suit, sought to
recover more damages than the law of the Twelve Tables
allowed, and, if he had gained those damages, would have
lost his cause: the other thought it unjust that he himself
should be proceeded against for more than was allowed in
that sort of action, and did not understand that his adversary,
if he proceeded in that manner, would lose his suit,

XXXVII. " Within these few days,^ while we were sitting

fortunes of hia ward. This sort of cause was called judicium tuteloe.
Octavius defended the guardian. The judge of this controversy was
Marcus Crassus, then city prsetor, B.C. 105. He that was condemned on
such a trial, was decreed to pay damages to hia ward to the amount of
what his affairs had suffered through his means, and, in addition, by
the law of the Twelve Tables, was to pay something by way of fine. But
if the ward, or his advocate, sought to recover more from the defendant
than was due, he lost his cause. Hypsseus proceeded in this manner,
and therefore ought to have been nonsuited. Octavius, an unskilful
defender of his client, should have rejoiced at this, for if he had made
the objection and proved it, he would have obtained his cause j but
he refused to permit Hypsaeua to proceed for more than was due,
though such proceeding would, by the law, have been fatal to his suit.
Proust.

^ Quintus Mucins Scaevola, mentioned in the last note but one.

* The cause was this. One man owed another a sum of money, to
be paid, for instance, in the beginning of January ; the plaintiff would
not wait till that time, but brought his action in December; the igno-
rant lawyer who was for the defendant, instead of contesting with the
plaintiff this point, that he demanded his money before it was due,
(which if he had proved, the plaintiff would have lost his cause,) only
prayed the benefit of the exception, which forbade an action to be
brought for money before the day of payment, and so only put off the
cause for that time. This he did not perceive to be a clause inserted
for the advantage of the plaintiff, that he might know when to bring
his suit. Thus the plaintiff, when the money became due, was at
liberty to bring a new action, as if this matter had never come to trial,
which action he could never haye brought, if the first had been deter-
mined on the other point, namely, its having been brought before the
money was due ; for then the defendant might have pleaded a foimer
judgment, and precluded the plaintiff from his second action. See
Justin. Instit. iv. 13. 5. de re judicatd. " Of which sum there is a time
for payment," were words of form in the exception from whence it wa«
nominated ; as, " That the matter had before come into judgment,"

186 DE oratore; or, ^b. i

at the !xibunal of our friend Quintus Pompeius, the oityprastor,
did not a man who is ranked among the eloquent pray that
the benefit of the ancient and usual exception, of which sum
there is time for payment, might be allowed to a party from
whom a sum of money was demanded ; an exception which
he did not understand to be made for the benefit of the
creditor; so that if the defendant^ had proved to the judge
that the action was brought for the money before it became
due, the plaintifiF,^ on bringing a fresh action, would be pre-
cluded by the exception, that the matter had before come into
judgment. What more disgraceful therefore can possibly be
said or done, than that he who has assumed the character of
an advocate, ostensibly to defend the causes and interests of
his friends, to assist the distressed, to relieve such as are sick
at heart, and to cheer the afflicted, should so err in the
slightest and most trivial matters, as to seem an object of
pity to some, and of ridicule to others? I consider my
relation, Publius Crassus, him who from his wealth had the sur-
name of Dives,^ to have been, in many other respects, a man
of taste and elegance, but especially worthy of praise and
commendation on this account, that (as he was the brother
of Publius Scaevola)* he was accustomed to observe to him,
that neither could he^ have satisfied the clairhs of the civil law if
he had not added the power of speaking (which his son here,
who was my colleague in the consulate, has fully attained) ;
nor had he himself^ begun to practise, and plead the causes of
his friends, before he had gained a knowledge of the civil law.

were in the other exception reiyadicato. Proust. B. See Gains, Instit.
iv. 131, and Heffter, Obs. on Gains, iv. 23, p. 109 seq. Ellendt.

* Infitiator. The defendant or debtor.

* Petitor. The plaintiff or creditor.

' Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus, son of Publius Mucins Scsevola,
who had been adopted into the Licinian family. He was consul with

Lucius Valerius Flaccus, a.tj.c. 623 But the name of Dives had

previously been in the family of the Crassi, for Publius Crassus. who
Was consul with Publius Africanus, a.u.c. 549, was so called. Ellendt.

* By birth. He had his name of Crassus from adoption, as stated is.
the preceding note.

^ Publius Scaevola, his brother. In the phrase, neque ilium in jun
tivili satis illi arti facere posse, the words illi arti are regarded by
Emesti and Orellius as spurious, but Ellendt thinks them genuine,
explaining in jwre civili by quod ad jus civile attinet. I have followed
Drellius and Emesti in my translation.

* Publius Crassus.

0. XXXVIII.] ON THE CHAEACTER OF THE OEATOn. 187

What sort of character Tfas the illustrious Marcus Oato 1 Waa
he not possessed of as great a share of eloquence as those times
and that age^ would admit in this city, and at the same time the
most learned of all men in the civil law? I have been speaking
for some time the more timidly on this point, because there
is with us a man^ eminent in speaking, whom I admire as an
orator beyond all others; but who has ever held the civil
law in contempt. But, as you desired to learn my sentiments
and opinions, I will conceal nothing from you, but, as far as
I am able, will communicate to you my thoughts upon every
subject.

XXXVIII. " The almost incredible, unparalleled, and divine
power of genius in Antonius, appears to me, although wanting
in legal knowledge, to be able easily to sustain and defend
itself with the aid of other weapons of reason ; let him there-
fore be an exception; but I shall not hesitate to condemn
others, by my sentence, of want of industry in the first
place, and of want of modesty in the next. For to flutter
about the forum, to loiter in courts of justice and at
the tribunals of the prsetors, to undertake private suits in
matters of the greatest concern, in which the question is
often not about fact, but about equity and law, to swagger in
causes heard before the centumviri,^ in which the laws of
prescriptive rights, of guardianship, of kindred,^ of agnation,^
of alluvions, circumluvions,^ of bonds, of transferring pro-

* JUa tempora atque ilia cetas. By tempova is meant the state of the
times as to political affairs; by atas, the period of advancement io
learning and civilization which Kome had reached.

^ Antonius.

' A body of inferior judices, chosen three out of each tribe, so that
the full number was a hundred and five. They took cognisance of such
minor causes as the prtetor entrusted to their decision.

* Gentilitatum. Kindred or family. Persons of the same family or
descent had certain peculiar rights, e.g. in entering upon an inheritance,
in undertaking guardianship. In such rights slaves, freedmen, and
capite deminuti had no participation. See Cic. Top. 6, 29. Proust.

* The agnati, as a brother by the same father, a brother's son or
grandson, an uncle's son or grandson, had their peculiar rights. See
Gains, i. 156.

* About these, various controversies might arise ; as, when the force
of a river has detached a portion from your land, and added it to that
of your neighbour, to whom does that portion belong? Or if trees
have been earned away from your land to that of your neighbour, anu
have taken root there, &c. Promt.

188 PE ORATORE ; OR, JB. t

perty, of party walls, lights, stilUcidia,^ of willsj transgressed
or established, and innumerable other matters are debated,
when a man is utterly ignorant -what is properly his own, and
what his neighbour's, why any person is considered a citizen
or a foreigner, a slave or a freeman, is a proof of extraordinary
impudence. It is ridiculous arrogance for a man to confess
himself unskilful in navigating smaller vessels, and yet say
that he has learned to pilot galleys with five banks of oars,
or even larger ships. You who are deceived by a quibble of
your adversary in a private company, you who set your seal
to a deed for your client, in which that is written by which
he is overreached; can I think that any cause of greater
consequence ought to be entrusted to youl Sooner assuredly
shall he who oversets a two-oared boat in the harbour steer
the vessel of the Argonauts in the Euxine Sea.

" But what if the causes are not trivial, but often of the
utmost importance, in which disputes arise concerning points
of civil law 1 What front must that advocate have who dares
to appear in causes of suchj a nature without any knowledge
of that law? What cause, for instance, could be of more
consequence than that of the soldier, of whose death a false
report having been brought home from the army, and his
father, through giving credit to that report, having altered
his will, and appointed another person, whom he thought
proper, to be his heir, and having then died himself, the
affair, when the soldier returned home, and instituted a suit
for his paternal inheritance, came on to be heard before the
centum viri] The point assuredly in that case was a question
of civil law, whether a son could be disinherited of his father's
possessions, whom the father neither appointed his heir by
will, nor disinherited by nameP

^ When a person was obliged to let the water, which dropped from
his house, run into the garden or area of his neighbour ; or to receive
the water that fell from his neighbour's house into his area. Adam's
Roman Antiquities, p. 49.

2 For he who had a son under his power should have taken care to
i::iititute him his heir, or to disinherit him by name ; since if a father
»retermitted or passed over his son in silence, the testament was of no
effect. Just. Inst. ii. 13. And if the parents disinherited their chil-
dren without cause, the civil law was, that they might complain that
such testaments were invalid, under colour that their parents were no#
trf sound mind when they made them. Just. Inst. iL 1 8. B.

p. XXXIX.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 189

XXXIX. " On the point too which the centumviri decided
between the Marcelli and the Claudii, two patrician families,
when the Marcelli said that an estate, which had belonged to
the son of a freedman, reverted to them by right of stirps,
and the Claudii alleged that the property of the man reverted
to them by right of gens, was it not necessary for the pleadera
in that cause to speak upon all the rights of stirps and gens ?^
As to that other matter also, which we have heard was con-
tested at law before the centumviri, when an exile came to
Rome, (who had the privilege of living in exile at Rome, if he
attached himself to any citizen as a patron,) and died in-
testate, was not, in a cause of that nature, the law of attach-
ment,^ obscure and indeed unknown, expounded and illustrated
by the pleader 1 When I myself lately defended the cause
of Sergiiis Aurata, on a private suit against our friend
Antonius, did not my whole defence turn upon a point of
law] For when Marius Gratidianus had sold a house to
Aurata, and had not specified, in the deed of sale, that any
part of the building owed service,^ we argued, that for what-

* The son of a freedman of the Claudian family had died without
making a wi]l, and his property fell by law to the Claudii : but there
were two families of them, — the Claudii Pulchri, who were patricians,
and the Claudii Marcelli, who were plebeians; and these two families
went to law about the possession of the dead man's property. The
patrician Claudii (whose family was the eldest of the name) claimed
the inheritance by right of germ, on the ground that the freedman was
of the gens Claudia, of which their family was the chief ; . . . . while
the Claudii Marcelli, or plebeian Claudii, claimed it by right of stirpi,
'^xi the ground that the freedman was more nearly related to them than
to the Pulchri. Pearce. The term gens was used in reference to patri-
cians ; that of stirps, to plebeians. Proust. '

^ Jus applicationis This was a right which a Roman quasi-patronus
had to the estate of a foreign client dying intestate. He was called
quasi-patronus, because none but Roman citizens could have patrons.
The difiSculty in this cause proceeded from the obscurity of the law
on which this kind of right was founded.

* The services of city estates are those which appertain to buildings.
It is required by city services that neighbours shoiild bear the burdens
of neighbours ; and, by such services, one neighbour may be permitted
to place a beam upon the wall of another ; may be compelled to receive
the droppings and currents from the gutter-pipes of another man's
house upon his own house, area, or sewer ; or may be exempted from
receiving them ; or may be restrained from raising his house in height.
*e8t he should darken the habitation of his neighbour. Harris's Jus
tinion, u. 3. B.

190 deoratore; or, [b. t.

ever incumbrance attended the thing sold, if the seller knew of
it, and did not make it known, he ought to indemnify the pur
chaser.^ In this kind of action our friend Marcus BucculeiuS;
a man not a fool in my opinion, and very wise in his own,
and one who has no aversion to the study of law, made
a mistake lately, in an affair of a somewhat similar nature.
For when he sold a house to Lucius Fufius, he engaged, in the
act of conveyance, that the window-lights should remain as they
then were. But Fufius, as soon as a building began to rise
in some part of the city, which could but just be seen from
that house, brought an action against Bucculeius, on the
ground that whatever portion of the sky was intercepted,
at however great a distance, the window-light underwent
a change.^ Amidst what a concourse of people too, and with
what universal interest, was the famous cause between Manius
Curius and Marcus Copouius lately conducted before the cen-
tumviri ! On which occasion Quintus Scsevola, my equal in
age, and my colleague,^ a man of all others the most learned
in the practice of the civil law, and of most acute genius and
discernment, a speaker most polished and refined in his lan-
guage, and indeed, as I am accustomed to remark, the best
orator among the lawyers, and the best lawyer among the

^ There is a more particular statement of this cause between Grati-
dianus and Aurata in Cicero's OfiBces, iii. 16. The Roman law, in that par-
ticular founded on the law of nature, ordained, to avoid deceit in bargain
and sale, that the seller should give notice of all the bad qualities in
the thing sold which he knew of, or pay damages to the purchaser for
his silence ; to which law Horace alludes. Sat. iii. 2 :
Mentem nisi litigiosus
Exciperet dominus cum venderet.
But if he told the faults, or they were such as must be seen by a person
using common care, the buyer suffered for his negligence, as Horace
again indicates, Episi^ ii. 2 :

Ille feret pretium pcense securus opinor :
Prudens emisti vitiosum. Dicta tibi est Lex.
See also Grotius, ii. 12, and Puffendorf, v. 3. s. 4, 5. B.

^ The mistake of Bucculeius seems to have consisted in this; he
meant to restrain Fufius from raising the house in height, which might
darken, or making any new windows which might overlook, some
neighbouring habitation which belonged to him ; but by the use of
words adapted by law for another purpose, he restrained himself from
building within the prospect of those windows already made in the
house which Fufius purchased. B.

' In the consu^hip.

C. XL.] OX THE CHAJRACTER OF THE ORATOR. 191

oratoi*s, argiied] the law from the letter of the will, and
maintained that he who was appointed second heir, after a
posthumous son should be born and die, could not possibly
inherit, u-iless such posthumous son had actually been born,
and had died before he came out of tutelage : I, on the other
side, argued that he who made the will had this intention,
that if there was no son at all who could come out of tute-
lage, Manius Curius should be his heir. Did either of us, in
that cause, fail to exert ourselves in citing authorities, and
precedents, and forms of wills, that is, to dispute on the pro~
foundest points of civil law?^

XL. " I forbear to mention many examples of causes of the
greatest consequence, which are indeed without number. It
may often happen that even capital cases may turu upon
a point of law ; for, as an example, Publius Kutilius, the son
of Marcus, when tribune of the people, ordered Caius Man-
cinus, a most noble and excellent man, and of consular
dignity, to be put out of the senate ; on the occasion when
the chief herald had given him up to the Numantines,
according to a decree of the senate, passed on account of the
odium which he had incurred by his treaty with that people,
and they would not receive him,^ and he had then returned
home, and had not hesitated to take his place in the senate ;
the tribune, I say, ordered him to be put out of the house,
maintaining that he was not a citizen ; because it was a re-
ceived tradition. That he whom his own father, or the people,
had sold, or the chief herald had given up, had no postlimi-
nium^ or right of return. What more important cause or
argument can we find, among all the variety of civil transac-
tions, than one concerning the rank, the citizenship, the
liberty, the condition of a man of consular dignity, especially
as the case depended, not on any charge which he might
deny, but on the interpretation of the civil law? In a like
case, but concerning a person of inferior degree, it was in-
quired among our ancestors, whether, if a person belonging

' This celebrated cause is so clearly stated by Cicero as to requ in
no explanation. It was gained by Crassus, the evident intention ol
the testator prevailing over the letter of the wilL It is quoted ae
a precedent by Cicero, pro Caecina, c. 18.

■^ See Florus, ii. 18 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 1.

3 See Cic. Topic, c. 8 ; Gaius, i. 129 ; Aul. GelL vii 18.

192 DE okatore; or, [b.i,

to a state in alliance with Rome had been in servitui?
amongst iis, and gained his freedom, and afterwards returned
home, he returned by the right of postliminium, and lost the
citizenship of this city. May not a dispute arise on a point
of civil law respecting liberty, than which no cause can be oi
more importance, when the question is, for example, whether
he who is enrolled as a citizen, by his master's consent, is free
at once, or when the lustrum is completed^ As to the case
also, that happened in the memory of our fathers, v/hen the
father of a family, who had come from Spain to Rome, and

ad left a wife pregnant in that province, and married another
at Rome, without sending any notice of divorce to the former,
and died intestate, after a son had been born of each wife,
did a small matter come into controversy, when the question
was concerning the rights of two citizens, I mean concerning
the boy who was born of the latter wife and his mother, who,
if it were adjudged that a divorce was effected from a former
wife by a certain set of words, and not by a second marriage,
would be deemed a concubine? For a man, then, who is
ignorant of these and other similar laws of his own country,
to wander about the forum with a great crowd at his heels,
erect and haughty, looking hither and thither with a gay and
assured face and air, offering and tendering protection to his
clients, assistance to his friends, and the light of his genius
and counsel to almost all his ffeUow-citizens, is it not to be

bought in the highest degree scandalous?

XLI. " Since I have spoken of the audacity, let me also
censure the indolence and inertness of mankind. For if the
study of the law were illimitable and arduous, yet the gi*eat-
ness of the advantage ought to impel men to undergo the
labour of learning it ; but, 0 ye immortal gods, I would not say
this in the hearing of Scsevola, unless he himself were accus-
tomed to say it, namely, that the attainment of no science seems
to him more easy. It is, indeed, for certain reasons, thought
otherwise by most people, first, because those of old, who
were at the head of this science, would not, for the sake of
Becuring and extending their own influence, allow their art
to be made public ; in the next place, when it was published,
the forms of actions at law being first set forth by Cneiua
FJavius, there were none who could compose a general system
of those matters arranged under regular heads. For nothing

C. XLII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 193

can Le reduced into a science, unless he \rho understands the
matters of which he would form a science, has previously
gained such knowledge as to enable him to constitute a
Bcience out of subjects in which there has never yet been
any science. I perceive that, from desire to express this
briefly, I have expressed it rather obscurely; but I will
make an effort to explain myself, if possible, with more
perspicuity.

XLII. " All things which arc now comprised in sciences,
were formerly unconnected, and in a state, as it were, of dis'
persion; as in music, numbers, sounds, and measures; in
geometry, lines, figures, spaces, magnitudes ; in astronomy,
the revolution of the heavens, the rising, setting, and other
motions of the stars; in grammar, the study of the poets,
the knowledge of history, the interpretation of words, the
peculiar tone of pronunciation ; and finally, in this very art
of oratory, invention, embellishment, arrangement, memory,
delivery, seemed of old not to be fully understood by any, and
to be wholly unconnected. A certain extrinsic art was therefore
applied, adopted from another department of knowledge,^
which the philosophers wholly claim to themselves, an art
which might serve to cement things previously separate and
uncombined, and unite them in a kind of system.

" Let then the end proposed in civil law be the preserva-
tion of legitimate and practical equity in the affairs and
causes of the citizens. The general heads of it are then to
be noted, and reduced to a certain number, as few as may be.
A general head is that which comprehends two or more par-
ticulars, similar to one another by having something in
common, but differing in species. Particulars are included
under the general heads from which they spring. All names,
•which are given either to general heads, or particulars, must
be limited by definitions, showing what exact meaning they
have. A definition is a short and concise specification of
whatever properly belongs to the thing which we would
define. I should add examples on these points, were I not
sensible to whom my discourse is addressed. I will now
comprise what I proposed in a short space. For if I should
have leisure to do what I have long meditated, or if any
other person should undertake the task while I am occupieiV
' From philosophy
O

194 DE ORATORS j OR, \b. L

or accomplish it after my death, (I mean, to digest, first of all,
the whole civil law under general heads, which are very few ;
next, to branch out those general heads, as it were, into
members; then to explain the peculiar nature of each by
a definition ;) you will have a complete system of civil law,
large and full indeed, but neither difficult nor obscure. In
the meantime, while what is vmconnected is being combined,
a person may, even by gathering here and there, and col-
lecting from all parts, be furnished with a competent know-
ledge of the civil law.

XLIII. " Do you not observe that Caius Aculeo,^ a Roman
knight, a man of the most acute genius in the world, but of
little learning in other sciences, who now lives, and has always
lived with me, understands the civil law so well, that none
even of the most skilful, if you except my friend Scsevola
here, can be preferred to him? Everything in it, indeed, is
set plainly before our eyes, connected with our daily habits,
with our intercourse among men, and with the forum, and is
not contained in a vast quantity of writing, or many large
volumes; for the elements that were at first published by
several writers are the same; and the same things, with the
change of a few words, have been repeatedly written by the
same authors. Added to this, that the civil law may be
more readily learned and understood, there is (what most
people little imagine) a wonderful pleasure and delight in
acquiring a knowledge of it. For, whether any person is
attracted by the study of antiquity,^ there is, in every part
of the civil law, in the pontifical books, and in the Twelve

* This Aculeo married Cicero's aunt by the mother's side, as he tells
us in the beginning of the second book of this treatise, c. 1, and his
sons by that marriage, cousins to Cicero and his brother Quintus, ■were
all bred up together with them, in a method approved by L. Crassus,
the chief character in this dialogue, and by those very mastera imder
whom Crassus himself had been. £.

^ Orellius retains hac aliena studia in his text, but acknowledges
aliena to be corrupt. Wyttenbach conjectured antiqua studia, for
antiquitatis studia. Ellendt observes that Madvig proposed yEliana,
from Lucius .lElius Stilo, the master of VaiTO, extolled by Cicex'o,
Brut. 56 ; Acad. i. 2, 8 ; Legg- ii. 23. See Suetonius, de 111. Gramm.
e. 3 ; and Aul. Gell. x. 21. This conjecture, says Henrichsen, will
suit very well with the word hcec, which Crassus may be supposed
to have used, because yElius Stilo was then alive, and engaged in tho^c
studies.

a. XLIV.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 195

Tables, abundance of instruction as to ancient matters, since
not orjy the original sense of words is thence understood,
but certain kinds of law proceedings illustrate the customs
and lives of our ancestors; or if he has a view to the science
of government (which Scsevola judges not to belong to the
orator, but to science of another sort), he will find it all com^
prised in the Twelve Tables, every advantage of civil govern-
ment, and every part of it being there described; or if
authoritative and vaunting philosophy delight him, (I will
speak very boldly,) he will find there the sources of all the
philosophers' disputations, which lie in civil laws and enact-
ments; for from these we perceive that virtue is above all
things desirable, since honest, just, and conscientious industry
is ennobled with honours, rewai-ds, and distinctions ; but the
vices and frauds of mankind are punished by fines, ignominy,
imprisonment, stripes, banishment, and death; and we are
taught, not by disputations endless and full of discord, but
by the authority and mandate of the laws, to hold our appe-
tites in subjection, to restrain all our passions, to defend our
own property, and to keep our thoughts, eyes, and hands,
fix)m that of others.

XLIV. " Though all the world exclaim against me, I will
say what I think : that single little book of the Twelve Tables,
if any one look to the fountains and sources of laws, seems
to me, assuredly, to surpass the libraries of all the philo-
sophers, both in weight of authority, and in plenitude of
utility. And if our country has our love, as it ought to
have in the highest degree, — our country, I say, of which the
force and natural attraction is so strong, that one of the
wisest of mankind preferred his Ithaca, fixed, like a little
nest, among the roughest of rocks, to immortality itself, —
with what affection ought we to be warmed towards such
a country as ours, which, preeminently above all other
countries, is the seat of virtue, empire, and dignity? Its
spirit, customs, aaid discipline ought to be our first objects of
study, both because our country is the parent of us all, and
because as much wisdom must be thought to have been em-
ployed in framing such laws, as in establishing so vast and
powerful an empire. You will receive also this pleasure and
delight from the study of the law, that you will then most
Jceadily comprehend hov; far our ancestors excelled other

0 A

196 DE ORATORE j OR, [b, L

nations in wisdom, if you compare our laws witli those of
their Lycurgus, Draco, and Solon. It is indeed incredible
how undigested and almost ridiculous is all civil law, except
our own ; on which subject I am accustomed to say much in.
my daily conversation, when I am praising the wisdom of
our countrymen above that of all other men, and especially
of the Greeks. For these reasons have I declared, Scsevola,.
that the knowledge of the civil law is indispensable to those
who would become accomplished orators.

XL V. " And who does not know what an accession of honour,
popularity, and dignity, such knowledge, even of itself, brings
with it to those who are eminent in it? As, therefore, among
the Greeks, men of the lowest rank, induced by a trifling
reward, offer themselves as assistants to the pleaders on trials
(men who are by them called pragmatici)} so in our city, on
the contrary, every personage of the most eminent rank and
character, such as that ^lius Sextus,^ who, for his knowledge
in the civil law, was called by our great poet,

* A man of thouglit and prudence, nobly wise,*
and many besides, who, after arriving at distinction by means

' It appears from Quintilian and Juvenal, that this was a Roman
custom as well as a Grecian, under the emperors ; they are also men-
tioned by Ulpian. But in Cicero's time the Patroni causarum, or
advocates, though they studied nothing but oratory, and were in
general ignorant of the law, yet did not make use of any of these low
people called Pragmatici, as the Greeks did at that time, but upon
any doubts on the law, applied themselves to men of the greatest repu-
tation in that science, such as the Sca^volse. But under the emperors-
there was not the same encouragement for these great men to study
that science ; the orators, therefore, fell of necessity into the Grecian
custom. Quint, xii. 3 : " Neque ego sum nostri moris ignarus, obli-
tusve eorum, qui velut ad Arculas sedent, et tela agentibus submi-
nistrant, neque idem Grsecos nescio factitare, unde nomen his Prag-
maticorum datum est." Juv. Sat. vii. 123 :

Si quater egisti, si contigit aureus unus,

Inde cadunt partes ex foedere Pragmaticorum. B.

* As the collection of forms published by Flavins, and from him
called Jul civile Flavianum, soon grew defective, as new contracts aroser
every day, another was afterwards compiled, or i-ather only made public,
by Sextus.iElius, for the forms seem to have been composed as the dif-
ferent emergencies arose, by such of the patricians as understood the law,
and to b ave been by them secreted to extend their own influence; however,
this collection, wherein were many new forms adapted to the cases and
circumstances which had happened since the time of Flavins, went under
the title of Jus ^lianum, from this .^lius here praised by Ennius. R

C. ILVI.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 197

of their ability, attained such influence, that in answering
questions on points of law,* they found their authority of
more weight than even their ability. For ennobling and
dignifying old age, indeed, what can be a more honourable
resource than the interpretation of the law? For myself, I
have, even from my youth, been securing this resource, not
merely with a view to benefit in pleadings in the forum, but
also for an honour and ornament to the decline of life ; so
that, when my strength begins to fail me (for which the time
is even now almost approaching), I may, by that means, pre-
serve my house from solitude. For what is more noble than
for an old man, who has held the highest honours and offices
of the state, to be able justly to say for himself, that whidh
the Pythian Apollo says in Ennius, that he is the person
from whom, if not nations and kings, yet all his fellow-
oitizens, solicit advice,

' Uncertain how to act; whom, by my aid,
I send away undoubting, full of counsel,
No more with rashness things perplex'd to sway ; '

for without doubt the house of an eminent lawyer is tho
oracle of the whole city. Of this fact the gate and vestibule of
our friend Quintus Mucins is a proof, which, even in his very
infirm state of health, and advanced age, is daily frequented
by a vast crowd of citizens, and by persons of the highest
rank and splendour.

XL VI. " It requires no very long explanation to show why
I think the public laws^ also, which concern the state and
government, as well as the records of history, and the prece-

* The custom Respondendi de Jure, and the interpretations and de-
cisions of the learned, were so universally approved, that, although
they were unwritten, they became a new species of law, and were
called Auctoritas, or Eesponsa Prudentum. This custom continued to
the time of Augustus without interruption, who selected particular
lawyers, and gave them the sanction of a patent; but then grew into
desuetude, till Hadrian renewed this ofi&ce or grant, which made so
considerable a branch of the Roman law. B.

* Jv/ra publica. Dr. Taylor, in his History of the Eoman Law, p. 62,
has given us the heads of the Roman Jits publicum, which were, — religion
and divine worship— peace and war — legislation — exchequer and resfism,
escheats — the prerogative — law of treasons — taxes and imposts — coin-
age — j urisdiction — magistracies — regalia — embassies — honours anvl
titles — colleges, schools, corporations— castles and fortifications — fair^
uercats, staple — forests— naturalization. B,

198 DB OBA^TORB ; OR,. [b. 'U

dents of antiquity, ought to be known to the orator; for aa
in causes and trials relative to private afiairs, his language is
often to be borrowed from the civil law, and therefore, as we
said before, the knowledge of the civil law is necessary to the
orator ; so in regard to causes affecting public matters, before
our courts, in assemblies of the people, and in the senate, all
the history of these and of past times, the authority of public
law, the system and science of governing the state, ought to
be at the command of orators occupied with affairs of govern-
ment, as the very groundwork of their speeches.^ For we
are not contemplating, in this discourse, the character of an
every-day pleader, bawler, or barrator, but that of a man,
who, in the first place, may be, as it were, the high-priest of
this profession, for which, though nature herself has given
rich endowments to man, yet it was thought to be a god that
gave it, so that the very thing which is the distinguishing
property of man, might not seem to have been acquired by
ourselves, but bestowed upon us by some divinity; who, in
the next place, can move with safety even amid the weapons
of his adversaries, distinguished not so much by a herald's
caduceus,2 as by his title of orator; who, likewise, is able, by
means of his eloquence, to expose guilt and deceit to the
hatred of his countrymen, and to restrain them by penalties ;
who can also, with the shield of his genius, protect inno-
cence from punishment ; who can rouse a spiritless and de-
sponding people to glory, or reclaim them from infatuaticm,
or inflame their rage against the guilty, or mitigate it, if
incited ag£unst the virtuous ; who, finally, whatever feeling in
the minds of men his object and cause require, can either
excite or calm it by his eloquence. If any one supposes
that this power has either been sufficiently set forth by those
who have written on the art of speaking, or can be set
forth by me in so brief a space, he is greatly mistaken, and
understands neither my inability, nor the magnitude of the
subject. For my own part, since it was your desire, I thought
that the fountains ought to be shown you, from which you

^ Tanqiuwi aZiqua materies. Emesti's text, says Orellius, has alia,
by mistake. Aliqua is not very satisfactory. Nobbe, the editor ot
Tauohnitz's text, reteans Emesti's alia.

* The herald's caducens, or wand, renders- his person inrlolabla
feitrce.

C XLVII.J ON THK OHAEACTEB OF THE ORATOR. 199

Bcight draw, and the roads which you might pursue, not so
that I should become your guide (which would be an endless
and unnecessary labour), but so that I might point out to you
the way, and, as the practice is, might hold out my finger
towards the spring."^

XL VII. " To me," remarked Scaevola, " enough appears to
have been said by you, and more than enough, to stimulate
the efforts of these young men, if they are but studiously
inclined; for as they say that the illusti-ious Socrates used to
observe that his object was attained if any one was by his
exhortations sufficiently incited to desire to know and under-
stand virtue ; (since to those who were persuaded to desire
nothing so much as to become good men, what remained to
be learned was easy;) so I consider that if you wish to pene-
trate into those subjects which Crassus has set before you in
his remarks, you will, with the greatest ease, arrive at your
object, after this course and gate has been opened to you."
" To us," said Sulpicius, " these instructions are expee(fingly
pleasant and delightful ; but there are a few things more
which we still desire to hear, especially those which were
touched upon so briefly by you, Crassus, in reference to ora-
tory as an art, when you confessed that you did not despise
them, but had learned them. If you will speak somewhat more
at length on those points, you wiU satisfy all the eagerness of
our long desire. For we have now heard to what objects we
must direct our efforts, a point which is of great importance ;
but we long to be instructed in the ways and means of
pursuing those objects."

" Then," said Crassus, " (since I, to detain you at my house
with less difficulty, have rather complied with your desires,
than my own habit or inclination,) what if we ask Antonius
to tell us something of what he still keeps in reserve, and has
not yet made known to us, (on which subjects he complained,
a while ago, that a book has already dropped from his pen,)
and to reveal to us his mysteries in the art of speaking]"
" As you please," said Sulpicius, " for, if Antonius speaks, we
shall still learn what you think." " I request of you then,
Antonius," said Crassus, " since this task is put upon men of

• Utjkri solet. Emesti conjectures ut did solet. EUendt thinks the
common reading right, requiring only that ^'9 should undera1«nd
d comTTwrntrantibus.

200 DE ORATORE ; OR, [B. I.

mir time of life by the studious inclinations of these youths,
to deliver your sentiments upon these subjects •which, you
see, are required from you."

XL VIII. " I see plainly, and understand indeed," replied
Antonius, "that I am caught, not only because those things
are required from me in which I am ignorant and unprac-
tised, but because these young men do not permit me to
avoid, on the present occasion, what I always carefully avoid
in my public pleadings, namely, not to speak after you,
Crassus. But I will enter upon what you desire the more
boldly, as I hope the same thing will happen to me in this
discussion as usually happens to me at the bar, that no
flowers of rhetoric will be expected from me. For I am not
going to speak about art, which I never leai-ned, but about
my own practice ; and those very particulars which I have
entered in my common-place book are of this kind,*^ not ex-
pressed with anything like learning, but just as they are
treated in business and pleadings ; and if they do not meet
with approbation from men of your extensive knowledge, you
must blame your own unreasonableness, in requiring from me
what I do not know ; and you must praise my complaisance,
since I make no difficulty in answering your questions, being
induced, not by my own judgment, but your earnest desire."
"Go on, Antonius," rejoined Crassus, "for there is no
danger that you will say anything otherwise than so discreetly
that no one here will repent of having prompted you to
speak."

" I will go on, then," said Antonius, " and will do what I
think ought to be done in all discussions at the commence-
ment; I mean, that the subject, whatever it may be, on
which the discussion is held, should be defined ; so that the
discourse may not be forced to wander and stray from its
course, from the disputants not having the same notion of thd
matter under debate. If, for instance, it were inquired, 'What
is the art of a general T I should think that we ought to settle,
at the outset, what a general is ; and when he was defined to
be a commander for conducting a war, we might then proceed
to speak of troops, of encampments, of marching in battla
array, of engagements, of besieging towns, of provisions, ol

' Not recorded with any elegance, but in the plain style in which
I am now going to express myself, Ernesti.

C. XLIX.] ON T3B CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 201

laying and avoiding ambuscades, and other matters relative
to the management of a war; and those who had the capacity
and knowledge to direct such aflfairs I should call generals ;
and should adduce the examples of the Africaui and Maximi.
and speak of Epaminondas, and Hannibal, and men of such
character. But if we should inquire what sort of character
he is, who should contribute his experience, and knowledge,
and zeal to the management of the state, I should give this
sort of definition, that he who understands hy what means the
interests of the republic are secured and 'promoted, and employs
those means, is worthy to be esteemed a director in affairs of
government, and a leader in public councils; and I should
mention Publius Lentulus, that chief of the senate,^ and
Tiberius Gracchus the father, and Quintus Metellus, and
Publius Africanus, and Caius Lselius, and others without
number, as well of our own city as of foreign states. But
if it should be asked, ' Who truly deserved the name of a
lawyer?' I should say that he deserves it who is learned in
the laws, and that general usage"^ which private persons observe
in their intercourse in the community, who can give an answer
on any point, can plead, and can take precautions for the
interests of his client; and I should name Sextus ^Elius,
Manius Manilius, Publius Mucins, as distinguished in those
respects. XLIX. In like manner, to notice sciences of a less
important character, if a musician, if a grammarian, if a poet
were the subject of consideration, I could state that which
each of them possesses, and than which nothing more is to
be expected from each. Even of the philosopher himself, who
alone, from his abilities and wisdom, professes almost eveiy-
thing, there is a sort of definition, signifying, that he who studies
io learn the powers, nature, and causes of all things, divine and
human, and to understand and explain the whole science 0/
living virtuously, may justly deserve this appellation.

" The orator, however, since it is about him that we
are considering, I do not conceive to be exactly the same cha-
racter that Crassus makes him, who seemed to me to in-
clude all knowledge of all matters and sciences, under the
single profession and name of an orator; but I regard him

^ Principem ilhi'm. Nempe senat'Q*. He wa« consul with Cneiua
Domitius, a.u.o. 692. Ellendt.
2 The unwritten law.

202 DB OBATOBE j OB, [B. TU

as one who can use words agreeable to hear, and thcnight»
adapted to prove, not only in caiises that are pleaded in the
forum, hut in causes in general. Him I call an orator, and
would have him besides accomplished in delivery and action,^
and with a certain degree of wit. But our friend Crassus
seemed to me to define the faculty of an orator, not by the
proper limits of his art, but by the almost immense limits of
his own genius; for, by his definition, he delivered the helm
of civil government into the hands of his orator ; a point,
which it appeared very strange to me, Scaevola, that you
should grant him ; when the senate has often given its assent
on affairs of the utmost consequence to yourself, though you
have spoken briefly and without ornament. And M. Scaurus,
who I hear is in the country, at his villa not far off, a man
eminently skilled in affairs of government, if he should hear
that the authority which his gravity and counsels bear ~itli
them, is claimed by you, Crassus, as you say that it is the
property of the orator, he would, I believe, come hither
without delay, and frighten tis out of our talk by his very
countenance and aspect ; who, though he is no contemptible
speaker, yet depends more upon his judgment in affairs of
consequence, than upon his ability in speaking; and, if any
one has abilities in both these ways, he who is of authority
in the public councils, and a good senator, is not on those
accounts an orator; and if he that is au eloquent and powerful
speaker be also eminent in civil administration, he did not
acquire his political knowledge^ through oratory. Those
talents differ very much in their nature, and are quite sepa-
rate and distinct from each other; nor did Marcus Cato,
Pubhus Africanus, Quintus Metellus, Caius Lselius, who were
all eloquent, give lustre to their own orations, and to the
dignity of the republic, by the same art and method.

L, " It is not enjoined, let me observe, by the nature of
things, or by any law or custom, that one man must not
know more than one art ; and therefore, though Pericles was
the best orator in Athens, and was also for many years
director of the public counsels in that city, the talent for

* Aliquam scientiam. For aliquam Manutiua conjectured iUam, which
Lambinus, Emesti, and Miiller approve. Wyttenbach suggested cUienam,
which has been adopted by Schutz and Orellius. I have followed
Uauutiua.

a LLJ ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 205

both those characters must not be thought to belong to the
same art because it existed in the same man ; nor if Publius
Ci*assus was both an orator and a lawyer, is the knowledge
of the civil law for that reason included in the power of
speaking. For if every man who, while excelling in any art or
science, has acquired another art or science in addition, shall
represent that his additional knowledge is a part of that in
■which he previously excelled,^ we may, by such a mode of
argument, pretend that to play well at tennis or counters,^
is a part of the knowledge of civil law, because Publius Mucins
was skilled in both ; and, by parity of reasoning, those whom
the Greeks call ff>v(nKoi, 'natural philosophers,' may be re-
garded as poets, because Empedocles the natural philosopher
wrote an excellent poem. But not even the philosophers
themselves, who would have everything, as their own right, to
be theirs, and in their possession, have the confidence to say
that geometry or music is a part of philosophy, because all
acknowledge Plato to have been eminently excellent in those
Bciences. And if it be still your pleasure to attribute all
sciences to the orator, it will be better for us, rather, to
express ourselves to this efiect, that since eloquence must not
be bald and unadorned, but marked and distinguished by
a certain pleasing variety of manifold qualities, it is necessary
for a good orator to have heard and seen much, to have gone
over many subjects in thought and reflection, and many also
in reading; though not so as to have taken possession of
them as his own property, but to have tasted of them as-
things belonging to others. For I confess that the orator
should be a knowing man, not quite a tiro or novice in any
subject, not utterly ignorant or inexperienced in any business
of life.

LI. " Nor am I discomposed, Crassus, by those tragic argu-
ments of yours,^ on which the philosophers dwell most of. all;

V iSciet — excelleL The commentators say nothing against these futures.

' Duodecim scriptis. This was a game played with counters on
a board, moved according to throws of the dice, but different from our
backgammon.' The reader may find all that is known of it in Adam's-
Roman Antiquities, p. 423, and Smith's Diet, of Qr. and Bom. Ant.
art. Latrunculi.

' Istia tragoediis tuis. Persons are said tragoedias in nugis agere, who
make a small matter great by clamouring over it, as is done by actorr
in tragedies. Proust. See b. ii. c. 61 ; Quint. vL 1. 36.

S04 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. L

I mean, when you said, ThM no man can, hy speaking, excite
the passions of his audience, or calm them when excited, (in
which efforts it is that the power and greatness of an orator are
<hiefiy seen,) unless one who has gained a thorough insight into
the nature of all things, and the dispositions and motives of
mankind; on which account philosophy must of necessity be
■studied by the orator ; a study in which we see that the whole
lives of men of the greatest talent and leisure are spent; the
copiousness and magnitude of whose learning and knowledge
I not only do not despise but greatly admire ; but, for us
who are engaged in so busy a state, and such occupations in
the forum, it is snfl&cient to know and say just so much about
the manners of mankind as is not inconsistent with human
■nature. For what gi-eat and powerful orator, whose object
"was to make a judge angry with his adversary, ever hesitated,
because he was ignorant what anger was, whether ' a heat of
temper,' or ' a desire of vengeance for pain received 1 ' ^ Who,
when he wished to stir up and inflame other passions in the
minds of the judges or people by his eloquence, ever uttered
euch things as are said by the philosophers? part of whom
deny that any passions whatever should be excited in the mind,
and say that they who rouse them in the breasts of the judges
are guilty of a heinous crime, and part, who are inclined to
•be more tolerant, and to accommodate themselves more to the
realities of life, say that such emotions ought to be but very
moderate and gentle. But the orator, by his eloquence,
represents all those things which, in the common affairs of
life, are considered evil and troublesome, and to be avoided,
as heavier and more grievous than they really are ; and at the
«ame time amplifies and embellishes, by power of language,
those things which to the generality of mankind seem inviting
and desirable ; nor does he wish to appear so very wise among
fools, as that his audience should think him impertinent or a
pedantic Greek, or, though they very much approve his under-
standing, and admire his wisdom, yet should feel uneasy that
they themselves are but idiots to him ; but he so effectually
•penetrates the minds of men, so works upon their senses and
feelings, that he has no occasion for the definitions of philoso-
phers, or to consider in the course of his speech, ' whether the
ehief good lies in the mind or in the body;' ' whether it is to b«
* See Aristotle, Rhetor. iL 2 ; Cic. Tubc. Quaest. iv.

0. LII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 205'

defined as consisting in virtue or in pleasure , ' ' whether these
two can be united and coupled together; or 'whether,' as
some think, 'nothing certain can be known, nothing clearly
perceived and understood ;' questions in which I acknowledge
that a vast multiplicity of learning, and a great abundance of
varied reasoning is involved : but we seek something of a far
different character ; we want a man of superior intelligence,
sagacious by nature and from experience, who can acutely divine-
what his fellow-citizens, and all those whom he wishes to con-
vince on any subject by his eloquence, think, feel, imagine, or
hope. LII. He must penetrate the inmost recesses of the mind
of every class, age, and rank ; and must ascertain the senti-
ments and notions of those before whom he is pleading,^ or in-
tends to plead ; but his books of philosophy he must reserve to
himself, for the leisure and tranquillity of such a Tusculan
villa as this, and must not, when he is to speak on justice and
honesty, borrow from Plato ; who, when he thought that
such subjects were to be illustrated in writing, imagined in
his pages a new kind of commonwealth ; so much was that
which he thought necessary to be said of justice, at variance
with ordinary life and the general customs of the world. But
if such notions were received in existing communities and
nations, who would have permitted you, Crassus, though
a man of the highest character, and the chief leader in the-
city, to utter what you addressed to a vast assembly of your
fellow-citizens? 2 Deliver us from these miseries, deliver v»

FROM THE JAWS OP THOSE WHOSE CRUELTY CANNOT BE SATIATED
EVEN WITH BLOOD ; SUFFER US NOT TO BE SLAVES TO ANT BUT
YOURSELVES AS A PEOPLE, WHOM WE BOTH CAN AND OUGHT TO

SERVE. I say nothing about the word miseries, in which,
as the philosophers say,^ a man of fortitude cannot be;
I say nothing of the jaws from which you desire to be

* Most copies have affet ; Pearce, -with the minority, prefers agit.

' These words are taken from a speech which Crassus had a short
time before delivered in an assembly of the people, and in which he had
made severe complaints of the Roman knights, -who exercised their
judicial powers with severity and injustice, and gave great trouble to
the senate. Crassus took the part of the senate, and addressed the
exhortation in the text to the people. Proust. Crassus was supporting
the Serviliaa law. Manutius.

' Vt illi aiunt. The philosophers, especially the Stoics, who affirmed
that the wise man alone is happy. EUendt.

206 BE oratore; ob, [b. i.

delivered, that your blood may not he drunk by an unjust
sentence ; a thing which they say cannot happen to a wise
man ; but how durst you say that not only yourself, but the
whole senate, whose cause you were then pleading, were
SLAVES ? Can virtue, Crassus, possibly be enslaved, accord-
ing to those whose precepts you make necessary to the science
of an orator ; .virtue which is ever and alone free, and
which, though our bodies be captured in war, or bound with
fetters, yet ought to maintain its rights and liberty inviolate
in all circumstances P And as to what you added, that the
senate not only can but ought to be slaves to the people,
what philosopher is so eflfeminate, so languid, so enervated,
BO eager to refer everything to bodily pleasure or pain, as to
allow that the senate should be the slaves of the people,
to whom the people themselves have delivered the power, like
certain reins as it were, to guide and govern themi

LIU, " Accordingly, when I regarded these words of yours
as the divinest eloquence, Publius Rutilius Rufus,^ a man
of learning, and devoted to philosophy, observed that what
jou had said was not only injudicious, but base and dis-
honourable. The same Rutilius used severely to censure
Servius Galba, whom he said he very well remembered, be-
cause, when Lucius Scribonius brought an accusation against
him, and Marcus Cato, a bitter and implacable enemy to
Galba, had spoken with rancour and vehemence against him
before the assembled people of Rome, (in a speech which he
published in his Origines,^) Rutilius, I say, censured Galba,
for holding up, almost upon his shoulders, Quintus, the
orphan son of Caius Sulpicius Gallus, his near relation, that
he might, through the memory of his most illustrious father,
draw tears from the people, and for recommending two little
sons of his own to the guardianship of the public, and saying
that he himself (as if he was making his will in the ranks
before a battle,^ without balance or writing tables,^) appointed

* See the Paradox of Cicero on the words Omnes sapimtes liheri,
(mines stuUi servi.

* Mentioned byCic. Brut c. 30. Proust. He was a perfect Stoic. EUcndt.

* A work on the origin of the people and cities of Italy, and othef
Tnatters, now lost. Cic. Brut. c. 85 ; Com. Nep, Life of Cato, c. 3.

* When a soldier, in the hearing of three or more of his comrades,
tamed some one his heir in case he should fall in the engagement.

* When a person, in the presence of five witnesses and a libripc^i\

C. lilV.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 207

the people of Rome protectors of their orphan condition. As
Galba, therefore, laboured under the ill-opinion and dislike
of the people, Rutilius said that he owed his deliverance to
such tragic tricks as these; and I see it is also recorded in
Cato's book, that if he had not employed children and tears,
he would have suffered. Such proceedings Rutilius severely
condemned, and said banishment, or even death, was more
eligible than such meanness. Nor did he merely say this, but
thought and acted accordingly; for being a man, as you
know, of exemplary integrity, a man to whom no person in
the city was superior in honesty and sincerity, he not only
refused to supplicate his judges, but woiild not allow his
cause to be pleaded with more ornament or freedom of lan-
guage than the simple plainness of truth carried with it.'
Small was the part of it he assigned to Cotta here, his sister's
son, and a youth of great eloquence; and Quintus Mucins
also took some share in his defence, speaking in his usual
manner, without ostentation, but simply and with perspi-
cuity. But if you, Crassus, had then spoken, — you, who just
now said that the orator must seek assistance from those dis-
putations in which the philosophers indulge, to supply himself
with matter for his speeches, — if you had been at liberty to
speak for Publius Rutilius, not after the manner of philo-
sophers, but in your own way, although his accusers had
been, as they really were, abandoned and mischievous citizens,
and worthy of the severest punishment, yet the force of your
eloquence would have rooted all their unwarrantable cruelty
from the bottom of their hearts. But, as it was, a man of
such a character was lost, because his cause was pleaded in
such a manner as if the whole affair had been transacted in
the imaginary commonwealth of Plato. Not a single indi-
vidual uttered a groan ; not one of the advocates gave vent
to an exclamation; no one showed any appearance of grief;
no one complained ; no one supplicated, no one implored the
mercy of the public. In short, no one even stamped a foot
on the trial, for fear, I suppose, of renouncing the doctrine of
the Stoics.

LIV. " Thus a Roman, of consular dignity, imitated the

assigned hiu property to somebody as his heir. Gaius, ii. 101: Aul,
GeU. XV. 27.

I He was falsely accused of extortion in his province of Asia, and|
fceing condemned, was senu into exile. Cic. Brut. c. St, Promt.

208 DE oratore; or, [b. t

illustrious Socrates of old, who, as he '^as a man of the
greatest wisdom and had lived in the utmost integrity, spjko
for himself, when on trial for his life, in such a manner as
not to seem a suppliant or prisoner, but the lord and master
of his judges. Even when Lysias. a most eloquent orator,
brought him a written speech, which, if he pleased, he might
learn by heart, and repeat at his trial, he willingly read it
over, and said it was written in a manner very well suited to
the occasion ; but, said he, if you had brought me Sicyonian
ehoes,^ I should not wear them, though they might be easy
and suit my feet, because they would be effeminate ; so that
speech seems to me to be eloquent and becoming an orator,,
but not fearless and manly. In consequence, he also waa
condemned, not only by the first votes, by which the judges-
only decided whether they should acquit or condemn, but
also by those which, in conformity with the laws, they were
obliged to give afterwards. For at Athens, if the accused
person was found guilty, and if his crime was not capital,
there was a sort of estimation of punishment ; and when sen-
tence was to be finally given by the judges, the criminal was
asked what degree of punishment he acknowledged himself,
at most, to deserve; and when this question was put ta
Socrates, he answered, that he deserved to be distinguished,
with the noblest honours and rewards, and to be daily main-
tained at the public expense in the Prytaneum ; an honour
which, amongst the Greeks, is accounted the very highest.
By which answer his judges were so exasperated, that they
condemned the most innocent of men to death. But had he
been acquitted, (which, indeed, though it is of no concern to
us, yet I could wish to have been the case, because of the
greatness of his genius,) how could we have patience with
those philosophers who now, though Socrates was condemned
for no other crime but want of skill in speaking, maintain
that the precepts of oratory should be learned from them-
selves, who are disciples of Socrates 1 With these men I have
no dispute as to which of the two sciences is superior, or
carries more truth in it ; I only say that the one is distinct
from the other, and that oratory may exist in the highest
perfection without philosophy.

^ Shoes made at Sicjon, and worn only by the effeminate and luzo
riouB. Lucret. iv. 1121.

€. LV.] OX THE CHARACTTEE OF THE ORATOR. 200

LV. " In bestowing sucli warm approbation on the civil law,
Crassus, I see what was your motive ; when you were speak-
ing, I did not see it.^ In the first place, you were willing to
oblige Scsevola, whom we ought all to esteem most deservedly
for his singularly excellent disposition; and seeing his science
xmdowried and unadorned, you have enriched it with youi
eloquence as with a portion, and decorated it with a pro-
fusion of ornaments. In the next, as you had spent much
pains and labour in the acquisition of it, (since you had in
your own house one ^ who encouraged and instructed you in
that study,) you were afraid that you might lose the fruit of
your industry, if you did not magnify the science by your
eloquence. But I have no controversy with the science ; let
it be of as much consequence as you represent it; for without
doubt it is of great and extensive concern, having relation to
multitudes of people, and has always been held in the highest
honour ; and our most eminent citizens have ever been, and
are still, at the head of the profession of it ; but take care,
Crassus, lest, while you strive to adorn the knowledge of
the civil law with new and foreign ornaments, you spoil
and denude her of what is granted and accorded to her as
her own. For if you were to say, that he who is a lawyer is
also an orator, and that he who is an orator is also a lawyer,
you would make two excellent branches of knowledge, each
equal to the other, and sharers of the same dignity ; but now
you allow that a man may be a lawyer without the eloquence
which we are considering, and that there have been many
such; and you deny that a man can be an orator who has not
acquired a knowledge of law. Thus the lawyer is, of himself,
nothing with you but a sort of waiy and acute legalist, an
instructor in actions,^ a repeater of forms, a catcher at sylla-
bles ; but because the orator has frequent occasion for the aid
of the law in his pleadings, you have of necessity joined legal
knowledge to eloquence as a handmaid and attendant.

* Turn, qvAim dicebas, non vidcbam. Many copies omit the negative
ia omission approved by Emesti, Henrichsen, and Ellendt.

' Eitlier Scsevola, the father-in-law of Crassus, or Lucius Coelius
antipater, whom Cicero mentions in his Bi-utus. Proust.

' PrcBCO actiommi. One who informs those who are ignorant of law
«hen the courts will be open ; by what kind of suit any person must
prosecute his claims on any other person ; and acts in law proceeding*
ts anothe:: sort of prceco acts at auctions. Strcbasus.

p

210 DE OEATORE ; 011^ [b. I.

LVI. " But as to your wouder at the effrontery of those
advocates who, though they were ignorant of small things,
profess great ones, or who ventured, in the management oif
causes, to treat of the most important points in the civil law,
though they neither understood nor had ever learned them, the
defence on both charges is easy and ready. For it is not at
all surprising that he who is ignorant in what form of word»
a contract of marriage is made, should be able to defend the
cause of a woman who haa formed such a contract; nor,
though the same skill in steering is requisite for a small
as for a large vessel, is he therefore, who is ignorant of
the form of words by which an estate is to be divided, in-
capable of pleading a cause relative to the division of an
estate.^ For though you appealed to causes of great conse-
quence, pleaded before the Centumviri, that turned upon
points of law, what cause was there amongst; them all, which
could not have been ably pleaded by an eloquent man un-
acquainted with law? in all which causes, as in the caiise of
Manius Curius, which was lately pleaded by you,^ and that of
Caius Hostilius Mancinus,^ and that of the boy who was bom
of a second wife, without any notice of divorce having been
sent to the first,^ there was the greatest disagreement among
the most skilful lawyers on points of law. I ask, then, how in
these causes a knowledge of the law could have aided the orator,
when that lawyer must have had the superiority, who was
supported, not by his own, but a foreign art, not by know-

' Herctum cieri — herciscundce familia:. Co-heirs, when an estate de-
scended amongst them, were, by the Eoman law, bound to each other
by the action familice herciscundce ; that is, to divide the whole family
inheritance, and settle all the accounts which related to it. Just. Inst,
iii. 28. 4. The word herctum, says Festus, signifies whole or undivided,
and do, to divide ; so, familiam herctam ciere was to divide the inherit-
ance of the family, which two words, herctum ciere, were afterwards
contracted into herciscere : hence this law-term used here, familiam
"lerciscere. Servius has, therefore, from Donatus, thus illustrated a passage
in Virgil, at the end of the Vlllth -lEneid, —

Citse Metium in diversa quadrigae
Distulerant.

Cfitce, says he, is a law-term, and signifies divided, as hereto non cito, tho
inheritance being undividei Citce guadiigce, therefore, in that passage,
does not mean quick or svrift, as is generally imagined, but drawing
different ways. B.

^ See c. 39 ' C. 40. C. 40.

C. LVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 211

ledge of the law, but by eloquence? I have often heard that,
when Publius Crassus was a candidate for the sedileship, and
Servius Galba, though older than he, and even of consular
dignity, attended upon him to promote his interest, (having
betrothed Crassus's daughter to his son Caius,) there came a
countryman to Crassus to consult him on some matter of
law; and when he had taken Crassus aside, and laid the affair
before him, and received from him such an answer as was
rather right than suited to his wishes, Galba, seeing him look
dejected, called him by his name, and asked him on what
matter he had consulted Crassus; when, having heard his
case, and seeing the man in great trouble, ' I perceive,' said
he, * that Crassus gave you an answer while his mind was
anxious, and pre-occupied with other affairs.' He then took
Crassus by the hand, and said, ' Hark you, how came it into
your head to give this man such an answer 1 ' Crassus, who
was a man of great legal knowledge, confidently repeated that
the matter was exactly as he had stated in his answer, and
that there could be no doubt. But Galba, referring to a
variety and multiplicity of matters, adduced abundance of
similar cases, and used many arguments for equity against
the strict letter of law; while Crassus, as he could not main-
tain his ground in the debate, (for, though he was numbered
among the eloquent, he was by no means equal to Galba,) had
recourse to authorities, and showed what he had asserted in
the books of his brother Publius Mucins,^ and in the com-
mentaries of Sextus -^lius; though he allowed, at the same
time, that Galba's arguments had appeared to him plausible,
and almost true.

LVII. " But causes which are of such a kind, that there
can be no doubt of the law relative to them, do not usually
come to be tried at all. Does any one claim an inheritance
under a will, which the father of a family made before he had
a son bom? Nobody; because it is clear that by the birth
of a son the will is cancelled.^ Upon such points of law,
therefore, there are no questions to be tried. The orator,
accordingly, may be ignorant of all this part cf the law

' The Crassus here mentioned was Publius Crassus Dives, brother oi
Publius Mucius, Pontifex Maximus. See c. 37. Ellendt.
' Cicero pro Cseciua, c. 25 ; Grains, ii. 138.

?9

212 DE ORATORE; 0!t, [b. I.

relative to controversies,'^ wliich is without doubt the far
greater part ; but on those points which are disputed, even
among the most okilful lawyers, it will not be difficult for
the orator to find some writer of authority on that side,
whichsoever it be, that he is to defend, from whom, when he
has received his javelins ready for throwing, he will hurl them
with the arm and strength of an orator. Unless we are to
suppose, indeed, (I would wish to make the observation with-
out offending this excellent man Scaevola,) that you, Crassus,
defended the cause of Manius Curius out of the writings and
rules of your father-in-law. Did you not, on the contrary,
undertake the defence of equity, the support of wills, and
the intention of the dead 1 Indeed, in my opinion, (for I was
frequently present and heard you,) you won the far greater
number of votes by your wit, humour, and happy raillery,
when you joked upon the extraordinary acuteness, and ex-
pressed admiration of the genius, of Scaevola, who had
discovered that a man must be born before he can die; and
when you adduced many cases, both from the laws and decrees
of the senate, as well as from common life and intercourse,
not only acutely, but facetiously and sarcastically, in which,
if we attended to the letter, and not the spirit, nothing
would result. The trial, therefore, was attended with abun-
dance of mirth and pleasantry; but of what service your
knowledge of the civil law was to you upon it, I do not
understand ; your great power in speaking, united with the
utmost humour and grace, certainly was of great service.
Even Mucins himself, the defender of the father's right, who
fought as it were for his own patrimony, what argument did
he advance in the cause, when he spoke against you, that
appeared to be drawn from the civil law? What particular law
did he recite 1 What did he explain in his speech that was
unintelligible to the unlearned? The whole of his oration was
employed upon one point ; that is, in maintaining that what
was written ought to be valid. But every boy is exercised
on such subjects by his master, when he is instructed to

^ Omnem hanc partem juris in controversiis. For in controversiis
Lambinus and Ernesti would read, from a correction in an old copy,
incontroversi ; but as there is no authority for this word, EUendt, with
Bakius, prefers non controversi. With this alteration, the sense will b*
'• all this uncontroverted part of the law."

CLVIIL] on the character Of THE ORATOH. 213

support, in such cases as these, sometimes the written letter,
sometimes equity. In that cause of the soldier, I presume,
if you had defended either him or the heir, you would have
had recourse to the cases of HostiUus,^ and not to your own
power and talent as an orator. Nay, rather, if you had
defended the will, you would have argued in such a manner,
that the entire validity of all wills whatsoever would have
seemed to depend upon that single trial; or, if you had pleaded
the cause of the soldier, you would have raised his father,
with your usual eloquence, from the dead ; you would have
placed him before the eyes of the audience ; he would have em-
braced his son, and with tears have recommended him to the
Centumviri ; you would have forced the very stones to weep
and lament, so that all that clause, as the tongue had
DECLARED, would Seem not to have been written in the Twelve
Tables, which you prefer to all libraries, but in some mere
formula of a teacher.

LVIII. "As to the indolence of which you accuse our
youth, for not learning that science, because, in the first
place, it is very easy, (how easy it is, let them consider who
strut about before us, presuming on their knowledge of the
science, as if it were extremely difficult; and do you yourself
also consider that point, who say, that it is an easy science,
which you admit as yet to be no science at all, but say that
if somebody shall ever learn some other science, so as to be
able to make this a science, it will then be a science ;) andt
because, in the next place, it is full of pleasure, (but as to
that matter, every one is willing to leave the pleasure to
yourself, and is content to be without it, for there is not one
of the young men who would not rather, if he must get
anything by heart, learn the Teucer of Pacuvius than the
Manilian laws^ on emption and vendition ;) and, in the third
place, because you think, that, from love to our country, we
ought to acquire a knowledge of the practices of our an-
cestors; do you not perceive that the old laws are either

> Certain legal formulae, of which some lawyer named Hostilius wn?
the author. Emeati.

* Manilianas — leges. They were formulae which those who wisherl
not to be deceived might use in buying and selling ; they are callei]
actiorua by Varro, R. R. iL 5, II. ... The author was Manius Manilius,
an eminent lawyer, who was consul a.u.0. 603. Emeati,

214 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. I.

grown out of date from their v^ry antiquity, or are set aside
Dj such as are newl^ As to your opinion, that men are
rendered good by learning the civil law, because, by laws,
rewards are appointed for virtue, and punishments for vice;
I, for my part, imagined that virtue was instilled into man-
kind (if it can be instilled by any means) by instruciion
and persuasion, not by menaces, and force, and terror. As
to the maxim that we should avoid evil, we can understand
how good a thing it is to do so without a knowledge of the
law. And as to myself, to whom alone you allow the power
of managing causes satisfactorily, without any knowledge of
law, I make you, Crassus, this answer : that I never learned
the civil law, nor was ever at a loss for the want of know-
ledge in it, in those causes which I was able to defend in the
courts.^ It is one thing to be a master in any pursuit or
art, and another to be neither stupid nor ignorant in common
life, and the ordinary customs of mankind. May not every
one of us go over our farms, or inspect our country affairs,
for the sake of profit or delight at least ?^ No man lives
without using his eyes and understanding, so far as to be
entirely ignorant what sowing and reaping is ; or what pruning
vines and other trees means; or at what season of the
year, and in what manner, those things are done. If, there-
fore, any one of us has to look at his grounds, or give any
directions about agriculture to his steward, or any orders
to his bailiff, must we study the books of Mago the Cai*-
thaginian,* or may we be content with our ordinary know-
ledge? Why, then, with regard to the civil law, may we not
also, especially as we are worn out in causes and public busi-
ness, and in the forum, be sufficiently instructed, to such
a degree at least as not to appear foreigners and strangers in

' There is no proper grammatical construction in this sentence.
Emesti observes that it is, perhaps, in some way unsound.

2 Jn jure. " Apud tribunal praetoris." Emesti.

^ I translate the conclusion of this sentence in conformity with the
text of Orellius, who puts tamen at the end of it, instead of letting it
Btand at the beginning of the next sentence, as is the case in other
editions. His interpretation is, invisere saltern. " Though we be much
occupied, yet we can visit our farms."

* He wrote eight-and-twenty books on country affairs in the Punio
language, which were translated into Latin, by order of the senate, by
CassiuB Dionysius of Utica. See Varro, R. R. i. 1 j and Columella, who
calls him the father of farming. Promt.

C. "LIX.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 215

our own country? Or, if any cause, a little more obscure
than ordinary, should be brought to us, it would, I presume,
be difficult to communicate with our fciend Scsevola here;
although indeed the parties, whose concern it is, bring nothing
to us that has not been thoroughly considered and investi-
gated. If there is a question about the nature of a thing
itself under consideration ; if about boundaries ; (as we do not
go in person to view the property itself;^) if about writings
and bonds; 2 we of necessity have to study matters that are
intricate and often difficult ; and if we have to consider laws,
or the opinions of men skilled in law, need we fear that we
shall not be able to understand them, if we have not studied
the civil law from our youth ?

LIX. " Is the knowledge of the civil law, then, of no ad-
vantage to the orator? I cannot deny that every kind of
knowledge is of advantage, especially to him whose eloquence
ought to be adorned with variety of matter ; but the things
which are absolutely necessary to an orator are numerous,
important, and difficult, so that I would not distract his indus-
try among too many studies. Who can deny that the gesture
and grace of Roscius are necessary in the orator's action and
deportment? Yet nobody w^ould advise youths that are
studying oratory to labour in forming their attitudes like
players. What is so necessary to an orator as the voice?
Yet, by my recommendation, no student in eloquence will
be a slave to his voice like the Greeks and tragedians,^ who
pass whole years in sedentary declamation, and daily, before
they venture upon delivery, raise their voice by degrees as
they sit, and, when they have finished pleading, sit down
again, and lower and recover it, as it were, through a scale,
from the highest to the deepest tone. If we should do this,
they whose causes we undertake would be condemned, before

' Qtmm in rem prcBtentem non vffinmus. We do not go ad locum,
vmde prcesentes rem, et fines impicere posaimus. Eflendt.

' Perscriptionibus. Perscripiio is considered by EUendt to signify
a draft or checque to be presented to a banker.

* Grcecorum more et tragcedori„m. Lambinus would strike out et, on
tho authority of three manuscripts ; and Pearce thinks that the con-
ij unction ought to be absent. Emesti thinks that some Bubertantiva
belonging to Grcecorum has dropped out of the text. A Leipsio edition,
he observes, has Grcecorum more sophistarum et iragcedorvm, but <m
what authority he does not know.

216 DB OBATORB ; OR, [b. 1

we had repeated the 2^<^<i'J^ and the munio^ as often as is pre-
scribed. But if we must not employ ourselves upon gesture,
■which is of great service to the orator, or upon the culture of
the voice, which alone is a great recommendation and support
of eloquence; and if we can only improve in either, in
proportion to the leisure afforded us in this field of daily
business ; how much less must we apply to the occupation
of learning the civil law? of which we may learn the chief
points without regular study, and which is also unlike those
other matters in this respect, that power of voice and gesture
cannot be got suddenly, or caught up from another person;,
but a knowledge of the law, as far as it is useful in any
cause, may be gained on the shortest possible notice, either
from learned men or from books. Those eminent Greek
orators, therefore, as they are unskilled in the law themselves^
have, in their causes, men acquainted with the law to assist
them, who are, as you before observed, called pragmatici.
In this respect our countrymen act far better, as they would
have the laws and judicial decisions supported by the autho-
rity of men of the highest rank. But the Greeks would not
have neglected, if they had thought it necessary, to instruct
the orator in the civil law, instead of allowing him a prac/-
maticus for an assistant.

LX. " As to your remark, that age is preserved from soli-
tude by the science of the civil law, we may perhaps also say
that it is preserved from solitude by a large fortune. But
we are inquiring, not what is advantageous to ourselves, but
what is necessary for the orator. Although (since we take
so many points of comparison with the orator from one sort
of artist) Eoscius, whom we mentioned before, is accustomed
to say, that, as age advances upon him, he will make the.
measures of the flute-player slower, and the notes softer.
But if he who is restricted to a certain modulation of
numbers and feet, meditates, notwithstanding, something for
his ease in the decline of life, how much more easily can we^.
I will not say lower our tones, but alter them entirely? For
it is no secret to you, Crassus, how many and how various

* Pceanem aut mwnionem. The word mu/nionem is corrupt. Many
editions have nomium, which is left equally unexplained. The best
coniectural emendation, as Orellius observes, is nomvm, proposed hj,
a critic of Jeaa<

C. LX.] OX THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 211:.

are the modes of speaking; a variety -which I know not
whether you yourself have not been the first to exhibit to
us, since you have for some time spoken more softly and
gently than you used to do; nor is this mildness in your
eloquence, which carries so high authority with it, less ap-
proved than your former vast energy and exertion; and there
have been many orators, as we hear of Scipio and Lselius,
who always spoke in a tone only a little raised above that
of ordinary conversation, but never exerted their lungs or
throats like Servius Galba. But if you shall ever be unable
or unwilling to speak in this manner, are you afraid that
your house, the house of such a man and such a citizen,,
will, if it be not frequented by the litigious, be deserted by
the rest of mankind 1 For my part, I am so far from having
any similar feeling with regard to my own house, that I not
only do not think that comfort for my old age is to be ex-
pected from a multitude of clients, but look for that solitude
which you dread, as for a safe harbour ; for I esteem repose,
to be the most agreeable solace in the last stage of life.

" Those other branches of knowledge (though they certainly
assist the orator) — I mean general history, and jurisprudence,,
and the course of things in old times, and variety of prece-
dents— I will, if ever I have occasion for them, borrow fron
my friend Longinus,^ an excellent man, and one of the
gi-eatest erudition in such matters. Nor will I dissuade
these youths from reading everything, hearing everything,,
and acquainting themselves with every liberal study, and all
polite learning, as you just now recommended; but, upon
my word, they do not seem likely to have too much time, if
they are inclined to pursue and practise all that you, Crassus,.
have dictated; for you seemed to me to impose upon their
youth obligations almost too severe, (though almost necessary
I admit, for the attainment of their desires,) since extemporary
exercises upon stated cases, and accurate and studied medi-
tations, and practice in writing, which you truly called the
modeller and finisher of the art of speaking, are tasks of
much difficulty; and that comparison of their own composi-
tion with the writings of others, and extemporal discussiou.
on the work of another by way of praise or censure, con-

' Emesti supposes him to be Caius Cassiua LonginuB, who ia men*-
tioned by Cicero, pro Planco, c. 24

■518 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. I.

ifirmation or refutation, demand no ordinary exertion, either
of memory or powers of imitation.

LXI. " But what you added was appalling, and indeed will
have, I fear, a greater tendency to deter than to encourage.
You would have every one of us a Roscius in our profession ;
;and you said that what was excellent did not so much attract
.approbation, as what was faulty produced settled disgust;
but I do not think that want of perfection is so disparagingly
regarded in us as in the players ; and I observe, accordingly,
"that we are often heard with the utmost attention, even when
we are hoarse, for the interest of the subject itself and of the
cause detains the audience; while ^sopus, if he has the
least hoarseness, is hissed ; for at those from whom nothing
is expected but to please the ear, offence is taken whenever
the least diminution of that pleasure occurs. But in elo-
quence there are many qualities that captivate ; and, if they
are not all of the highest excellence, and yet most of them
are praiseworthy, those that are of the highest excellence
must necessarily excite admiration.

" To return therefore to our first consideration, let the
orator be, as Crassus described him, one who can speak in a
.manner adapted to persuade; and let him strictly devote
himself to those things which are of common practice in
civil communities, and in the forum, and, laying aside all
other studies, however high and noble they may be, let him
apply himself day and night, if I may say so, to this one
pursuit, and imitate him to whom doubtless the highest
excellence in oratory is conceded, Demosthenes the Athenian,
in whom there is said to have been so much ardour and per-
•severance, that he overcame, first of all, the impediments of
nature by pains and diligence ; and, though his voice was so
inarticulate that he was unable to pronounce the first letter
of the very art which he was so eager to acquire, he accom-
plished so much by practice that no one is thought to have
■spoken more distinctly ; and though his breath was short, he
effected such improvement by holding it in while he spoke,
that in one sequence of words (as his writings show) two
risings and two fallings of his voice were included;^ and he

' In one period or sentence he twice raised and twice lowered hia
-voice : he raised it in the former members of the period, and lowered
it in the latter ; and this he did in one breath. Proust. This seenw

C. LXII.] ON THE CHAKACTEB OF THE OEATOR. 219

also (as is related), after putting pebbles into his mouth, used
to pronounce several verses at the highest pitch of his voice
without taking breath, not standing in one place, but walking
forward, and mounting a steep ascent. With such encou-
ragements as these, I sincerely agree with you, Crassus,
that youths should be incited to study and industry ; other
accomplishments which you have collected from various and
distinct arts and sciences, though you have mastered them
all yourself, I regard as unconnected with the proper business
•,jind duty of an orator."

LXII. When Antonius had concluded these observations,
Sulpicius and Cotta appeared to be in doubt whose discoTirse
of the two seemed to approach nearer to the truth. Crassus
then said, " You make our orator a mere mechanic, Antonius,
but I am not certain whether you are not really of another
opinion, and whether you are not practising upon us your
wonderful skill in refutation, in which no one was ever your
superior; a talent of which the exercise belongs properly to
orators, but has now become common among philosophers,
especially those who are accustomed to speak fully and
fluently on both sides of any question proposed. But I did
not think, especially in the hearing of these young men, that
merely such an orator was to be described by me, as would
pass his whole life in courts of justice, and would carry
thither nothing more than the necessity of his causes re-
quired; biit I contemplated something greater, when I ex-
pressed my opinion that the orator, especially in such a
republic as ours, ought to be deficient in nothing that could
adorn his profession. But you, since you have circumscribed
the whole business of an orator within such narrow limits, will
explain to us with the less difficulty what you have settled
as to oratorical^ duties and rules; I think, however, that
this may be done to-morrow, for we have talked enough for
to-day. And Scaevola, since he has appointed to go to his own
Tusculan seat,^ will now repose a little till the heat is abated ;

not quite correct. Cicero appears to mean, that of the two members
the voice was once raised and once lowered in each.

* Orellius's text has prceceptie oratorit; but we must xmdoubtedly
read oratoriis with Pearce.

' Atticus was exceedingly pleased with this treatise, and commended
it extremely, but objected to the dismission of Scscvola from the di*-
putation, after he had been introduced into the first dialogue. Cicero

220 EE oratoke; or, [b. c

and let us also, as the day is so far advanced, consxilt our
health."^ The proposal pleased the whole company. Scsevola
then said, "Indeed, I could wish that 1 had not made an
appointment with Lselius to go to that part of the Tusculan
territory to-day. 1 would willingly hear Antonius;" and, as
he rose from his seat, he smiled and added, " for he did not
offend me so much when he pulled our civil law to pieces, as^
he amused me when he professed himself ignorant of it."

BOOK II.

THE ARGUMENT.

Im this book Antonius gives instructions respecting invention in ora-
tory, and the arrangements of the different parts of a speech ; de-
partments in which he was thought to have attained great excellence,
though his language was not always highly studied or elegant. See
Cic. de Clar. Orat. c. 37. As humour in speaking was considered as
a part of invention, Caius Julius Caesar, who was called the most face-
tious man of his time, speaks copiously on that subject, c. 64 — 71.

I. There was, if you remember, brother Quintus, a strong
persuasion in us when we were boys, that Lucius Crassus had
acquired no more learning than he had been enabled to gain
from instruction in his youth, and that Marcus Antonius was
entirely destitute and ignorant of all erudition whatsoever;
and there were many who, though they did not believe that
such was really the case, yet, that they might more easily
deter us from the pursuit of learning, when we were inflamed

defends himself by the example of their " god Plato," as he calls him,
in his book De Eepublicd ; where the scene being laid in the house of
an old gentleman, Cephalus, the old man, after bearing a part in the
first conversation, excuses himself, saying, that he must go to prayers,
and returns no more, Plato not thinking it suitable to his age to be de-
tained in the company through so long a discourse. With greater reason,
therefore, he says that he had used the same caution in the case of
Scsevola ; since it was not to be supposed that a person of his dignity,
extreme age, and infirm health, would spend several successive days in
another man's house : that the first day's dialogue related to his parti-
cular profession, but the other two chiefly to the rules and precepts of
the art, at which it was not proper for one [of Sca3Vola's temper and
character to be present only as a hearer. Ad Attic, iv. 16. £.
^ Betire from the heat, like Scsevola, and take rest

CI.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 221

with a desire of attaining it, took a pleasure in reporting
what I have said of those orators ; so that, if men of no
learning had acquired the greatest wisdom, and an incredible
degree of eloquence, all our industry might seem vain, and
the earnest perseverance of our father, one of the best and
most sensible of men, in educating us, might appear to be
folly. These reasoners we, as boys, used at that time to
refute with the aid of witnesses whom we had at home, our
father, Caius Aculeo our relative, and Lucius Cicero our uncle ;
for our father, Aculeo (who married our mother's sister, and
whom Crassus esteemed the most of all his friends), and our
own uncle (who went with Antonius into Cilicia, and quitted
it at the same time with him), often told us many particulars
about Crassus, relative to his studies and learning ; and as
we, with our cousins, Aculeo's sons, learned what Crassus
approved, and were instructed by the masters whom he
engaged, we had also frequent opportunities of observing
(since, though boys,^ we could understand this) that he spoke
Greek so well that he might have been thought not to know
any other language, and he put such questions to our masters,
and discoursed upon such subjects in his conversation with
them, that nothing appeared to be new or strange to him.
But with regard to Antonius, although we had frequently
heard from our uncle, a person of the greatest learning, how
he had devoted himself, both at Athens and at Rhodes, to the
conversation of the most learned men; yet I myself also,
when quite a youth, often asked him many questions on the
subject, as far as the bashfulness of my early years would
permit. What I am writing will certainly not be new to you,
(for at that very time you heard it from me,) namely, that
from many and various conversations, he appeared to me
neither ignorant nor unaccomplished in anything in those
branches of knowledge of which I could form any opinion.
But there was such peculiarity in each, that Crassus desired
not so much to be thought unlearned as to hold learning in
contempt, and to prefer, on every subject, the understanding
of our countrymen to that of the Greeks ; while Antonius
thought that his oratory would be better received by the
Roman people, if he were believed to have had no learning at

' The words dim essemus ejusmoai in this parenthesis, which a]}
commentators regard as corrupt, at? xft untranslated.

222 DB oratoee; or, [b. h

all; and thus ths one imagined that he should have more
authority if he appeared to despise the Greeks, and the other
if he seemed to know nothing of them.

But what their object was, is certainly nothing to our
present purpose. It is pertinent, however, to the treatise
which I have commenced, and to this portion of it, to remark
that no man could ever excel and reach eminence in eloquence^
without learning, not only the art of oratory, but every brancb
of useful knowledge. II. For almost all other arts can sup-
port themselves independently, and by their own resources ;^
but to speak well, that is, to speak with learning, and skill,
and elegance, has no definite province within the limits of
which it is enclosed and restricted. Everything that can pos-
sibly fall under discussion among mankind, must be effectively
treated by him who professes that he can practise this art, or
he must relinquish all title to eloquence. For my own part,
therefore, though I confess that both in our own country and
in Greece itself, which always held this art in the highest
estimation, there have arisen many men of extraordinary
powers, and of the highest excellence in speaking,^ without
this absolute knowledge of everything; yet I affirm that such
a degree of eloquence as was in Crassus and Antonius, could
not exist without a knowledge of all subjects that contribute
to form that wisdom and that force of oratory which were seen
in them. On this account, I had the greater satisfaction in
committing to writing that dialogue which they formerly held
on these subjects ; both that the notion which had always
prevailed, that the one had no gi*eat learning, and that the
other was wholly unlearned, might be eradicated, and that I
might preserve, in the records of literature, the opinions which,
I thought divinely delivered by those consummate orators
concerning eloquence, if I could by any means learn and fully
register them ; and also, indeed, that I might, as far as I
should be able, rescue their fame, now upon the decline, from
silence and oblivion. If they could have been known from
writings of their own, I should, perhaps, have thought it less

' Multos et ingeniis et viagnd laude dicendi. This passage, as Ellendt
observes, is manifestly corrupt. He proposes ingeniis magnos et laude
dicendi ; but this seems hardly Ciceronian. Aldus Manutius noticed that
an adjective was apparently wanting to ingeniis, but otlier editors have
passed the passage in silence.

C. III. J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 223

necessary for me to be thus elaborate; but as one left but
little in writing, (at least, there is little extant,) and that he
■wrote in his youth,^ the other almost nothing, I thought it
due from me to men of such genius, while we still retain
a lively remembrance of them, to render their fame, if I could,
imperishable. I enter upon this undertaking with the greater
hopes of effecting my object,^ because I am not writing of
the eloquence of Servius Galba or Caius Carbo, concerning
which I should be at liberty to invent whatever I pleased, as
no one now living could confute me ; but I publish an account
to be read by those who have frequently heard the men them-
selves of whom I am speaking, that I may commend those
two illustrious men to such as have never seen either of
them, from the recollection, as a testimony, of those to w^hom
both those orators were known, and who are now alive and
present among us.

III. Nor do I now aim at instructing you, dearest and best
of brothers, by means of rhetorical treatises, which you re-
gard as unpolished ; (for what can be more refined or grace-
ful than your own language ?) but though, whether it be, as
you use to say, from judgment, or, as Isocrates, the father
of eloquence, has written of himself, from a sort of bashful-
ness and ingenuous timidity, that you have shrunk from
speaking in public, or whether, as you sometimes jocosely
remark, you thought one orator sufficient, not only for one
family, but almost for a whole community, I yet think that
these books will not appear to you of that kind which may
deservedly be ridiculed on account of the deficiency in elegant
learning in those who have discussed the art of speaking; for
nothing seems to me to be wanting in the conversation of
Crassus and Antonius, that any one could imagine possible to
be known or understood by men of the greatest genius, the
keenest application, the most consummate learning, and the
utmost experience ; as you will very easily be able to judge,
who have been pleased to acquire the knowledge and theory
of oratory through your own exertions, and to observe the
practice of it in mine. But that we may the sooner accom-
plish the task which we have undertaken, and which is no

' See Brut. c. 43, 44.

^ Spe aggredior majore ad prohandum. That ad prolandum ia to bo
joined with spe, not with a^redior m ehowa by Ellendt on b. L c. 4.

224 DB ORATORE ; OB, [b. II.

ordinary one, let ua leave our exordium, and proceed to the
conversation and arguments of the characters whom I have
offered to your notice.

The next day, then, after the former conversation had
•taken place, about the second hour,^ while Crassus was yet in
bed, and Sulpicius sitting by him, and Antonius walking with
Ootta in the portico, on a sudden Quintus Catulus ^ the elder^
with his brother Caius Julius,^ arrived there ; and when
Crassus heard of their coming, he arose in some haste, and
they were all in a state of wonder, suspecting that the occa-
sion of their aiTival was of more than common importance.
The parties having greeted each other with most friendly
salutations, as their intimacy required, "What has brought
you hither at last?" said Crassus; "is it anything new?"
" Nothing, indeed," said Catulus ; " for you know it is the
time of the public games. But (you may think us, if you
please," added he, " either foolish or impertinent) when Csesar
came yesterday in the evening to my Tusculan viUa, from his
own, he told me that he had met Scsevola going from hence ;
from whom he said that he had heard a wonderful account,
namely, that you, whom I could never entice into such con-
versation, though I endeavoured to prevail on you in eveiy
way, had held long dissertations with Antonius on eloquence,
and had disputed, as in the schools, almost in the manner of
the Greeks ; and my brother, therefore, entreated me, not
being of myself, indeed, averse to hear you, but, at the same
time, afraid we might make a troublesome visit to you, to
come hither with him ; for he said that Scsevola had told
him that a great part of the discourse was postponed till
to-day. If you think we have acted too forwardly, you will
lay the blame upon Caesar, if too familiarly, upon both of
us ; for we are rejoiced to have come, if we do not give you

' The second hour of the morning, answering to our eight o'clock.

* The same that was consul with Caius Marius, when they obtained,
m conjunction, the famous victory over the Cimbri.

* He was the brother of Quintus Catulus, by the mother's side, and
about twenty years his junior. Their mother's name was Popilia.
Ellendt, See c. 11. He was remarkable for wit, but his oratory is said
to have wanted nerve. Brut. c. 48, Cicero with great propriety makes
Sulpicius sit with Crassus, and Gotta walk with Antonius; for Sul-
picius wished to resemble Crassua in his style of oratory ; Gotta pre
feiTcd the manner of Antonius. Brutus, c. 55.

0. IV.] ON THE CHARACTER O? THE ORATOR. 225

trouble by our visit." IV. Crassus replied, " Whatever object
had brought you hi+\er. I should rejoice to see at my house
men for whom I ha 3 so much affection and friendship; but
yet, (to say the truth,) I had rather it had been any other
object than that which you mention. For I, (to speak as I
think,) was never less satisfied with myself than yesterday ;
though this happened more through my own good nature
than any other fault of mine ; for, while I complied with the
request of these youths, I forgot that I was an old man,
and did that which I had never done even when young;
I spoke on subjects that depended on a certain degree of
learning. But it has happened very fortunately for me, that as
my part is finished, you have come to hear Antonius." " For
my part, Crassus," returned Caesar, " I am indeed desirous
to hear you in that kind of fuller and continuous discussion,
yet so that, if I cannot have that happiness, I can be contented
with your ordinary conversation. I will therefore endeavour
that neither my friend Sulpicius, nor Cotta, may seem to
have more influence with you than myself; and will certainly
entreat you to show some of your good nature even to
Catulus and me. But if you are not so inclined, I will not
press you, nor cause you, while you are afraid of appearing
impertinent yourself, to think me impertinent." " Indeed,
Ceesar," replied Crassus, " I have always thought of all Latin
words there was the gi-eatest significance in that which you
have just used ; for he whom we call impertinent, seems to me
to bear an appellation derived from not being pertinent; and
that appellation, according to our mode of speaking, is of
very extensive meaning ; for whoever either does not discern
what occasion requires, or talks too much, or is ostentatious
of himself, or is forgetful either of the dignity or convenience
of those in whose presence he is, or is in any respect awkward
cr presuming, is called impertinent. With this faidt that
most learned nation of the Greeks abounds ; and, conse-
quently, because the Greeks do not feel the influence of this
evil, they have not even found a name for the foible; for
though you make the most dihgent inquiry, you will not find
out how the Greeks designate an impertinent person. But
of all their other impertinences, which are innumerable, I do
not know whether there be any greater than their custom of
raising the most subtile disputatious on the most difficult or

Q

226 DE OBATOBEj OR, [b. IL

unnecessary points, in whatever place, and before whatever
persons they think proper. This we were compelled to do by
these youths yesterday, though against our will, and though
we at first declined."

v. " The Greeks, however, Crassus," rejoined Catulus, "who
were eminent and illustrious in their respective states, as you
are, and as we all desire to be, in our own republic, bore no
resemblance to those Greeks who force themselves on our
ears ; yet they did not in their leisure avoid this kind of dis-
course and disputation. And if they seem to you, as they
ought to seem, impertinent, who have no regard to times,
places, or persons, does this place, I pray, seem ill adapted
to our purpose, in which the very portico where we are
walking, and this field of exercise, and the seats in so many
directions, revive in some degree the remembrance of the
Greek gymnasia and disputations ? Or is the time unsea-
sonable, during so much leisure as is seldom afforded us, and
is now afforded at a season when it is most desirable ? Or are
the company unsuited to this kind of discussion, when we
are all of such a character as to think that life is nothing
without these studies'?" "I contemplate all these things,"
said Crassus, " in a quite different light ; for I think that even
the Greeks themselves originally contrived their palaestrse, and
seats, and porticoes, for exercise and amusement, not for dis-
putation ; since their gymnasia were invented many genera-
tions before the philosophers began to prate in them ; and at
this very day, when the philosophers occupy all the gymnasia,
their audience would still rather hear the discus than a phi-
losopher; and as soon as it begins to sound, they all desert
the philosopher in the middle of his discourse, though dis-
cussing matters of the utmost weight and consequence, to
anoint themselves for exercise; thus preferring the lightest
amusement to what the philosophers represent to be of the
utmost utility. As to the leisure which you say we have,
I agi'ee with you ; but the enjoyment of leisure is not exertion
of mind, but relaxation. VI. I have often heard from my
father-in-law, in conversation, that his father-in-law Lselius
was almost always accustomed to go into the country with
Scipic, and that they used to grow incredibly boyish again
when they had escaped out of town, as if from a prison, into
»he open fields. I scarcely dare to say it of such eminent

C. VI.] ON THJ, CJIAEACTER OF THE ORATOR. 227

persons yet Scsevola is in the habit of relating that they used
to gather shells and pebbles at Caieta and Laurentum, and to
descend to every sort of pastime and amusement. For such
is the case, that as we see birds form and build nests for the
sake of procreation and their own convenience, and, when
they have completed any part, fly abroad in freedom, dis-
engaged from their toils, in order to alleviate their anxiety ;
so our minds, wearied with legal business and the labours of
the city, exult and long to flutter about, as it were, relieved
from care and solicitude. In what I said to Scsevola, there-
fore, in pleading for Curius,^ I said only what I thought.
' For if,' said I, ' Sc£evola, no will shall be properly made but
what is of your writing, all of us citizens will come to you
with our tablets, and you alone shall write all our wills ; but
then,' continued I, ' when will you attend to public business t
when to that of your friends 1 when to your own 1 when, in
a, word, will you do nothing V adding, ' for he does not seem
to me to be a free man, who does not sometimes do nothing;''
of which opinion, Catulus, I still continue ; and, when I come
hither, the mere privilege of doing nothing, and of being
fairly idle, delights me. As to the third remark which you
added, that you are of such a disposition as to think life
insipid without these studies, that observation not only does
not encourage me to any discussion, but even deters me from
it. For as Caius Lucilius, a man of great learning and wit,
used to say, that what he wrote he would neither wish to have
read by the most illiterate persons, nor by those of the greatest
learning, since the one sort understood nothing, and the
other pei'haps more than himself; to which purpose he also
wrote, I do not care to he read by Persius"^ (for he was, as
we know, about the most learned of all our countrymen) ;
hut I wish to he read hy Lcelius Decimus (whom we also
knew, a man of worth and of some learning, but nothing to
Persius) ; so I, if I am now to discuss these studies of
ours, should not wish to do so before peasants, but much
less before you ; for I had rather that my talk should not
be understood than be censured."

' In the speech which he n"<ide on behalf of Curius, on the occasion
mentioned in book i. c. 39. Proust.

* A learned orator, who wrote in the time of the Gracchi, and who
is mentioned by Cicero, Brut. c. 26. Proutt. Of Decimus Loeliua
eothing is known. Ellendt.

q2

228 DE ORATOBE ; OB, [b, II.

VII. " Indeed, Catulus," rejoined Csesar, " I think I have
already gained some profit^ by coming hither; for these
reasons for decUning a discussion have been to me a very
agreeable discussion. But why do we delay Antonius, whose
part is, I hear, to give a dissertation upon eloquenoe in
general, and for whom Cotta and Sulpicius have been some
time waiting?" "But I," interposed Crassus, "will neither
allow Antonius to speak a word, nor will I utter a sy liable
myself, unless I first obtain one favour from you." " What
is it?" said Catulus. " That you spend the day here." Then,
while Catulus hesitated, because he had promised to go to his
brother's house, " I," said Julius, " will answer for both. We
will do so ; and you would detain me even in case you were
not to say a single word." Here Catulus smiled, and said,
" My hesitation then is brought to an end ; for I had left do
orders at home, and he, at whose house I was to have been, has
thus readily engaged us to you, without waiting for my assent."

They then all turned their eyes upon Antonius, who cried
out, " Be attentive, I say, be attentive, for you shall hear
a man from the schools, a man from the professor's chair,
deeply versed in Greek learning ;^ ^d I shall on this account
speak with the greater confidence, that Catulus is added to
the audience, to whom not only we of the Latin tongue, but
even the Greeks themselves, are wont to allow refinement
and elegance in the Greek language. But since the whole
process of speaking, whether it be an art or a business, can
be of no avail without the addition of assurance, I will
teach you, my scholars, that which I have not learned myself,
what I think of every kind of speaking."" When they all
laughed, " It is a matter that seems to me," proceeded he,
" to depend very greatly on talent, but only moderately on
art; for art lies in things which are known; but all the
pleading of an orator depends not on knowledge, but on
opinion; for we both address ourselves to those who are
ignorant, and speak of what we do not know ourselves ; and
consequently our hearers think and judge differently at dif-
ferent times concerning the same subjects, and we often takt
contrary sides, not only so that Crassus sometimes speaks
Egainst me, or I against Crassus, when one of us must of

' Navdsse operam ; that is, bene collocdsse. EmestL
* Ironically spoken.

0. viil] on the chaeacteb op the orator. 229

necessity advance what is false ; but even that each of as, at
diflferent times, maintains different opinions on the same
question ; when more than one of those opinions cannot pos-
sibly be right. I will speak, therefore, as on a subject which
is of a character to defend falsehood, which rarely arrives at
knowledge,^ and which is ready to take advantage of the
opinions and even errors of mankind, if you think that there
is still reason why you should listen to me."

VI 1 1. " We think, indeed, that there is very great reason,"
said Catulus, "and the more so, as you seem resolved to use
no ostentation ; for you have commenced, not boastfully, but
rather, as you think, with truth, than with any fanciful
notion of the dignity of your subject." " As I have acknow-
ledged then," continued Antonius, " that it is not one of the
greatest of arts, so I allow, at the same time, that certain
artful directions may be given for moving the feelings and
gaining the favour of mankind. If any one thinks proper
to say that the knowledge how to do this is a great art, I
shall not contradict him; for as many speakers speak upon
causes in the forum without due consideration or method,
while others, from study, or a certain degree of practice, do
their business with more address, there is no doubt, that if
any one sets himself to observe what is the cause why some
speak better than others, he may discover that cause ; and,
consequently, he who shall extend such observation over the
■whole field of eloquence, will find in it, if not an art abso-
lutely, yet something resembling an art. And I could wish,
that as I seem to see matters as they occur in the forum,
and in pleadings, so I could now set them before you just as
they are conducted !

" But I must consider my own powers. I now assert only
liiat of which I am convinced, that although oratory is not
an art, no excellence is superior to that of a consummate
orator. For to say nothing of the advantages of eloquence,
■which has the highest influence in every well-ordered and
free state, there is such delight attendant on the very power
of eloquent speaking, that nothing more pleasing can be re-
ceived into the ears or understanding of man. What music

' Quce ad scientiam non aape perveniat. EUendt encloses these worda
in brackets as B])urious, regarding them as a gloss on the preceding
phrase that has crept into the text. Their absence is desirable.

230 DE ORATORB ; OR, [b. II.

can be found more sweet than the pronunciation of a well-
ordered oration 1 What poem more agreeable than the skilful
structure of prose 1 What actor has ever given greater plea-
sure in imitating, than an orator gives in supporting, truth?
What penetrates the mind more keenly than an acute and
quick succession of arguments'? What is more admirable
than thoiights illumined by brilliancy of expression? What
nearer to perfection than a speech replete with every variety
of matter? for there is no subject susceptible of being treated
with elegance and effect, that may not fall under the province
of the orator. IX. It is his, in giving counsel on important
affairs, to deliver his opinion with clearness and dignity; it
is his to rouse a people when they are languid, and to calm
them when immoderately excited. By the same power of
language, the wickedness of mankind is brought to destruction,
and virtue to security. Who can exhort to virtue more
ardently than the orator? Who reclaim from vice with
greater energy? Who can reprove the bad with more aspe-
rity, or praise the good with better grace? Who can break
the force of unlawful desire by more effective reprehension?
Who can alleviate grief with more soothing consolation?
By what other voice, too, than that of the orator, is history,
the evidence of time, the light of tnith, the life of memory,
the directress of life, the herald of antiquity, committed to
immortality ? For if there be any other art, which professes
skill in inventing or selecting words ; if any one, besides the
orator, is said to form a discourse, and to vary and adorn it
with certain distinctions, as it were, of words and thoughts ;
or if any method of argument, or expression of thought, or
distribution and arrangement of matter, is taught, except by
this one art, let us confess that either that, of which this art
makes profession, is foreign to it, or possessed in common
with some other art. But if such method and teaching be
confined to this alone, it is not, though professors of other
arts may have spoken well, the less on that account the pro-
perty of this art ; but as an orator can speak best of all men
on subjects that belong to other arts, if he makes himself
acquainted with them, (as Crassus observed yesterday,) so the
professors of other arts speak more eloquently on their own
Bubjects, if they have acquired any instruction from this art ;.
for if any person versed in agriculture has spoken or written

..,

0. X.J ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOE. 231

■with eloquence on rural affairs, or a physician, as many have
done, on diseases, or a painter upon painting, his eloquence is
not on that account to be considered as belonging to any of
those arts; although in eloquence, indeed, such is the force of
human genius, many men of every class and profession^
attain some proficiency even without instruction ; but though
you may judge what is peculiar to each art, when you have
observed what they severally teach, yet nothing can be more
certain than that all other arts can discharge their duties
without eloquence, but that an orator cannot even acquire
his name without it; so that other men, if they are eloquent,
borrow something from him; while he, if he is not supplied
from his own stores, cannot obtain the power of speaking
from any other art."

X. Catulus then said, " Although, Antonius, the course of
your remarks ought by no means to be retarded by inter-
ruption, yet you will bear with me and grant me pardon;
for I cannot help crying out, as he in the Trinummus^ says,
so ably do you seem to me to have described the powers of
the orator, and so copiously to have extolled them, as the
eloquent man, indeed,, must necessarily do; he must extol
eloquence best of all men ; for to praise it he has to employ
the very eloquence which he praises. But proceed, for I
agree with you, that to speak eloquently is all your own;
and that, if any one does so on any other art, he employs an
accomplishment borrowed from something else, not peculiar
to him, or his own." " The night," added Crassus, " has made
you polite to us, Antonius, and humanized you; for in yes-
terday's address to us,^ you described the orator as a man
that can do only one thing, hke a waterman or a porier, as
Csecilius* says; a fellow void of all learning and politeness."
"Why yesterday," rejoined Antonius, "I had made it my
object, if I refuted you, to take your scholars from you;^
but now, as Catulus and Csesar make part of the aud&ence,
I think I ought not so much to argue against you, as to

^ The reader will observe that the conBtruction in the text ifl
multi omnium generum aique artium, as EUendt observes, referring to
Matthise. * iii. 2, 7. » See b. i. c. 62,

* The writer of Comedies, Vincere Ccecilius gravitate, Terentius arte.
Hor.

* I wished to refute you yesterday, that I might draw Scjevola and
Cotta from you. This is spoken in jest. Proutu

232 DE ORATORE ; OR, [B. IL

declare what I myself think. It follows then, that, as the
orator of whom we speak is to be placed in the forum, and
in the "view of the public, we must consider what employ-
ment we are to give him, and to what duties we should wish
him to be appointed. For Crassus^ yesterday, when you,
Catulus and Caesar, were not present, made, in a few words,
the same statement, in regard to the division of the art, that
most of tlie Greeks have made; not expressing what he
liimself thought, but what was said by them ; that there are
two principal sorts of questions about which eloquence is
employed ; one indefinite, the other definite. He seemed to
me to call that indefinite in which the subject of inquiry is
general, as, Wliether eloquence is desirable; whether honours
should be sought; and that definite in which there is an
inquiry with respect to particular persons, or any settled and
defined point; of which sort are the questions agitated in
the forum, and in the causes and disputes of private citizens.
These appear to me to consist either in judicial pleadings, or
in giving couusel ; for that third kind, which was noticed by
Crassus, and which, I hear, Aristotle ^ himself, who has fully
illustrated these subjects, added, is, though it be useful, less
necessary," "What kind do you mean?" said Catulus; "is it
panegyric? for I observe that that is introduced as a third kind."
XI. "It is so," says Antonius; "and as to this kind of
oratory, I know that I myself, and all who were present,
were extremely delighted when your mother Popilia^ was
honoured with a panegyric by you; the first woman, I think,
to whom such honour was ever paid in this city. But it
does not seem to me that all subjects on which we speak are
to be included in art, and made subject to rules; for from
those fountains, whence all the ornaments of speech are
drawn, we may also take the ornaments of panegyric, without
requiring elementary instructions; for who is ignorant,
though no one teach him, what qualities are to be com-
mended in any person? For if we but look to those things
which Crassus has mentioned, in the beginning of the speech
which he delivered when censor in opposition to his col-
league,* That in those things which are bestowed on mankind
by nature or fortune, he could contentedly allow himself to hi

' B. L c. 31. ' Rhet. i. 3, 1. ^ See note on c. 3.

* Domitius Ahenobarbus. Plin. H. N". xvii. 1.

C. XII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 233

excelled; hut that in whatever men could procure for them,'
selves, he could not suffer himself to he excelled, he who would
pronounce the panegyric of any person, will understand that
he must expatiate on the blessings of fortune; and these are
advantages of birth, wealth, relationship, friends, resources,
health, beauty, strength, talent, and such other qualities as
are either personal, or dependent on circumstances; and, if
lie possessed these, he must show that he made a proper use
of them; if not, that he managed wisely without them; if
he lost them, that he bore the loss with resignation; he must
then state what he whom he praises did or suffered with
wisdom, or with liberality, or with fortitude, or with justice,
or with honour, or with piety, or with gratitude, or with
humanity, or, in a word, under the influence of any virtue.
These particulars, and whatever others are of similar kind,
he will easily observe who is inclined to praise any person;
and he who is inclined to blame him the contrary." " Why
then do you hesitate," said Catulus, " to make this a third
kind, since it is so in the nature of things? for if it is more
easy than others, it is not, on that account, to be excluded
from the number." " Because I am unwilling," replied
Antonius, " to treat of all that falls under the province of
an orator, as if nothing, however small it may be, could be
uttered without regard to stated rules. Evidence, for in-
stance, is often to be given, and sometimes with great exact-
ness, as I was obliged to give mine against Sextus Titius,-^ a
seditious and turbulent member of the commonwealth ; when,
in delivermg my evidence, I explained all the proceedings
of my consulate, in which I, on behalf of the commonwealth,
opposed him as tribune of the people, and exposed all that I
thought he had done contrary to the interest of the state ;
I was detained long, I listened to much, I answered many
objections ; but would you therefore wish, when you givo
precepts on eloquence, to add any instructions on giving
evidence as a portion of the art of oratory % "

XII. "There is, indeed," said Catulus, "no necessity." " Or
if (as often happens to the greatest men) communications
are to be delivered, either in the senate from a commander in

' A tribune of the people, a.u.c. 655, whom Antonius opposed about
the Agrarian law. He is mentioned also in c. 66, and appears to be tha
same that is said to have played vigorously at ball, ii 62, iiL 23.
Ellendt. See also Cic. Brut. c. 62.

234 I5E ORATORE ; OR, [b. U

chief, or to such a commauder, or from the senate io any
king or people, does it appear to you that because, on such
Bubjects, we must use a more accurate sort of language than
ordinary, this kind of speaking should be counted as a
department of eloquence, and he furnished with peculiar
precepts 1 " " By no means,^ replied Catulus ; " for an
eloquent man, in speaking on subjects of that sort, will not
be at a loss for that talent which he has acquired by
practice on other matters and topics." " Those other kinds
of subjects, therefore," continued Antonius, " which often
require to be treated with eloquence, and which, as I said
just now, (when I was praising eloquence,) belong to the
orator, have neither any place in the division of the parts
of oratory, nor fall under any peculiar kind of rules, and yet
must be handled as eloquently as arguments in pleadings;
such are reproof, exhortation, consolation, all which demand
the finest graces of language ; yet these matters need no
rules from art." "I am decidedly of that opinion," said
Catulus. " Well, then, to proceed," said Antonius, '•' what
sort of orator, or how great a master of language, do you think
it requires to write history 1 " " If to write it as the
Greeks have written, a man of the highest powers," said
Catulus ; " if as our own countrymen, there is no need of an
orator ; it is sufficient for the writer to tell truth." " But,"
rejoined Antonius, " that you may not despise those of our
own country, the Greeks themselves too wrote at first just
like our Cato, and Pictor, and Piso. For history was nothing
else but a compilation of annals ; and accordingly, for the
sake of preserving the memory of public events, the pontifex
maximus used to commit to writing the occurrences of every
year, from the earliest period of Roman affairs to the time
of the pontifex Publius Mucins, and had them engrossed on
white tablets, which he set forth as a register in his own
house, so that all the people had liberty to inspect it ; and
these records are yet called the Great Annals. This mode of
writing many have adopted, and, without any ornaments of
style, have left behind them simple chronicles of times, per-
sons, places, and events. Such, therefore, as were Pherecydes,
ileUanicus, Acusilas,^ and many others among the Greeks,

^ Of these, Acusilas or Acusilaus, a native of Argos, was the moat
uicient, according to Suidaa. £Uendt. The others are better known.

C. XIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE OBATOB. 235

are Cato, aud Pictor, and Piso with us, who neither under-
stand how composition is to be adorned (for ornaments of
style have been but recently introduced among us), and, pro-
vided what they related can be understood, think brevity of
expression the only merit. Antipater/ an excellent man,
the friend of Crassus, raised himself a little, and gave history
a higher tone ; the others were not embellishers of facts, but
mere narrators."

XIII. "It is," rejoined Catulus, "as you say; but Anti-
pater himself neither diversified his narrative by variety of
thoughts, nor polished his style by an apt arrangement of
words, or a smooth and equal flow of language, but rough-
hewed it as he could, being a man of no learning, aud not
extremely well qualified for an orator ; yet he excelled, as
you say, his predecessors." " It is far from being wonderfid,"
said Antonius, " if history has not yet made a figure in our
language ; for none of our countrymen study eloquence, un-
less that it may be displayed in causes and in the forum ;
whereas among the Greeks, the most eloquent men, wholly
unconnected with public pleading, applied themselves as well
to other honourable studies as to writing history; for of
Herodotus himself, who first embellished this kind of writing,
we hear that he was never engaged in pleading; yet his
eloquence is so great as to delight me extremely, as far as I
can understand Greek writing. After him, in my opinion,
Thucydides has certainly surpassed all historians in the art of
composition ; for he is so abundant in matter, that he almost
equals the number of his words by the number of his thoughts;
and he is so happy and judicious in his expressions,^ that you
are at a loss to decide whether his facts are set off by his
style, or his style by his thoughts; and of him too we do not
hear, though he was engaged in public affairs, that he was of
the number of those who pleaded causes, and he is said
to have written his books at a time when he was removed
from all civil employments, and, as usually happened to every

^ Lucius Cseliufl Antipater published a history of the Punic Wars, as
Cicero says in his Orator, and was the master of Crassus, the speaker in
those dialogues, as appears from Cic. Brut. c. 26. Proust.

^ Aptus et pressus. A scriptor, or orator aptus, will be one " structi
et rotunda compositione verborum utens " ; and pressus will be, " ia
Terborum circmtione nee superfluens nee claudicaus." Jillendt.

236 nB oratork; or, [b. il

eminent man at Athens, was driven into banishment. He was
followed by PbUistus^ of Syracuse, who, living in great fami-
liarity with the tyrant Dionysius, spent his leisure in writing
history, and, as I think, principally imitated Thucydidea
But afterwards, two men of great genius, Theopompus and
Ephorus, coming from what we may call the noblest school of
rhetoric, applied themselves to history by the persuasion of
their master Isocrates, and never attended to pleading at all.
XIV. At last historians arose also among the philosophers ;
first Xenophon, the follower of Socrates, and afterwards Calli-
sthenes, the pupil of Aristotle and companion of Alexander.
The latter wrote in an almost rhetorical manner; the former
used a milder strain of language, which has not the anima-
tion of oratory, but, though perhaps less energetic, is, as it
seems to me, much more pleasing. Timaeus, the last of all
these, but, as far as I can judge, by far the most learned,
and abounding most with richness of matter and variety of
thought, and not unpolished in style, brought a large store of
eloquence to this kind of writing, but no experience in plead-
ing causes."

WhenAntonius had spoken thus, "What is this, Catulus?"
said Csesar. " Where are they who say that Antonius is igno-
rant of Greek ? how many historians has he named ! and how
learnedly and judiciously has he spoken of each ! " " On my
word," said Catulus, " while I wonder at this, I cease to won-
der at what I regarded with much greater wonder before,
namely, that he, being unacquainted with these matters,
should have such power as a speaker." " But, Catulus," said
Antonius," my custom is to read these books, and some others,
when I have leisure, not to hunt for anything that may
improve me in speaking, but for my own amusement. What
profit is there from it then 1 I own that there is not much ;
yet there is some : for as, when I walk in the sun, though
I may walk for another purpose, yet it naturally happens that
I gain a deeper colour; so when I have read those books
attentively at Misenum,^ (for at Kome I have scai-cely oppor-
tunity to do so,) I can perceive that my language acquires
a complexion,' as it were, from my intercourse with them.

' He is called Pusillm Thucydides by Cicero, Ep. ad Q. Fratr. xiL
^ A promontory of Campania, where Antonius had a country houae.
• Hulmken, in a note on Timseua'a Lex. p. 78, expresses a suspicion

C. XV.] OK TH3 CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 237

But, that you may not take what I say in too wide a sense,
I only understand such of the Greek writings as their authors
wished to be understood by the generality of people. If I ever
fall in with the philosophers, deluded by the titles to their
books, as they generally profess to be written on well-known
and plain subjects, as virtue, justice, probity, pleasure, I do not
understand a single word of them; so restricted are they to
close and exact disputations. The poets, as speaking in a
different language, I never attempt to touch at all ; but amuse
myself, as I said, with those who have written history, or their
own speeches,^ or who have adopted such a style that they
seem to wish to be familiar to us who are not of the deepest
erudition. XV. But I return to my subject. Do you see
how far the study of history is the business of the orator?
I know not whether it is not his most important business,
for flow and variety of diction; yet I do not find it any-
where treated separately under the rules of the rhetoricians.
Indeed, all rules respecting it are obvious to common view ;
for who is ignorant that it is the first law in writing history,
that the historian must not dare to tell any falsehood, and
the next, that he must be bold enough to tell the whole
truth? Also, that there must be no suspicion of partiality
in his writings, or of personal animosity? These fundamental
rules are doubtless universally known. The superstructure
depends on facts and style. The course of facts requires atten-
tion to order of time, and descriptions of countries ; and since,
in great affairs, and such as are worthy of remembrance, first
the designs, then the actions, and afterwards the results, are
expected, it demands also that it should be shown, in regard
to the designs, what the writer approves, and that it should
be told, in regard to the actions, not only what was done or
said, but in what manner; and when the result is stated, that
all the causes contributing to it should be set forth, whether
arising from accident, wisdom, or temerity; and of the cha-
racters concerned, not only their acts, but, at least of those

that Cicero, when he wrote this, was thinking of a passage in Plato's
Letters, Ep. vii. p. 718, F. Greenwood. Orellius very judiciously in-
serts tactu, the conjecture of Emesti, in his text, instead of the old
reading cantu, which, though Ellendt retains and attempts to defend it,
cannot be made to give any satisfactory sense.

* Cicero means orators. The speeches which historians have written
ftre not given as their own, but put into the mouths of others. EUtndt

238 1>E ORATORE j OR, [b. 1L

eminent in reputation and dignity, the life and mariners of
each. The sort of language and character of style to be ob-
■served must be regular and continuous, flowing with a kind
of equable smoothness, without the roughness of judicial
pleadings, and the sharp-pointed sentences used at the bar.
Concerning all these numerous and important points, there
are no rules, do you observe, to be found in the treatises of
the rhetoricians.

" In the same silence have lain many other duties of the
•orator; exhortation, consolation, precept, admonition, all of
■which are subjects for the highest eloquence, and yet have
no place in those treatises on the art which are in circulation.
Under this head, too, there is an infinite field of matter; for
■(as Crassus observed) most writers assign to the orator two
kinds of subjects on which he may speak; the one concerning
stated and defined questions, such as are treated in judicial
pleadings or political debates, to which he that will may add
panegyrics; the other, what all authors term, (though none
give any explanation,) questions unlimited in their kind, with-
out reference to time or person. When they speak of this sort
of subjects, they do not appear to know the nature and extent
of it ; for if it is the business of an orator to be able to speak
on whatever subject is proposed without limitation, he will
have to speak on the magnitude of the sun, and on the shape
of the earth; nor will be able, when he has undertaken
such a task, to refuse to speak on mathematical and musical
subjects. In short, for him who professes it to be his business
to speak not only on those questions which are confined to
certain times and persons, (that is, on all judicial questions,)
but also on such as are unlimited in their kinds, there can be
no subject for oratory to which he can take exception.

XVI. " But if we are disposed to assign to the orator that
sort of questions, also, which are undefined, unsettled, and of
extreme latitude, so as to suppose that he must speak of
good and evil, of things to be desired or avoided, honourable
or dishonourable, profitable or unprofitable ; of virtue, justice,
temperance, prudence, magnanimity, liberality, piety, friend-
ship, fidelity, duty, and of other virtues and their opposite
vices, as well as on state affairs, on government, on military
matters, on civil polity, on moi-ality ; let us take upon us that
iort of subjects also, but so that it be circumscribed by mo-

C. XVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 239

derate limits. I think, indeed, that all matters relative
to intercourse between fellow-citizens, and the transactions of
mankind in general, every thing that concerns habits of life,
administration of public affairs, civil society, the common
sense of mankind, the law of nature, and moral duties, falls
within the province of an orator, if not to such an extent
that he may answer on every subject separately, like the
philosophers, yet so at least that he may interweave them
judiciously into his pleadings; and may speak upon such
topics as those who established laws, statutes, and common-
wealths, have spoken upon them, with simplicity and perspi-
cuity, without any strict order of discussion, or jejune conten-
tion about words. That it may not seem wonderful that no
rules on so many topics of such importance are here laid
down by me, I give this as my reason : As, in other arts,
when the most difficult parts of each have been taught, other
particulars, as being easier, or similar, are not necessary to
be taught : for example, in painting, he who has learned to
paint the figure of a man, can paint one of any shape or
age without special instruction ; and as there is no danger
that he who excels in painting a lion or a bull, will be unable
to succeed in painting other quadrupeds ; (for there is indeed
no art whatever, in which everything capable of being effected
by it is taught by the master; but they who have learned
the general principles regarding the chief and fixed points,
accomplish the rest of themselves without any trouble ;) so I
conceive that in oratory, whether it be an art, or an attain-
ment from practice only, he who has acquired such ability, that
he can, at his pleasure, influence the understandings of those
who listen to him with some power of deciding, on questions
concerning public matters, or his own private affairs, or con-
cerning those for or against whom he speaks, will, on every
other kind of oratorical subject, be no more at a loss what to
say than the fiimous Polycletus, when he formed his Hercules,
was at a loss how to execute the lion's skin, or the hydra, al-
though he had never been taught to form them separately."

XVII. Catulus then observed, " You seem to me, Anto-
nius, to have set clearly before us what he who designs to be
an orator ought to learn, and what he may assume from
that which he has learned without particular instruction;
for vou have reduced his wliole business to two kinds of

340 DE ORATORE ; OR, [U. U,

causes ouly, and have left particulars, which are innumerable,
to practice and comparison. But take care lest the hydra
and lion's skin be included in those two kinds, and the
Hercules, and other greater works be left among the matters
which you omit. For it does not seem to me to be less diffi-
cult to speak on the nature of things in general, than on the
causes of particular persons, and it seems even much more
difficult to discourse on the nature of the gods, than on mat-
ters that are litigated amongst men." " It is not so," replied
Antonius; "for to you, Catulus, I will speak, not so much
like a person of learning, as, what is more, one of experience.
To speak on all other subjects is, believe me, mere play to
a man who does not want parts or practice, and is not desti-
tute of common literature or polite instruction; but, in con-
tested causes, the business is of great difficulty ; I know not
whether it be not the greatest by far of all human efforts,
where the abilities of the orator are, by the unlearned, esti-
mated according to the result and success ; where an adver-
sary presents himself armed at all points, who is to be at
once attacked and repelled ; where he, who is to decide the
question, is averse, or offended, or even friendly to your
adversary, and hostile to yourself ; when he is either to bo
instructed or undeceived, /estrained or incited, or managed
in every way, by force of argument, according to the cause
and occasion ; when his benevolence is often to be turned to
hostility, and his hostility to benevolence ; when he is to be
moved, as by some machinery, to severity or to indulgence, to
soiTow or to merriment, — you must exert your whole power
of thought, and your whole force of language; with which
must be joined a delivery varied, energetic, full of life, full of
spirit, full of feeling, full of nature. If any one, in such efforts
as these, shall have mastered the art to such a degree, that,
like Phidias, he can make a statue of Minerva, he will, like
that great artist, find no difficulty in learning how to executi
the smaller figures upon the shield."

XVIII. "The greater and more wonderful you repre*
•ent such performances," said Catulus, " the greater longing
possesses me to know by what methods or precepts such
power in oratory may be acquired; not that it any longer
concerns me personally, (for my age does not stand in need of
!t, and we usei to pursue a different plan of ppeaking, as we

C. XIX. J oil THE CHARACTER OP THE OAATOR. 24i

never extorted decisions from the judges by force of elo-
quence, but rather received them from their hands, after
conciliating their goodwill only so far as they themselves
would permit,) yet I wish to learn your thoughts, not for any
advantage to myself, as I say, but from a desire for know-
ledge. Nor have I occasion for any Greek master to repeat
his hackneyed precepts, when he himself never saw the forum,
or was present at a trial ; presumption similar to what is
told of Phormio the peripatetic ; for when Hannibal, driven
from Carthage, came to Ephesus as an exile to seek the pro-
tection of Antiochus, and, as his name was held in great
honour among all men, was invited by those who entertained
him to hear the philosopher whom I mentioned, if he were
inclined ; and when he had signified that he was not unwilling,
that copious speaker is said to have harangued some hours
upon the duties of a general, and the whole military art;
and when the rest of the audience, who were extremely
delighted, inquired of Hannibal what he thought of the phi-
losopher, the Carthaginian is reported to have answered, not
in very good Greek, but with very good sense, that 'he had seen
many doting old men, but had never seen any one deeper in
his dotage than Phormio.' Nor did he say so, indeed, without
reason; for what could have been a greater proof of arro-
gance, or impertinent loquacity, than for a Greek, who had
never seen an enemy or a camp, or had the least concern
in any public employment, to deliver instructions on the
military art to Hannibal, who had contended so many years
for empire with the Romans, the conquerors of all nations ?
In this manner all those seem to me to act, who give rules on
the art of speaking ; for they teach others that of which they
have no experience themselves. But they are perhaps less in
error in this respect, that they do not attempt to instruct you,
Catulus, as he did Hannibal, but boys only, or youths."

XIX. "You are wrong, Catulus," said Antonius, "for I
myself have met with many Phormios. Who, indeed, is
there among those Greeks that seems to think any of us un-
derstand anything 1 To me, however, tjiey are not so very
troublesome j I easily bear with and endure them all ; foi
they either produce something which diverts me, or make
me repent less of not having learned from them. I dismiss
them less contumeliously than Hannibal dismissed the phUo*

242 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. It.

Bopher, and on that acoDunt, perhaps, have more trouble with
them; but certainly all their teaching, as far as I can judge,,
is extremely ridiculous. For they divide the whole matter
of oratory into two parts; the controversy about the cause-
and about the question. The cause they call the matter
relating to the dispute or litigation affecting the persons con-
cerned ; ^ the question, a matter of infinite doubt. Respecting
the cause they give some precepts ; on the other part of
pleading they are wonderfully silent. They then make five
parts, as it were, of oratory ; to invent what you are to say, to
arrange what you have invented, to clothe it in proper
language, then to commit it to memory, and at last to deliver
it with due action and elocution ; a task, surely, requiring no
very abstruse study. For who would not undei-stand without
assistance, that nobody can make a speech unless he has
settled what to say, and in what words, and in what order,
and remembers it 1 Not that I find any fault with these
rules, but I say that they are obvious to all ; as are likewise
those four, five, six, or even seven partitions, (since they are
diflferently divided by different teachers,) into which every
oration is by them distributed ; for they bid us adopt such
an exordium as to make the hearer favourable to us, and
willing to be informed and attentive ; then to state our case
in such a manner, that the detail may be probable, clear, and
concise ; next, to divide or propound the question ; to confirm
what makes for us by arguments and reasoning, and refute
what makes for the adversary; after this some place the
conclusion of the speech, and peroration as it were; others
direct you, before you come to the peroration, to make a
digression by way of embellishment or amplification, then to
sum up and conclude. Nor do I altogether condemn these
divisions ; for they are made with some nicety, though with-
out suflBcient judgment, as must of necessity be the case
with men who had no experience in real pleading. For the
precepts which they confine to the exordium and statement
of facts are to be observed through the whole speech ; since
I can more easily make a judge favourable to me in the pro-
gress of my speech, than when no part of the cause has been

.' Rcorum. This reading is veiy properly adopted by Oreliius and
Ellendt, in place of the old r&'um. EUendt refers to c. 43 and 79 fc#
the senile of reut.

C. XX.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 243

heard ; and desirous of information, not when I promise that
I will prove something, but when I actually prove and
explain ; and I can best make him attentive, not by the first
statement, but by working on his mind through the whole
course of the pleading. As to their direction that the state-
ment of facts should be probable, and clear, and concise, they
direct rightly; but in supposing that these qualities be-
long more peculiarly to the statement of facts than to the
whole of the speech, they seem to me to be greatly in error ;
and their whole mistake lies assuredly in this, that they think
oratory an art or science, not unlike other sciences, such as
Crassus said yesterday might be formed from the civil law
itself; so that the general heads of the subject must first
be enumerated, when it is a fault if any head be omitted ;
next, the particulars under each general head, when it is
a fault if any particular be either deficient or redundant;
then the definitions of all the terms, in which there ought to
be nothing either wanting or superfluous.

XX. " But if the more learned can attain this exactness in
the civil law, as well as in other studies of a small or moderate
extent, the same cannot, I think, be done in an affair of this
compass and magnitude. If, however, any are of opinion
that it can be done, they must be introduced to those who
profess to teach these things as a science; they will find
everything ready set forth and complete ; for there are books
without number on these subjects, neither concealed nor
obscure. But let them consider what they mean to do;
whether they will take up arms for sport or for real warfare ;
for with us a regular engagement and field of battle require
one thing, the parade and school of exercise another. Yet
preparatory exercise in arms is of some use both to the gladi-
ator and the soldier ; but it is a bold and ready mind, acute
and quick at expedients, that renders men invincible, and
certainly not less effectively if art be united with it.

" I will now, therefore, form an orator for you, if I can ; com-
mencing so as to ascertain, first of all, what he is able to do.
Let him have a tincture of learning; let him have heard and
read something ; let him have received those very instruc
tions in rhetoric to which I have alluded. I will try what
becomes him; what he can accomplish with his voice, hia
lungs, his breath, and his tongue. If I conceive that he may
e2

244 BE ORATORE j OR, [b. II.

reach the level of eminent speakers, I will not only exhort
him to persevere in labour, but, if he seem to me to be a
good man,^ will entreat him ; so much honour to the whole
community do I think that there is in an excellent orator,
who is at the same time a good man. But if he shall
appear likely, after he has done his utmost in every way, to
be numbered only among tolerable speakers, I will allow him
to act as he pleases, and not be very troublesome to him.
But if he shall be altogether unfit for the profession, and
wanting in sense, I will advise him to make no attempts, or
to turn himself to si>me other pursuit. For neither is he,
who can do excellently, to be left destitute of encouragement
from us, nor is he, who can do some little, to be deterred;
because one seems to me to be the part of a sort of divinity; the
other, either to refrain from what you cannot do extremely
well, or to do what you can perform not contemptibly, is the
part of a reasonable human being ; but the conduct of the
third character, to declaim, in spite of decency and natural
deficiency, is that of a man who, as you said, Catulus, of a
certain haranguer, collects as many witnesses as possible of his
folly by a proclamation from himself. Of him then, who
shall prove such as to merit our exhortation and encourage-
ment, let me so speak as to communicate to him only what
experience has taught myself, that, under my guidance, he
may anive at that point which I have reached without any
guide ; for I can give him no better instructions.

XXI. "To commence then, Catulus, by taking an example
from our friend Sulpicius here ; I first heard him, when he was
but a youth, in a cause of small importance ; he was possessed
of a voice, figure, deportment, and other qualifications suited
for the profession which we are considering. His mode of
speaking was quick and hurried, which was owing to his
genius; his style animated and somewhat too redundant,
which was owing to his youth. I was very far from enter-

* Cato defined an orator vir tonus dicendi peritus. Cicero in this
passage, under the character of Antonius, and in his own person, De
Inv. i. 3, 4, signifies that though he thinks a good character of great
importance in an orator, he does not deny that much eloquence may at
times be found in a man of bad character. Cato and Cicero spoke each
according to the character of his own age. Quintilian, xii. 1, goes back
to the opinion of Cato. Aristotle had previously required good morali
in an orator, Rhet. i. 2, 4 *i 1, 6. Ellendt.

C. XXII.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 245

taining a slight opinion of him, since I like fertility to show
itself in a young man ; for, as in vines, those branches which
have spread too luxuriantly are more easily pruned than new
shoots are produced by culture if the stem is defective ; so I
would wish there to be that in a youth from which I may
take something away. The sap cannot be enduring in that
which attains maturity too soon. I immediately saw his
ability ; nor did I lose any time, but exhorted him to consider
the forum as his school for improving himself, and to choose
whom he pleased for a master ; if he would take my advice,
Lucius Crassus. To this advice he eagerly listened, and assured
me that he would act accordingly; and added also, as a compli-
ment, that T too should be a master to him. Scarce a year
had passed from the time of this conversation and recom-
mendation of mine, when he accused Caius Norbanus,^ and I
defended him. It is incredible what a difference there appeared
to me between him as he was then and as he had been a year
before; nature herself led him irresistibly into the magnificent
and noble style of Crassus; but he could never have arrived
at a satisfactory degree of excellence in it, if he had not
directed his efforts, by study and imitation, in the same
course in which nature led him, so as intently to contemplate
Crassus with his whole mind and faculties.

XXII. "Let this, then, be the first of my precepts, to
point out to the student whom he should imitate, and in such
a manner that he may most carefully copy the chief excellen-
cies of him whom he takes for his model. Let practice then
follow, by which he may represent in his imitation the exact
resemblance of him whom he chose as his pattern; not as
I have known many imitators do, who endeavour to acquire
by imitation what is easy, or what is remarkable, or almost
faulty; for nothing is easier than to imitate any person's
dress, or attitude, or carriage ; or if there is anything offensive
in a character, it is no very difficult matter to adopt it, and be
offensive in the same way ; in like manner as that Fusius, who
even now, though he has lost his voice, rants on public topics,
could never attain that nervous style of speaking which Caius
Fimbria had, though he succeeds in imitating his distortion o£
features and broad pronunciation ; but he neither knew how to
choose a pattern whom he would chiefly resemble, and in hitt*
1 See c 47.

246 DE oratore; or, |b. il

that he did clioose, he preferred copying the blemishes. But he
who shall act as he ought, must first of all be very careful iu
making this choice, and must use the utmost diligence to
attain the chief excellencies of him whom he has approved.

" What, let me ask, do you conceive to be the reason why
almost every age has produced a peculiar style of speaking 1
a matter on which we cannot so easily form a judgment in
regard to the orators of our own country, (because they
have, to say the truth, left but few writings from which such
judgment might be formed,) as those of the Greeks, from
whose writings it may be understood what was the character
and tendency of eloquence in each particular age. The most
ancient, of whom there are any works extant, are Pericles^
and Alcibiades,^ and, in the same age, Thucydides, writers
perspicacious, pointed, concise, abounding more in thoughts
than in words. It could not possibly have happened that
they should all have the same character, unless they had pro-
posed to themselves some one example for imitation. These
were followed iu order of time by Critias, Theramenes, and
Lysias. There are extant many writings of Lysias, some of
Critias;^ of Theramenes^ we only hear. They all still re-
tained the vigorous style of Pericles, but had somewhat more
exuberance. Then behold Isocrates arose, from whose school,^

^ Cicero, Brut. c. 7, says that some compositions were in circulation
under the name of Pericles; and Quintilian, iii. 1, 12, looking to that
observation of Cicero, tacitly assents to those who denied the genuine-
ness of those compositions. See also Quint, x. 2, 22 ; 10, 49. Ellendt.

^ That Alcibiades left nothing in writing, though he had great repu-
tation as a speaker, seems to be rightly inferred by Ruhnken from
Demosth. De Cor. c. 40. Thucydides is here mentioned among orators,
on account of the orations which he inserted in his history. Ellendt,

' He wrote not only orations, which are mentioned by Dionys.
Halicam. de Lysia, jud. c. 2, cf. de Is3eo, c. 2, by Phrynichus, ap. Phot,
cod. 158, and by others, but also tragedies, elegies, and other works.
That he was eloquent and learned we are told by Cicero, De Or. iii. 34,
Brut. c. 7. Henrich^en. The remains of his writings were collected by
Bach, 1827. Ellendt.

* The eloquence of Theramenes is mentioned by Cicero, iii. 16,
Brut. c. 7. The writings which Suidas enumerates as being his were
doubtless spurious. See Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Or. Gr. p. xl. Ellendt.

^ The words magister istorum omnium, which, though retained by
Orellius, are pronounced spurious by Lambinus, Ernesti, Ruhnken,
Schutz, and Ellendt, are left untranslated. " They cannot be Cicero'a
words," says Ellendt, " even though they are found quoted by If oniuB,
p. UL"

C, XXllI.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 247

as from the Trojan horse, none but real heroes proceeded;
but some of them were desirous to be distinguished on parade,
some in the field of battle. XXIII. Accordingly those
Theopompi, Ephori, Philisti,^ Naucratse,^ and many others,
•differ in genius, but in their manner bear a strong resem-
blance both to each other and to their master; and those
■ft-ho applied themselves to causes, as Demosthenes, Hyperides,
jEschines, Lycurgus, Dinarchus, and a multitude of others,
although they were dissimilar in abilities one to another,
yet were all engaged in imitating the same kind of natural
•excellence ; and as long as the imitation of their manner
lasted, so long did that character and system of eloquence
prevail. Afterwards, when these were dead, and all recollec-
tion of them grew gradually obscure, and at last vanished,
more lax and remiss modes of speaking prevailed. Subse-
•quently Demochares, who, they say, was the son of Demo-
sthenes' sister and the famous Demetrius Phalereus, the most
polished of all that class, in my opinion, and others of like
talents, arose; and if we choose to pursue the list down to
the present times, we shall understand, that, as at this day
all Asia imitates the famous Menecles of Alabanda, and his
brother Hierocles, to both of whom we have listened, so there
has always been some one whom the generality desired to
resemble.

"Whoever, then, shall seek to attain such resemblance,
let him endeavour to acquire it by frequent and laborious
■exercise, and especially by composition ; and if our friend
Sulpicius would practise this, his language would be more
•compact; for there is now in it at times, as farmers say of their

* Henrlchsen and EUendt read Philisd. Philistus, apparently, from
the way in which he is mentioned in c. 13, has, as Ellendt observes, no
place here. "Philiscus of Miletus, a disciple of Isocrates (see Anon.
Vit Isocr.), and master of Timasus the historian (see Suidas, under
Philiscus and Timseus), wrote a treatise on rhetoric, orations, and a
lifa of Lycurgus, noticed by Olympiodonis in Comment, ad Plat. Gorg.
and other works. See Ruhnken, H ist. Crit. Gr. Or. p. Ixxxiii. Goell.
•de Situ et Orig. Syracus. p. 114." Henrlchsen.

' Naucrates, a native of Erythra3, cfilled 'iffoKparovs eTa7pos by Die-
oysius Halicamassensis, Rbet. vi. 1, was distinguished for the composi-
tion of funeral orations. He seems also to have written on rhetoric
See Cicero, De Orat. iii. 44 ; Brut. 51 ; Quintil. iii. 6, 3 ; also Taylor,
Lectt. Lys. c. 3, p. 232 ; Ruhnk. Hist. Crit. Or. Gr. p. Ixxxiv. Hen-
ricksen.

248 DE oratore; or, [b. ii.

corn when in the blade, amidst the greatest fertility, a sort of
luxuriance which ought to be, as it were, eaten down ^ by the
use of the pen." Here Sulpicius observed, " You advise me
rightly, and I am obliged to you ; but I think that even you,
Antonius, have never written much." " As if," rejoined An-
tonius, " I could not direct others in matters in which I am
deficient myself; but. indeed, I am supposed not to write
even my own accounts. But in this particular a judgment
may be formed from my circumstances, and in the other
from my ability in speaking, however small it be, what I da
in either way. We see, however, that there are many wha
imitate nobody, but attain what they desire by their own
natural powers, without resembling any one ; a fact of which
an instance may be seen in you, Csesar and Cotta ; for one of
you has acquired a kind of pleasing humour and wit, unusual
in the orators of our country; the other an extremely keen
and subtle species of oratory. Nor does Curio, who is about
your age, and the son of a father who was, in my opinion,
very eloquent for his time, seem to me to imitate any one
much; but by a certain force, elegance, and copiousness of
expression, has formed a sort of style and character of elo-
quence of his own ; of which I was chiefly enabled to judge
in that cause which he pleaded against me before the Cen-
tumviri, in behalf of the brothers Cossi, and in which no
quality was wanting in him that an orator, not merely of
fluency, but of judgment, ought to possess.

XXIV. " But to conduct, at length, him whom we are
forming to the management of causes, and those in which
there is considerable trouble, judicial trials, and contested
suits, (somebody will perhaps laugh at the precept which I
am going to give, for it is not so much sagacious as necessary,
and seems rather to proceed from a monitor who is not quite
a fool, than from a master of profound learning,) our first

' This is one of Virgil's directions to the farmer in the first Georgic,
where he gives the reason for it.

Quid, qui ne gravidis procumbat culmus aristis,
Luxuriem segetum tenerS, depascit in herM,
Cum primum sulcos sequant sata? — Georg. i. 114.
And Pliny, L 18 : " Luxuries segetum castigatur dente pecoria, in
herba duntaxat, et depastae quidem vel ssepius nuUam in spica inju-
riam seatiunt : ita juvenilis ubertas et luxuries orationis stylo ei
•Bsiduitate scribendi quasi absumitur et reprimitur." — B.

C. XXIV.] ON THE CHARACTEU OP THE ORATOTt 249

precept for him shall be, That whatever causes he undertakes
to plead, he must acquire a minute and thorough knowledge
of them. This is not a precept laid down in the schools ; for
easy causes are given to boys. * The law forbids a stranger
to ascend the wall ; he ascends it ; he beats back the enemy ;
he is accused.' It is no trouble to understand such a cause
as this. They are right, therefore, in giving no precepts about
learning the cause ; for such is generally the form of causes in
the schools. But in the forum, wills, evidence, contracts,
covenants, stipulations, relationship by blood, by affinity,
decrees, opinions of lawyers, and even the lives and characters
of those concerned in the cause, are all to be investigated ;
and by negligence in these particulars we see many causes
lost, especially those relative to private concerns, as they are
often of greater intricacy. Thus some, while they would
liave their business thought very extensive, that they may
seem to fly about the whole forum, and to go from one cause
to another, speak upon causes which they have not mastered,
whence they incur much censure ; censure for negligence, if
they voluntarily undertake the business, or for perfidiousness,
if they undertake it under any engagement ;^ but such censure
is assuredly of worse consequence than they imagine, since
nobody can possibly speak on a subject which he does not
understand, otherwise than to his own disgrace; and thus,
while they despise the imputation of ignorance, which is in
reality the greater fault, they incur that of stupidity also,
which they more anxiously avoid.

" It is my custom to use my endeavour, that every one of
my clients may give me instructions in his own affairs him-
self, and that nobody else be present, so that he may speak
with the greater freedom. ^ I am accustomed also to plead to
him the cause of his adversary, in order to engage him to
plead his own, and state boldly what he thinks of his own
case. When he is gone, I conceive myself in three characters,

' Magna offensio vel negligentice, amceptis rebus, vel perfidice, receptis.
Recipere is used with a reference to others, by whom we allow some
duty to be laid upon us ; stiscipere regards ouly ourselves. EUendt.

* Inertia. This pa.ssage puzzled Lambinus and others, who did not
Bee how the reproach of ina-tia in an orator could be greater than thai
of tarditas, or stupidity. But inertia here signifies artis ignorantia,
ignorance of his art, which is doubtless the greatest fault In an orator
Verbvrg.

250 DE oratore; ok, [b. il

my own, that of the adversary, and that of the judge. What-
ever circumstance is such as to promise more support or as-
sistance than obstruction, I resolve to speak upon it ; where-
«ver I find more harm than good, I set aside and totally
reject that part entirely; and thus I gain this advantage,
that I consider at one time what I shall say, and say it at
another; two things which most speakers, relying upon
their genius, do at one and the same time; but certainly
those very persons would speak considerably better, if they
would but resolve to take one time for premeditation, and
«,nother for speaking.

" When I have acquired a thorough understanding of the
business and the cause, it immediately becomes my con-
■sideration what ground there may be for doubt. For of all
points that are disputed among mankind, whether the case is
of a criminal nature, as concerning an act of violence ; or
■controversial, as concerning an inheritance; or deliberative,
•as on going to war; or personal, as in panegyric; or argu-
mentative, as on modes of life ; there is nothing in which
the inquiry is not either what has been done, or is being
•done, or will be done, or of what nature a thing is, or how it
should be designated.

XXV. " Our causes, such at least as concern criminal
matters, are generally defended by the plea of not guilty ; for
in charges of extortion of money, which are the most im-
portant, the facts are almost all to be denied ; and in those of
bribery to procure ofl&ces, it is seldom in our power to distin-
guish munificence and liberality from corruption and criminal
largess. In accusations of stabbing, or poisoning, or embezzle-
ment of the public money, we necessarily deny the charge.
On trials, therefore, the first kind of causes is that which
arises from dispute as to the fact. In deliberations, the dis-
cussion generally springs from a question as to what is to be
<3one, rarely about anything present or already done. But
■oftentimes the question is not whether a thing is a fact or not,
but of what nature it is ; as when the consul, Caius Carbo, in
my hearing, defended the cause of Opimius before the people,
he denied no circumstance of the death of Caius Gracchus, but
maintained that it was a lawful act for the good of his country ;
or, as when Publius Africanus replied to the same Carbo,
(then tribune of the people, engaging in political affairs with

;. XXVI. J ON THE CHAliACTER OF THE ORATOR. 251

pery different views,^ and asking a question about the death of
Tiberius Gracchus,) 'that he seemed to have been lawfully put
to death.' But every thing may be asserted to have been done
lawfully, which is of such a kind that it may be said that it
ought to have been done, or was properly or necessarily done,
or done unawares, or by accident. Then the question, ' what
a thing should be called,' arises when there is a dispute by
what term an act should be designated; as was the great
point of dispute between myself and our friend Sulpicius in,
Norbanus's cause ; for though I admitted most of the charges
made by him on the other side, I still denied that treason
had been committed by Norbanus; on the signification of
which word, by the Apuleian law,^ the whole cause depended.
And in this species of causes some lay it down as a rule, that
both parties should define clearly and briefly the term that
gives rise to the question. This seems to me extremely
puerile ; for it is quite a different thing from defining words,
when any dispute arises among the learned about matters
relating to science ; as when it is inquired, what is an art,
what is a law, what is a state? On which occasions reason and
learning direct, that the whole force of the thing which you
define should be expressed in such a manner that there be
nothing omitted or superfluous j but this neither Sidpicius did
in that cause, nor did I attempt to do it ; for each of us, to the
best of our abilities, enlarged with the utmost copiousness of
language upon what it was to commit treason. Since, in the
first place, a definition, if one word is objectionable, or may be
added or taken away, is often wrested out of our hands ; and
in the next, the very practice itself savours of school learning
and almost puerile exercise ; and besides, it cannot penetrate
into the mind and understanding of the judge, for it glides
off before it has made any impression.

XXVI. " But in that kind of causes in which it is disputed
of what nature any thing is, the contest often arises from
the interpretation of writing ; when there can be no contro-
versy but about something that is doubtful. For even the
case, in which the written letter differs from the intention,

' Because he was then attached to the party of the Gracchi. Promt.

' A law of Lucius Apuleiuo Saturninus, tribvme of the people, A.n.a
652. It is also mentioned in c. 49, But neither the (jause nor subject
a£ it is at all known. EllendU

252 DE OEATORE j OR, [B. II.

involves a spec.3s of doubt, which is cleared up when the
•WDrds which ai*e wanting are supplied; and such addition
being made, it is maintained that the intention of the writ-
ing was clear ; and if any doubt arises from contradictory
writings, it is not a new kind of controversy that arises,
but a cause of the former sort is doubled ;^ and this can
either never be determined, or must be so determined,
that by supplying the omitted words, the writing which
we defend, whichsoever of the two it is, may be rendered
complete. Thus, of those causes which arise from a contro-
versy about a writing, when anything is expressed ambi-
guously, there exists but one kind. But as there are many
sorts of ambiguities, (which they who are called logicians
seem to me to understand better than other men; while
those of our profession, who ought to know them full as well,
seem to be ignorant of them,) so that is the most frequent
in occurrence, either in discourse or writing, when a question
arises from a word or words being left out. They make
another mistake when they distinguish this kind of causes,
which consist in the interpretation of writing, from those in
which it is disputed of what nature a thing is; for there is
nowhere so much dispute respecting the exact nature of a
thing as in regard to writing, which is totally separated from
controversy concerning fact. There are in all, therefore, three
sorts of matters, which may possibly fall under doubt and
discussion ; what is now done, what has been done, or what
is to be done; what the nature of a thing is, or how it
should be designated; for as to the question which some
Greeks add, whether a thing be rightly done, it is wholly
included in the inquiry, what the nature of the thing is.

XXVII. " But to return to my own method. When, after
hearing and understanding the nature of a cause, I proceed
to examine the subject matter of it, I settle nothing until I
have ascertained to what point my whole speech, bearing
immediately on the question and case, must be directed. I
then very diligently consider two other points ; the one, how
to recommend myself, or those for whom I plead ; the other,
how to sway the minds of those before whom I speak to that

' Swperioris generis causa duplicatur. Ellendt explains these word*
thus : "in the same cause, the allegations of the two parties are judged
u two separate questions of the same kiad."

a XXVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 253

trhich I desire. Thus the whole business of speaking rests
•upon three things for success in persuasion ; that we prove
what we maintain to be true ; that we conciliate those who
hear; that we produce in their minds whatever feeling our
cause may require. For the purpose of proof, two kinds of
matter present themselves to the orator; one, consisting of
such things as are not invented by him, but, as appertaining
to the cause, are judiciously treated by him, as deeds, testi-
monies, covenants, contracts, examinations, laws, acts of the
senate, precedents, decrees, opinions of lawyers, and whatever
else is not found out by the orator, but brought under his
notice by the cause and by his clients ; the other, consist-
ing entirely in the orator's own reasoning and arguments:
so that, as to the former head, he has only to handle the
arguments with which he is furnished; as to the latter, to
invent arg-uments likewise. Those who profess to teach elo-
quence, after dividing causes into several kinds, suggest
a number of arguments for each kind ; which method, though
it may be better adapted to the instruction of youth, in order
that when a case is proposed to them they may have some-
thing to which they may refer, and from whence they may
draw forth arguments ready prepared ; yet it shows a slow-
ness of mind to pursue the rivulets, instead of seeking for
the fountain-head ; and it becomes our age and experience
to derive what we want to know from the source, and to ascer-
tain the spring from which everything proceeds.

" But that first kind of matters which are brought before
the orator, ought to be the constant subject of our contem-
plation for general practice in affairs of that nature. For in
support of deeds and against them, for and against evidence,
for and against examinations by torture, and in other sub-
jects of that sort, we usually speak either of each kind in
general and abstractedly, or as confined to particular occa-
sions, persons, and causes ; and such common-places (I speak
to you, Cotta and Sulpicius) you ought to keep ready and
prepared with much study and meditation. It would occupy
too much time at present to show by what means we should
confirm or invalidate testimony, deeds, and examinations.
These matters are all to be attained with a moderate share
of capacity, though with very great practice; and they
require art and instruction only so far, as they should bg

254 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. n.

illiistrated with certain embellishments of language. So also
those "which are of the other kind, and which proceed wholly
from the orator, are not difficult of invention, but require
perspicuous and correct exposition. As these two things,
therefore, are the objects of our inquiry in causes, first, what
we shall say, and next, how we shall say it ; the former,
which seems to be wholly concerned with art, though it does
indeed require some art, is yet an affair of but ordinary un-
derstanding, namely, to see what ought to be said ; the latter
is the department in which the divine power and excellence
of the orator is seen; I mean in delivering what is to be
Eaid with elegance, copiousness, and variety of language.

XXVIII. " The former part,^ then, since you have once
declared it to be your pleasure, I will not refuse to finish off
and complete, (how far I shall succeed you will best judge,)
and shall show from what topics a speech must be furnished
in order to effect these three objects which alone have power
to persuade ; namely, that the minds of the audience be con-
ciliated, informed, and moved, for these are the three; but
how they should be illustrated, there is one present who can
instruct us all; one who first introduced this excellence into
our practice, who principally improved it, who alone has
brought it to perfection. For I think, Catulus, (and I will
say this without any dread of a suspicion of flattery,) that
there is no orator, at all more eminent than ordinary, either
Grecian, or Roman, that our age has produced, whom I have
not heard often and attentively ; and, therefore, if there is
any ability in me, (as I may now presume to hope, since you,
men of such talents, take so much trouble in giving me
audience,) it arises from this, that no orator ever delivered
anything in my hearing, which did not sink deeply into my
memory ; and I, such as I am, and as far as I have capacity
to form a judgment, having heard all orators, without any
hesitation decide and pronounce this. That none of them all
had so many and such excellent accomplishments in speaking
as are in Crassus. On which account, if you also are of the
same opinion, it will not, as I think, be an unjust partition,
if, when I shall have given birth and education and strength
to this orator whom I am forming, as is my design, I deUvex

' Whicli shows what a speaker ought to say, and what is effective is
pCTBuadirg an audience. Proust.

C. XXVin J ON THK CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 255

him to Crassus to be furnished with apparel and orna-
ments."

Crassusthen said, " Do you rather, Antonius, go on as yoa
have commenced ; for it is not the part of a good or liberal
parent not to clothe and adorn him whom he has engendered
and brought up ; especially as you cannot deny that you are-
wealthy enough. For what grace, what power, what spirit,
-what dignity was wanting to that orator, who at the close of
a speech did not hesitate to call forth his accused client,
though of consular rank, and to tear open his garment, and to
expose to the judges the scars on the breast of the old com-
mander?^ who also, when he defended a seditious madman,^
Sulpicius here being the accuser, did not hesitate to speak iu
favour of sedition itself, and to demonstrate, with the utmost
power of language, that many popular insurrections are just, for
whichnobody could be accountable? addingthat manyseditions
had occurred to the benefit of the commonwealth, as when
the kings were expelled, and when the power of the tribunes
was established ; and that the sedition of Norbanus, proceed-
ing from the grief of the citizens, and their hatred to Caepio,
who had lost the army, could not possibly be restrained, and
was blown up into a flame by a just indignation. Could this,
so hazardous a topic, so unprecedented, so delicate, so new,
be handled without an incredible force and power of elo-
quence? What shall I say of the compassion excited for
Cneius Manlius,^ or that in favour of Quintus Rex?* What
of other innumei-able instances, in which it was not* that ex-
traordinary acuteness, which everybody allows you, that was
most conspicuous, but it was those very qualities which you

' Manius Aquiliiis, who, after the termination of the servile war in
Sicily, was brought to trial on a charge of extortion. As he was un-
willing to entreat the pity of the judges, Antonius, who pleaded for
him, tore open his tunic in front, and showed the scars of the honour-
aTble wounds which he had received in battle. He was acquitted. Livy,
Epit. Proust.

* Norbanus the tribune.' See note on c. 47. Ellendt.

' He was consul with Publius Rutilius, a.u.o. 649 ; and having refused
to unite his troops with those of Quintus Caepio, the proconsul, was de-
feated by the Cimbri, and lost his army. Livy, Ep. Ixvii. For this
miscarriage he was, with Caepio, brought to trial, and must have been
defended by Antonius. Ellendt.

* Of the trial of Quintus Marcius Rex nothing is known. Ellendt.

256 DE ORATORB ; OR, [b. II.

uow ascribe to me, that were always eminent and excellent
in you."

XXIX. " For my part," said Catulus, " what I am accus-
tomed most to admire in you both, is, that while you are totally
unlike each other in your manner of speaking, yet each of
you speaks so well, that nothing seems either to have been
denied you by nature, or not to have been bestowed on you
by learning. You, therefore, Crassus, from your obliging
disposition, will neither withhold from us the illustration of
whatever may have been inadvertently or purposely omitted
by Antonius ; nor if you, Antonius, do not speak on every
point, we shall think, not that you could not speak on it, but
that you preferred that it should be treated by Crassus."
Here Crassus said, " Do you rather, Antonius, omit those
particular which you have proposed to treat, and which no
one here needs, namely, from what topics the statements
made in pleadings are to be derived, which, though they
would be treated by you in a new and excellent way, are in
their nature very easy, and commonly set forth in books of
rules; but show us those resources whence you draw that
eloquence which you frequently exert, and always divinely."
"I will indeed show you them," said Antonius; "and that
I may the more easily obtain from you what I require, I will
refuse you nothing that you ask. The supports of my whole
eloquence, and that power of speaking which Crassus just
now extolled to the skies, are, as I observed before, three
processes ; the first, that of conciliating my hearers ; the second,
that of instructing them ; and the third, that of moving them.
The first of these divisions requires mildness of address; the
second penetration ; the third energy ; for it is impossible but
that he, who is to determine a cause in our favour, must
either lean to our side from propensity of feeling, or be swayed
by the arguments of our defence, or be forced by action upon
his mind. Bat since that part, in which the opening of the
case itself and the defence lie, seems to comprehend all that
is laid down as doctrine on this head, I shall speak on that
first, and say but few words ; for I seem to have but few
observations gained from experience, and imprinted as it were
on my memory.

XXX. " We shall willingly consent to your judicious pro-
posal, Crassus, to omit those defences for everj sort of causes.

C. XXX.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 25T

which the masters of rhetoric are accustomed to teach boys;
and to open those sources whence all arguments for evpry
cause and speech are derived. For neither, as often as we
have occasion to write any word, need the letters of that
word be so often collected in our thoughts ; nor, as often as
we are to plead a cause, need we turn to the separate argu •
ments for that cause ; but we should have certain common-
places which, like letters for forming a word, immediately
occur to us to aid in stating a cause. But these common-
places can be of advantage only to that orator who is conver-
sant in business, and has that experience which age at length
brings with it : or one who has so much attention and power
of thought as to anticipate age by study and diligence. For
if you bring to me a man of ever so deep erudition, of ever
so acute and subtile an intellect, or ever so ready an elocu-
tion, if he be a stranger to the customs of civil communities,
to the examples, to the institutions, to the manners and
inclinations of his fellow-citizens, the common-places from
which arguments are drawn will be of little benefit to him.
I must have a well-cultivated genius, like a field not once
ploughed only, but again and again, with renewed and re-
peated tillage, that it may produce better and larger crops;
and the cultivation here required is experience, attentive
hearing of other orators, reading, and writing.

" First, then, let him examine the nature of his cause, which
is never obscure so far as the inquiry * whether a thing has
been done or not ;' or ' of what nature it is ;' or ' what name
it should receive ;' and when this is ascertained, it imme-
diately occurs, with the aid of natural good sense, and not of
those artifices which teachers of rhetoric inculcate, 'what con-
stitutes the cause,' that is, the point without which there
would be no controversy; then, 'what is the matter for trial,'
which they direct you to ascertain in this manner : Opimius
slew Gracchus : what constitutes the cause ? * That he slew
him for the good of the republic, when he had called the
people to arms, in consequence of a decree of the senate.'
Set this point aside, and there will be no question for triaL
But Decius denies that such a deed could be authorized
contrary to the laws. The point therefore to be tried will
be, ' whether Opimius had authority to do so from the decroe
of the senate, for the good of the commonwealth.* Thew

a

Iff 8 DB oratobb; or, [b. u

matters are iudeed clear, and may be settled by common
sense ; but it remains to be considered •what arguments, re-
lative to the point for trial, ought to be advanced, as well by
the accuser as by him who has undertaken the defence.

XXXI. " Here we must notice a capital eiTor in those mas-
tera to whom we send our children ; not that it has much to
do with speaking, but that you may see how stupid and un-
polished a set of men they are who imagine themselves learned.
For, in distinguishing the different kinds of speaking, they
make two species of causes. One they call, 'that in which
the question is about a general proposition, without reference
to persons and times ;' the other, ' that which is confined to
certain persons and times;' being ignorant that all contro-
versies must have relation to the force and nature of the
general position ; for in that very cause which I mentioned,
the person of Opimius or Decius has nothing to do with the
common arguments of the orator ; since the inquiry has un-
restricted reference to the question in general, ' whether he
seems deserving of punishment who has slain a citizen under
a decree of the senate for the preservation of his country,
when such a deed was not permitted by the laws.' There is
indeed no cause in which the point that falls under dispute
is considered with reference to the parties to the suit, and not
from arguments relating to such questions in general. But
even in those very cases where the dispute is about a fact, as
' whether Publius Decius^ has taken money contrary to law,
the arguments both for the accusation and for the defence
must have reference to the general question, and the general
nature of the case; as, to show that the defendant is expen-
sive, the arguments must refer to luxury ; that he is covetous
of another's property, to avarice ; that he is seditious, to
turbulent and ill-designing citizens in general ; that he is
convicted by many proofs, to the general nature of evidence :
and, on the other side, whatever is said for the defendant, must
of necessity be abstracted from the occasion and individual,
and referred to the general notions of things and questions of
the kind. These, perhaps, to a man who cannot readily compre-
hend in his mind all that is in the nature of things, may seem

' He was accused of having been bribed to bring Opimius tc trial
for having caused the death of Caius Gracchiis. See Smith's Diot of
Biog. and MythoL Art. Deciua, n. 4.

aXXXII.] ON THE CHAEACnai OP THE ORATOR. 259

extremely numerous to come under consideration when the
question is about a single fact ; but it is the number of
charges, and not of modes of defence, or topics for them, that
is infinite.^

XXXir. "But when there is no contest about facts, the
questions on the nature of facts, if you reckon them from
the number of the parties accused, are innumerable and in-
tricate ; if from the facts themselves, very few and clear.
For if we consider the case of Mancinus^ so as referring to Man-
cinus alone, then, whenever a person whom the chief herald
has surrendered to the enemy is not re-admitted into his
country, a new case will arise. But if what gives rise to the
controversy be the general question, * whether to him whom
the chief herald has surrendered, if he has not been re-admitted
into his country, there seems to be a right of return/ the
name of Manciuus has nothing to do with the mode of speak-
ing upon it, or the arguments for the defence. And if the
merit or demerit of the person give rise to any discussion, it
is wholly beside the question ; and the part of the speech re-
ferring to the question must, of necessity, be adapted to such
arguments in general. I do not reason upon these subjects
for the purpose of confuting learned teachers; although those
merit reproof, who, in their general definition, describe this
sort of causes as relating to persons and times. For, although
times and persons are incident to them, yet it should be
understood, that the causes depend not upon them, but upon
the general questiou. But this is not my business ; for we
ought to have no contest with that sort of people ; it is suffi-
sient that this only should be known, that they have not
3ven attained a point which they might have effected amid
BO much leisure, even without any experience in affairs of
the forum; that is, they might have distinguished the gene-
ral natures of cases, and explained them a little more accu-
rately. But this, as I said, is not my business ; it is mine,
and much more yours, my friends Cotta and Sulpicius, to
know, that as their artificial rules now stand, the multitude

' Innumerable accusations may be brought against a person, aa
against Verrea by Cicero ; but the loci, common topics or grounds, on
which the attack or defence will rest, (respecting, for instance, avarioi^
luxury, violence, treason,) will be but few. EUmdt,

> See I 40.

200 DB oratore: or,; [b. ii,

of causes is to be dreaded; for it is infinite, if they are
referred to persons; so many men, so many causes; but, if
they are referred to general questions, they are so limited and
few, that studious orators of good memory and judgment
ought to have them digested in their minds, and, I may almost
say, learned by heart ; unless perhaps you imagine that Lucixis
Crassus took his notion of that famous cause ^ from Manius
Curius personally; and thus brought many arguments to
show why, though no posthumous son was born, yet Curius
ought to be the heir of Coponius. The name of Coponius, or
of Curius, had no influence at all on the array of arguments
advanced, or on the force and nature of the question ; the
whole controversy had regard to all affairs and events of that
kind in general, not to particular occasions or names ; since
the writing was thus. If a son is born to me, and he die
b^ore, etc., then let him be my heir ; and if a son was not
born, the q»iestion was whether he ought to be heir who was
appointed heir on the death of the son.

XXXIII. " A question regarding unvarying equity, and of
a general nature, requires no names of persons, but merely
skill in speaking, and sources of proper argument. In this
respect even the lawyers themselves ai'e an impediment to
ua, and hinder us from learning; for I perceive it to be gene-
rally repotted in the books of Cato and of Brutus, what
answers they gave on points of law to any particular man or
woman by name; that we might imagine, I suppose, some
cause for consultation or doubt to have arisen from the per-
sons, not from the thing; so that, since persons are innu-
merable, we might be deterred from the study of the law,
and lay aside all inclination to learn it, at the same time with
all hope of ever attaining a thorough knowledge of it.

" But Crassus will some day make all these points clear to
us, and set them forth arranged under general heads ; for
you must know, Catulus, that he promised us yesterday,
that he would reduce the civil law, which is now in a state
of confusion and dispersion, under certain general heads, and
digest it into an easy system." " And indeed," said Catulus,
"that is by no means a difficult undertaking for Crassus,
who has all of law that can be learned, and he will supply
tha': which was wanting in those who taught him; for he will
^ See i. 39.

C. XXXIV.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 261

be able to define exactly, and to illustrate eloquently, every
point comprehended in the law." " We shall then," said
Antonius, " learn all these things from Crassus, when he shall
have betaken himself, as he intends, frcm the tumult of
public business and the benches of the forum, to a quiet
retreat, and to his thrcne."^ " I have indeed often," observed
Catulus, " heard hita say, ' that he was resolved to retire
from pleading and the courts of justice ;' but, as I frequently
tell him, it will never be in his power ; for neither will he
permit his assistance to be repeatedly implored in vain by
persons of character, nor will the public endure his retire-
ment patiently, as they will think that if they lose the elo-
quence of Lucius Crassus, they will lose one of the principal
ornaments of the city." " Indeed then," remarked Antonius,
" if what Catulus says is true, Crassus, you must still live ou
in the same workshop with me, and we must give up that
yawning and sleepy science to the tranquillity of the Scaevolse
and other such happy people." Here Crassus smiled a little,
and said, *' Finish weaving, Antonius, the web which you
have begun ; yet that yawning science, as you term it, when
I have sheltered myself under it, will vindicate my right to
liberty."

XXXIV. "This is indeed the end," continued Antonius,
"of that part on which I just now entered; for it is now
understood that all matters which admit of doubt are to be
decided, not with reference to individuals, who are innu-
merable, or to occasions, which are infinitely various, but to
general considerations, and the nature of things ; that general
considerations are not only limited in number, but very few;
that those who are studious of speaking should embrace iu
their minds the subjects peculiar to the several departments
of eloquence, arranged under general heads, as well as arrayed
and adorned, I mean with thoughts and illustrations. These
will, by their own force, beget words, which always seem to
me to be elegant enough, if they are such that the subject
seems to have suggested them. And if you ask the truth, (as
far, that is, as it is apparent to me, for I can affirm nothing
more than my own notions and opinions,) we ought to carry this
preparatory stock of general questions and common-places
into the forum with us ; and not, when any cause is brought
' See i. 45; also iii. 33; ii 55; and De Legg. L 3.

268 DB oratore; or, [b. ::

before us, begin then to seek for topics from which we may
draw our arguments ; topics which, indeed, by all who have
made them the subject of but moderate consideration, may
be thoroughly prepared by means of study and practice ; but
the thoughts must still revert to those general heads and
common-places to which I have so often alluded, and from
which all arguments are drawn for every species of oratory.
All that is required, whether it result from art, or observation,
or practice, is but to know those parts of the field in which
you may hunt for, and trace out, what you wish to find ; for
when you have embraced in your thoughts the whole of any
topic, if you are but well practised in the treatment of sub-
jects, nothing will escape you, and every circumstance mate-
rial to the question will occur and suggest itself to you.

XXXV, " Since, then, in speaking, three things are re-
quisite for finding argument; genius, method, (which, if we
please, we may call art,) and diligence, I cannot but assign
the chief place to genius ; yet diligence can raise even genius
itself out of duluess ; diligence, I say, which, as it avails in
all things, is also of the utmost moment in pleading causes.
Diligence is to be particularly cultivated by us ; it is to be
constantly exerted ; it is capable of effecting almost every-
thing. That a cause is thoroughly understood, as I said at
first, is owing to diligence ; that we listen to our adversary
attentively, and possess ourselves, not only of his thoughts,
but even of his every word ; that we observe all the motions
of his countenance, which generally indicate the workings of
the mind, is owing to diligence ; [but to do this covertly, that
he may not seem to derive any advantage to himself, is the
part of prudence '] ^ that the mind ruminates on those topics
which I shall soon mention, that it insinuates itself tho-
roughly into the cause, that it fixes itself on it with care
and attention, is owing to diligence; that it applies the
memory like a light, to all these matters, as well as the tone
of voice and power of delivery, is owing to diligence. Betwixt
genius and diligence there is very little room left for art;
art only shows you where to look, and where that lie*
which you want to find; all the rest depends on care,
attention, consideration, vigilance, assiduity, industry; all

* The words in brackets are regarded by all the best critics as tht
|kraductioa of some interpolator.

0. XXXVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOB. 2C3

which I include in that one word which I hare so often
repeated, diligence; a single virtue, in which all other
virtues are comprehended. For we see how the philosophers
abound in copiousness of language, who, as I think, (but you,
Catulus, know these matters better,) lay down no precepts of
eloquence, and yet do not, on that account, the less under-
take to speak with fulness and fluency on whatever subject is
proposed to them."

XXXVI. Catulus then observed, "It is as you say,
Antonius, that most philosophers deliver no precepts of
eloquence, and yet are prepared with something to say on
any subject. But Aristotle, he whom I admire more than any
of them, has set forth certain topics from which every line of
argument may be deduced, not only for the disputations of
philosophy, but even for the reasoning which we use in
pleading causes; from whose notions your discourse, Anto-
nius, has for some time past not varied ; whether you, from
a resemblance to that divine genius, hit upon his track, or
whether you have read and made yourself master of his
writings ; a supposition indeed which seems to be more pro-
bable than the other, for I see that you have paid more atten-
tion to the Greek writers than we had imagined." " You shall
hear from myself," said he, " Catulus, what is really the case :
I always thought that an orator would be more agreeable to
the Roman people, and better approved, who should give,
above all, as little indication as possible of artifice, and none
at all of having studied Grecian literature. At the same
time, when the Greeks undertook, professed, and executed
such gi'eat things, when they ofiered to teach mankind how
to penetrate the most obscure subjects, to live virtuously and
to speak eloquently, I thought it the part of an irrational
animal rather than a man, not to pay them some degree of
attention, and, if we cannot venture to hear them openly,
for fear of diminishing our authority with our own fellow-
citizens, to catch their words at least by listening privately,
and hearkening at a distance to what they stated ; and thus
I have acted, Catulus, and have gained a general notion of
the arguments and subjects of all their writers."

XXXVII. ''Really and truly," said Catulus, "you have
steered your bark to the coasts of philosophy with the utmost
caution, as if you had been approaching some rock of un«

834 DE oratore; or, \b.TL

lawful desire,^ though this country has never despised philo-
sophy. For Italy was formerly full of Pythagoreans, at the
time when part of this country was called Great Greece:'
(w hence some report that Numa Pompilius, one of our kings,
was a Pythagorean ; though he lived many years before the
time of Pythagoras; for which reason he is to be accounted
the greater man, as he had the wisdom and knowledge to
regulate our state, almost two centuries before the Greeks
knew that it had arisen in the world ;) and certainly this
country never produced men more renowned for glorious
actions, or of greater gravity and authority, or possessed of
more polite learning than Publius Africanus, Caius Lselius,
and Lucius Furius, who always had about them publicly the
most learned men from Greece. I have often heard them
say, that the Athenians had done what was very pleasing to
them, and to many of the leading men in the city, in sending,
when they despatched ambassadors to the senate about im-
portant concerns of their own, the three most illustrious
philosophers of that age, Carneades, Critolaus, and Diogenes ;
who, during their stay at Rome, were frequently heard lec-
turing by them and others. And when you had such authori-
ties as these, Antonius, I wonder why you should, like Zethus
in Pacuvius's play,^ almost declare war against philosophy."
" I have not by any means done so," replied Antonius, " for
I have determined rather to philosophize, like Ennius's
Neoptolemus, a little, since to be absolutely a philosopher is
not agreeable to me. But my opinion, which I think I have
clearly laid down, is this: I do not disapprove of such
studies, if they be but moderately pursued ; but I think that

* That the allusion is to the islands of the Sirens, who tried to allure
Ulysses to listen to their song, the commentators have already observed,
Ellendt.

* Quum erat in hac gente Magna ilia Grcecia, "when Great Greece
was in (or among) this people." In hac gente, L e. in Italis, among the
Italians, or in Italy. Ellendt.

^ In one of the tragedies of Pacuvius were represented two brothers,
Amphion and Zethus, the former fond of philosophy, music, and the
refined arts, the other of a rougher disposition, addicted to war and
despising science. To this story Horace also alludes, Ep. L 18. 41 :

Gratia sic fratrum geminorura Amphionis atque

Zethi, dissiluit, donee suspecta severo

Conticuit lyra. Fratemis cessisse putatur

Moribus Amphion. Ji.

C. XXXVIII. J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 266

the reputation of that kind of learning, and all suspicion of
artifice, is prejudicial to the orator with those who have the
decision of affairs; for it diminishes the authority of the
speaker and the credit of his speech."

XXXVIII. " But that our conversation may return to
the point from which it digressed, do you observe that of
those three illustrious philosophers, who, as you said, came
to Kome, one was Diogenes, who professed to teach the art of
reasoning well, and distinguishing truth from falsehood, which
he called by the Greek name SiaXeKTLiaj, or logic? In this
art, if it be an art, there are no directions how truth may be
discovered, but only how it may be judged. For everything
of which we speak we either affirm to be or not to be ; ^ and
if it be expressed absolutely, the logicians take it in hand to
judge whether it be true or false ; or, if it be expressed con-
ditionally, and qualifications are added, they determine whe-
ther such qualifications are rightly added, and whether the
conclusion of each syllogism is true ; and at last they torment
themselves with their own subtilties, and, after much dis-
quisition, find out not only what they themselves cannot resolve,
but even arguments, by which what they had before begun
to resolve, or rather had almost made clear, is again involved
in obscurity. Here, then, that Stoic ^ can be of no assistance
to me, because he does not teach me how to find out what to
say ; he is rather even an impediment to me ; for he finds
many difficulties which he says can by no means be cleared,
and unites with them a kind of language that is not clear,
easy, and fluent ; but poor, dry, succinct, and concise ; and
if any one shall approve such a style, he will approve it with
the acknowledgment that it is not suited to the orator. For
our mode of speaking is to be adapted to the ear of the mul-
titude, to fascinate and excite their minds, and to prove
matters that are not weighed in the scales of the goldsmith,
but in the balance, as it were, of popular opinion; we may
therefore entirely dismiss an art which is too silent about the
invention of arguments, and too full of words in pronotmcing
judgment on them. That Critolaus, whom you mention as

^ In this passage I adopt the correction, or rather restoration, of
Ellendt, Nam et omne, quod eloquimiir, fit, ut id aut ease dicamus out
turn esse. All other modem editions for fit have tic.

' Diogenes, and other Stoics like him. Promt.

266 DE ORATORfi j OR, [b. II.

having come hither with Diogenes, might, I fancy, have been
of more assistance to our studies, for he was out of the
school of that Aristotle from whose method I seem to you
not greatly to differ. Between this Aristotle, (of whom I
have read, as well that book in which he explains the rhe-
torical systems of all who went before him, as those in
which he gives us some notions of his own on the art,)
between him, I say, and the professed teachers of the art,
there appeared to me to be this difference : that he with the
same acuteness of intellect with which he had penetrated
the qualities and nature of things throughout the universe,
saw into everything that pertained to the art of rhetoric,
which he thought beneath him ; but they, who thought this
art alone worthy of cultivation, passed their whole lives in con-
templating this one subject, not with as much ability as he,
but with constant practice in their single pursuit, and greater
devotion to it. As to Carneades, that extraordinary force
and variety of eloquence which he possessed would be ex-
tremely desirable for us; a man who never took up any
argument in his disputations which he did not prove ; never
attacked any argument that he did not overthrow. But this
is too arduous an accomplishment to be expected from those
who profess and teach rhetoric.

XXXIX. " If it were my desire that a person totally
illiterate should be instructed in the art of speaking, I would
willingly send him to these perpetual workers at the same
employment, who hammer day and night on the same anvil,
and who would put his literary food into his mouth, in the
smallest pieces, minced as fine as possible, as nurses put theirs
into the mouths of children. But if he were one who had
had a liberal education, and some degree of practice, and
seemed to have some acuteness of genius, I would instantly
conduct him, not where a little brook of water was confined
by itself, but to the source whence a whole flood gushed
forth ; to an instructor who would show him the seats and
abodes, as it were, of every sort of arguments, and would
illustrate them briefly, and define them in proper terms.
For what point is there in which he can hesitate, who shall
see that whatever is assumed in speaking, either to prove or
to refute, is either derived from the peculiar force and
nature of the subject itself, or borrowed from something

C. XL.] ON THE CHABAOTBR OP THE ORATOR. 267

foreign to it? From its own peculiar force: as when it is
inquired, * what the nature of a whole thing is,' or ' a part of
it,' or ' what name it has,' or whatever belongs to the whole
matter. From what is foreign to it : as when circumstances
■which are extrinsic, and not inherent in the nature of
the thing, are enumerated in combination. If the inquiry
regard the whole, its whole force is to be explained by a defi-
nition, thus : ' If the majesty of a state be its greatness and
dignity, he is a traitor to its majesty who delivers up an
army to the enemies of the Roman people, not he who
delivers up him who has violated it into the power of the
Roman people.' But if the question respect only a part,
the matter must be managed by partition in this manner :

* Either the senate should have been obeyed concerning the
safety of the republic, or some other authority should have
been constituted, or he should have acted on his own judg-
ment : to constitute another authority had been haughty ;
to act on his own judgment had been arrogant; he had
therefore to obey the direction of the senate.' If we argue
from a name, we may express ourselves like Carbo : * If he be
a consul who consults the good of his country, what else has
Opimius donel' But if we argue from what is intimately
connected with the subject, there are many sources of argu-
ments and common-places; for we shall look to adjuncts, to
general views, to particulars falling under general views, to
things similar and dissimilar, contrary, consequential ; to such
as agree with the case, and are, as it were, forerunners of it, and
such as are at variance with it ; we shall investigate the causes
of circumstances, and whatever has arisen from those causes ;
and shall notice cases that are stronger, or similar, or weaker.

XL. " From things closely relating to the subject argu-
ments are drawn thus : ' If the utmost praise is to be attri-
buted to filial duty, you ought to be moved when you see
Quintus Metellus mourn so tenderly.' From general consider-
ations, thus : ' If magistrates ought to be under the power of
the Roman people, of what do you accuse Norbanus, whose
tribuneship was subservient to the will of the state?' From
particulars that fall under the general consideration, thus:

* If all who consult the interest of the public ought to be
dear to us, certainly military commanders should be pecu-
liarly dear, by whose conduct, coiu^e, and exposure to

268 DE ORATORKj OR, [b. tt

danger, we preserve our own safety and the dignity of the
empire.' From similarity, thus : ' If wild beasts love their
offspring, what affection ought we to feel for our children?'
From dissimilarity, thus : ' If it be the character of barbarians
to live as it were for a short season, our plans ought to have
respect to perpetuity.' In both modes of comparison, from
similarity as well as dissimilarity, examples are taken from
the acts, sayings, and successes of others; and fictitious nar-
ratives may often be introduced. From contraries, argu-
ments are drawn thus : ' If Gracchus acted in a detestable,
Opimius has acted in a glorious, manner.' From subsequent
circumstances, thus : ' If he be slain with a weapon, and you,
his enemy, are found on the very spot with a bloody sword,
and nobody but you is seen there, and no one else had any
reason to commit the act, and you were always of a daring
character, what ground is there on which we can possibly
doubt of your guilt?' From concurrent, antecedent, and
repugnant circumstances, thus, as Crassus argued when he
was quite a young man : ' Although, Carbo, you defended
Opimius, this audience will not on that account esteem you
a good citizen ; for it is clear that you dissembled and had
other views, because you often, in your harangues, deplored
the fate of Tiberius Gracchus, because you were an accom-
plice in the death of Publius Africanus, because you proposed
a law of such a nature in your tribuneship, because you have
always dissented from good members of the state.' From the
causes of things, thus : ' If you would abolish avarice, you
must abolish the parent of it, luxury.' From whatever arises
from those causes, thus : ' If we use the money in the treasury
as well for the services of war as the ornaments of peace, let
us take care of the public revenues.' Stronger, weaker, and
parallel instances, we shall compare thus: from a stronger
we shall argue in this way, * If a good name be preferable to
riches, and money is pursued with so much industry, with
how much more exertion is glory to be sought 1 ' From a
weaker, thus :

" Since merely for a small acquaintance' sake
He takes this woman's death so nearly, what
If he himself had loved ? what would he feel
For me, his father ? '

» Terence, Andr. i. 1. 83. Colman'a Translation.

C. XLI.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 269

" From a parallel case, thus : * It is natural to the same
character, to be rapacious of the public money, and to be
profuse of it to the public prejudice.' But instances borrowed
from extraneous circumstances are such as are not supported
by their own strength, but somewhat foreign : as, 'This is true;
for Quintus Lutatius has aflfirmed it : ' ' This is false ; for an
examination has been made :' ' This must of necessity follow;
for I shall read the writings ;' on which head I spoke fully a
little while ago." XLI. I have been as brief in the exempli-
fication of these matters as their nature would permit. For
as, if I wished to make known to any one a quantity of gold,
that was buried in separate heaps, it ought to be sufficient if
I told him the signs and marks of the places, with the know-
ledge of which he might dig for himself, and find what he
wished with very little trouble, and without any mistake ; so
I wished to specify such marks, as it were, of arguments, as
would let him who seeks them know where they are;^ what
remains is to be brought out by industry and thought.
What kind of arguments is most suitable to any particular
kind of cause it requires no exquisite skill to prescribe, but
merely moderate capacity to determine. For it is not now
my design to set forth any system of rhetoric, but to com-
municate to men of eminent learning some hints drawn from
my own experience. These common-places, therefore, being
fixed in the mind and memory, and called forth on every
subject proposed to be discussed, there will be nothing that
can escape the orator, not merely in matters litigated in the
forum, but in any department of eloquence whatever. But if
he shall attain such success, as to seem to be what he would
wish to seem, and to affect the minds of those before whom
he pleads in such a manner as to lead or rather force them
in whatever direction he pleases, he will assuredly require
nothing else to render him accomplished in oratory.

" We now see, that it is by no means sufficient to find out
what to say, unless we can handle it skilfully when we have
found it. This treatment ought to be diversified, that he who

^ I follow Ellendt's text : Sic has ego argv/mentorum volui notas qua-
renti demonatrare ubi rnit. Orellius and moBt other editors have Sie
has ego argumentorum novi notas, quce ilia mihi qucerenti demonstrant,
" sententi^ perineptd," as EUendt observes ; for it was not what An^
toniua himself knew that was to be specified, but how he wished
learners to be assisted.

370 DE OKATOEE ; OB, [b. XL

listens may neither discover any artifice, nor be tired and
satiated with uniformity. Whatever yc u advance, should be
laid down as a proposition, and you should show why it is so ;
and, from the same premises, you should sometimes form a
conclusion, and sometimes leave it to be formed by the hearer,
and make a transition to something else. Frequently, how-
ever, you need make no proposition, but show, by the reason-
ing which you shall use, what proposition might have been
made. If you produce a comparison to anything, you should
first confirm what you offer as a comparison ; and then apply
to it the point in question. In general, you should shade
the distinctive points of your arguments, so that none of
your hearers may count them ; and that, while they appear
clear as to matter, they may seem blended in your mode of
speaking on them.

XLII. " I run over these matters cursorily, as addressing
men of learning, and, being myself but half-learned, that we
may at length arrive at matters of greater consequence. For
there is nothing, Catulus, of more importance in speaking
than that the hearer should be favourable to the speaker, and
be himself so strongly moved that he may be influenced
more by impulse and excitement of mind, than by judgment
or reflection. For mankind make far more determinations
through hatred, or love, or desire, or anger, or grief, or joy, or
hope, or fear, or error, or some other affection of mind, than
from regard to truth, or any settled maxim, or principle of
right, or judicial form, or adherence to the laws. Unless
anything else, therefore, be agreeable to you, let us proceed
to consider these points."

" There seems," observed Catulus, " to be still some little
wanting to those matters which you have discussed, Antonius,
something that requires to be explained before you pro-
ceed to what you propose." " What is it V asked Antonius.
" What order," replied Catulus, " and arrangement of argu-
ments, has your approbation; for in that department you
always seem a god to me." " You may see how much of
a god I am in that respect, Catulus," rejoined Antonius; " for
I assure you the matter would never have come into my
thoughts if I had not been reminded of it ; so that you may
euppose I am generally led by mere practice in speaking, or
rather perhaps by chance, to fix on that arrangement cf

C. XLIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATCR. 271

matter by which I seem at times to produce some effect;
However, that very point which I, because I had no thought
of it, passed by as I should by a person unknown to me, is of
such efl&cacy in oratory, that nothing is more conducive to
victory ; but yet you seem to me to have required from me
prematurely an account of the order and disposition of the
orator's material ; for if I had placed all his power in argu-
mentation,-and in proving his case from its own inherent
merits, it might be time to say something on the order and
arrangement of his arguments ; but as three heads were
Bpecified by me, and I have spoken on only one, it will be
proper, after I have attended to the other two, to considex*,
last of all, about the general arrangement of a speech.

XLIII. " It contributes much to success in speaking, that
the morals, principles, conduct, and lives of those who plead
causes, and of those for whom they plead, should be such as
to merit esteem ; and that those of their adversaries should be
such as to deserve censure ; and also that the minds of thoso
before whom the cause is pleaded should be moved as much as
possible to a fe,vourable feeling, as well towards the speaker as
towards him; for whom he speaks. The feelings of the hearers
are conciliated by a person's dignity, by his actions, by the
character of his hfe; particulars which can more easily be
adorned by eloquence, if they really exist, than be invented,
if they liave no existence. But the qualities that attract
favour to the orator are a soft tone of voice, a countenance
expressive of modesty, a mild manner of speaking; so that if
he attacks any one with severity, he may seem to do so
unwillingly and from compulsion. It is of peculiar advantage
that indications of good nature, of liberality, of gentleness, of
piety, of grateful feelings, free from selfishness and avarice,
should appear in him ; and everything that characterizes men
of probity and humility, not acrimonious, nor pertinacious,
nor litigious, nor harsh, very much conciliates benevolence,
and alienates the affections from those in whom such qualities
are not apparent. The contrary qualities to these, therefore,
are to be imputed to your opponents. This mode of address
is extremely excellent in those causes in which the mind of
the judge cannot well be inflamed by ardent and vehement
incitation; for energetic oratory is not always desirable, but
often smooth, submissive, gentle language, which gains much

272 DE OKATORE ; OR, [b. II.

favour for rei, or defendants, a term by which I designate
not only such as are accused, but all persons about whose
aflfairs there is any litigation ; for in that sense people formerly
used the word. To describe the character of your clients in
your speeches, therefore, as just, full of integrity, religious,
unpresuming, and patient of injuries, has an extraordinary
effect ; and such a description, either in the commencement, or
in your statement of facts, or in the peroration, has so much
influence, if it is agreeably and judiciously managed, that it
often prevails more than the merits of the cause. Such
influence, indeed, is produced by a certain feeling and art in
speaking, that the speech seems to represent, as it were, the
character of the speaker; for, by adopting a peculiar mode of
thought and expression, united with action that is gentle and
indicative of amiableness, such an effect is produced, that the
speaker seems to be a man of probity, integrity, and virtue.

XLIV. ** To this mode of speaking we may subjoin the
opposite method, which moves the minds of the judges by
very different means, and impels them to hate, or love, or
envy, or benevolence, or fear, or hope, or desire, or abhor-
rence, or joy, or grief, or pity, or severity ; or leads them to
•whatever feelings resemble and are allied to these and
similar emotions of mind. It is desirable, too, for the orator,
that the judges may voluntarily bring to the hearing of the
cause some feelings in their breasts favourable to the object
of the speaker. For it is easier, as they say, to increase the
speed of him that is already running, than to excite to motion
him that is torpid. But if such shall not be the case, or be
somewhat doubtful, then, as a careful physician, before he
proceeds to administer any medicine to a patient, must not
only understand the disease of him whom he would cure,
but also his habit and constitution of body when in health ; so
I, for my part, when I undertake a cause of such doubt and
importance as is likely to excite the feelings of the judges,
employ all my sagacity on the care and consideration of
ascertaining, as skilfully as I can, what their sentiments and
opinions are, what they expect, to which side they incline,
and to what conclusion they are likely to be led, with the
least difficulty, by the force of oratory. If they yield them-
selves up, and, as I said before, voluntarily incline and pre-
ponderate to the side to which I would impel them, T embrace

e. XLV.J ON TEE CnARAOTER OP THE ORATOR. 273

what is oflfered, and turn my sails to that quarter from
whence any breath of wind is perceived to blow. But if the
judge is vinbiassed, and free from all passion, it is a work of
greater difficulty ; for every feeling must then be moved by the
power of oratory, without any assistance from nature. But
so great are the powers of that which was rightly termed by
a good poet,^

Incliner of the soul, and queen of all things,

Eloquence, that it can not only make him upright who is
biassed, or bias him who is steadfast, but can, like an able
and resolute commander, lead even him captive who resist?
and opposes.

XLV. " These are the points about which Crassus just
now jocosely questioned me when he said that I treated them
divinely, and praised what I did, as being meritoriously done,
in the causes of Manius Aquilius,^ Caius Norbanus,^ and some
others ; but really, Crassus, when such arts are adopted by you
in pleading, I use to feel terrified ; such power of mind, such
impetuosity, such passion, is expressed in your eyes, your
countenance, your gesture, and even in your very finger ;*
such a torrent is there of the most emphatic and best chosen
words, such noble thoughts, so just, so new, so free from all
disguise or puerile embellishment, that you seem not only
to me to fire the judge, but to be yourself on fire. Nor is it
possible that the judge should feel concern, or hate, or envy,
or fear in any degree, or that he should be moved to com-
passion and tears, unless all those sensations which the
orator would awaken in the judge shall appear to be deeply
felt and experienced by the orator himself. For if a coun-
terfeit passion were to be assumed, and if there were nothing,
in a speech of that kind, but what was false and simulated,
still greater art would perhaps be necessary. What is the
case with you, however, Crassus, or with others, I do not
know; as to myself, there is no reason why I should say
what is fialse to men of your great good sense and friendship

' Pacuvius in his Hermione, as appears from Nonius \. fiexanima.
The thought is borrowed from Euripides, Hec. 816. EUendt.

* See note on c. 28. * See note on c. 47.

* The forefinger, which CraMus is said to have pointed with WOB
derful effect. See Quintilian, xL 3. 94.

874 DB ORATORE ; OR, [b. IL

for me, — I never yet, upon my honour, tried to excite sorrow,
or compassion, or envy, or hatred, when speaking before a
court of judicature, but I myself, in rousing the judges, was
affected with the very same sensations that I wished to
produce in them. For it is not easy to cause the judge to be
angry with him with whom you desire him to be angry, if
you yourself appear to take the matter coolly ; or to make
him hate him whom you wish him to hate, unless he first
see you burning with hatred ; nor will he be moved to pity,
unless you give him plain indications of your own acute
feelings, by your expressions, sentiments, tone of voice, look,
and finally by sympathetic tears ; for as no fuel is so com-
bustible as to kindle without the application of fire, so no
disposition of mind is so susceptible of the impressions of the
orator as to be animated to strong feeling, unless he himself
approach it full of inflammation and ardour.

XLVT. " And that it may not appear to you extraordinary
and astonishing, that a man should so often be angry, so
often grieve, and be so often excited by every passion of the
mind, especially in other men's concerns, there is such force,
let me assure you, in those thoughts and sentiments which
you apply, handle, and discuss in speaking, that there is no
occasion for simulation or deceit ; for the very nature of the
language which is adopted to* move the passions of others,
moves the orator himself in a greater degree than any one of
those who listen to him. That we may not be surprised, too,
that this happens in causes, in criminal trials, in the danger
of our friends, and before a multitude in the city and in
the forum, where not only our reputation for ability is
at stake, (for that might be a slight consideration ; al-
though, when you have professed to accomplish what few
can do, it is not wholly to be neglected;) but where other
things of greater importance are concerned, fidelity, duty
to our clients, and earnestness in discharging that duty; we
are so much moved by such considerations, that even while
"we defend the merest strangers, we cannot regard them as
strangers, if we wish to be thought honest men ourselves.
But, as I said, that this may not appear surpiising in us,
what can be more fictitious than poetry, than theatrical
representations, than the argument of a play 1 Yet on the
stage I myself have often observed the eyes of the actor

0, XLVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 275

through his mask appear inflamed with fury, while he was
repeating these verses,^

Have you, then, dared to separate him from you,
Or enter Salamis without yoiur brother ?
And dreaded not your father's countenance ?

He never uttered the word 'countenance' but Telamon seemed
to me to be distracted with rage and grief for his son. And
how, lowering his voice to a tone of sorrow, did he appear to
weep and bewail, as he exclaimed.

Whom childless now in the decline of life
You have afflicted, and bei*eaved, and killed ;
Eegardless of your brother's death, regardlesB
Of his young son entrusted to your keeping !

And if even the player who pronounced these verses every
day, could not yet pronounce them efficiently without a feel-
ing of real grief, can you suppose that Pacuvius, when he
wrote them, was in a cool and tranquil state of mind? Such
could not be the case ; for I have often heard that no man
can be a good poet (as they say is left recorded in the writings
of both Democritus and Plato) without ardour of imagina-
tion, and the excitement of something similar to frenzy.

XLVII. " Do not therefore imagine that I, who had no
desire to imitate or represent the calamities or fictitious sor
rows of the heroes of antiquity in my speech, and was no
actor of a foreign and personated part, but a supporter of my
own, when Manius Aquihus, by my efforts, was to be main-
tained in his rights as a citizen, did that which I did in the
peroration of that cause, without a strong feeling. For when
I saw him whom 1 remembered to have been consul, and, as
a general honoured by the senate, to have marched up to the
Capitol with the pomp of an ovation, afflicted, dejected, sor-
rowful, reduced to the last extremity of danger, I no sooner
attempted to excite compassion in others, than I was myself
moved with compassion. I observed, indeed, that the judges
were wonderfully moved, when I brought forward the sor-
rowful old man habited in mourning, and did what you,

' Spondalia. For this word I have given " verses." " That it u
eorrupt," says Ellendt, " all the commentators agree." Hermann, Opuso.
L p. 304, eonjectures d spondd Hid, " from that couch," on which hit
lupposes Telamon may have been reclining.

12

276 DE 4>RAT0RE ; OR, [b. H,

Craasus, commend, not with art (of which I know not what
to say), but with great concern and emotion of mind, «o that
I tore open his garment and showed his scars; when (Jaius
Marius, who was present and sat by, heightened the sorrow
expressed in my speech by his tears ; and when I, frequently
caUing upon him, recommended his colleague to his pro-
tection, and invoked him as an advocate to defend the
common fortune of commanders. This excitement of com-
passion, this adjuration of all gods and men, of citizens and
allies, was not unaccompanied by my tears and extreme com-
miseration on my part; and if, from all the expressions
which I then used, real concern of my own had been
absent, my speech would not only have failed to excite com-
miseration, but would have even deserved ridicule. I, there-
fore, instruct you in these particulars, Sulpicius, I that
am, forsooth, so skilful and so learned a master, showing you
how, in speaking, you may be angry, and sorrowful, and
weep.

" Though why, indeed, should I teach you this, who, in
accusing my quaestor and companion in office,^ raised so fierce
a flame, not only by your speech, but much more by your
vehemence, passion, and fiery spirit, that I could scarce ven-
ture to approach to extinguish it? For you had in that
cause everything in your favour; you brought before the
judges violence, flight, pelting with stones, the cruel exercise
of the tribunitian power in the grievous and miserable
calamity of Csepio; it also appeai'ed that Marcus ^Emilius,
the first man, not only in the senate, but in the city, had
been struck with one of the stones ; and nobody could deny
that Lucius Cotta and Titus Didius, when they would have

* QuintuB Servilius Csepio, in Lis consulship, says Henrichsen, had
embezzled a large portion of the gold taken at the capture of Toulouse,
A.tJ.c. 648. In the following year, when, through the disagreement be-
t'<Yeen him and the consul Manlius, the Romans were defeated in two
battles by the Cimbri, his property was confiscated, and his command
taken from him. Some years afterwards, a.u.c. 659, when Crassus and
Scffivola were consuls, Caius Norbanus, then tribune of the people,
brought Csepio to trial, as it appears, for the embezzlement of the gold
at Toulovise, and for exciting sedition in the city. The senate, to whom
Caepio, in his consulship, had tried to restore the judicial power, exerted
themselves strongly in his behalf; but Norbanus, after exciting a great
tumult, carried his point by force, and Csepio went into banishment ai
Smyrna.

0. XLVIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 277

interposed their negative upon the passing of the law, had
been driven in a tumultuous manner from the temple.

XLVIII. There was also this circumstance in your favour
that you, being merely a youth, were thought to make theso
complaints on behalf of the commonwealth with the utmost
propriety ; I, a man of censorian rank, was thought hardly in
a condition to appear with any honour in defence of a sedi-
tious citizen, a man who had been unrelenting at the calamity
of a consular person. The judges were citizens of the highest
character; the forum was crowded with respectable people,
so that scarcely even a slight excuse was allowed me, although
I was to speak in defence of one who had been my quaestor.
In these circumstances why need I say that I had recourse
to some degree of art? I will state how I acted, and, if you
please, you may place my defence under some head of art.
I noticed, in connexion, the natures, ill effects, and dangers
of every kind of sedition. I brought down my discourse on
that subject through all the changes of circumstances in our
commonwealth ; and I concluded by observing, that though
all seditions had ever been attended with troubles, yet that
some had been supported by justice, and almost by necessity.
I then dwelt on those topics which Crassus just now men-
tioned, that neither could kings have been expelled from this
city, nor tribunes of the people have been created, nor the
consular power have been so often diminished by votes of
the commonalty, nor the right of appeal, that patroness of
the state and guardian of our liberty, have been granted to the
Roman people, without disagreement with the nobility ; and
if those seditions had been of advantage to the republic, it
should not immediately, if any commotion had been raised
among the people, be laid to the charge of Cains Norbanus
as a heinous crime or capital misdemeanour ; but that, if it had
ever been allowed to the people of Rome to appear justly
provoked (and I showed that it had been often allowed), no
occasion was ever more just than that of which I was speaking.
I then gave another turn to my speech, and directed it to
the condemnation of Csepio's flight, aud lamentation for the
loss of the army. By this diversion I made the grief of those to
flow afresh who were- mourning for their friends, and re-excited
the minds of the Roman knights before whom, as judges,
the cause was being pleaded, to hatred towards Qxiiutus

978 DE oratorb; ob, [B.n.

Caepio, from whom they were alienated en account of the
right of judicature.^

XLIX. " But as soon as I perceived that I was in posses-
sion of the favour of the court, and that I had secured
ground for defence, because I had both conciliated the good
feeling of the people, whose rights I had maintained even in
conjunction with sedition, and had brought over the whole
feeling of the judges to our side of the question, either from
their concern for the calamity of the public, or from grief or
regret for their relations, or from their own individxiiftl aver-
sion to Csepio, I then began to intermix with this vehement
and ardent style of oratory that other species of which I
discoursed before, full of lenity and mildness; saying that
I was contending for my companion in office, who, according
to the custom of our ancestors, ought to stand in relation to
me as one of my children, and for almost my whole reputa-
tion and fortunes; that nothing could possibly happen more
dishonourable to my character, or more bitterly adapted to
give pain to me, than if I, who was reputed to have been
oftentimes the preservation of those who were entire
strangers to me, but yet my fellow-citizens, should not be
able to assist an officer of my own. I requested of the
judges to make this concession to my age, to the honours
which I had attained, to the actions which I had performed,
if they saw that I was affected with a just and tender sorrow,
and especially if they were sensible that in other causes I
had asked everything for my friends in peril, but never any-
thing for myself Thus, in the whole of that defence and
cause, the part which seemed to depend on art, the speaking
on the Apuleian law, and explaining what it was to commit
treason, I skimmed and touched upon as briefly as possible.
But by the aid of these two parts of eloquence, to one of
which belongs the excitement of the passions, to the^ other
recommendation to favour, (parts not at all fully treated in
the rules in books on the art,) w£fi the whole of that cause
conducted by me; so that, in reviving the popular displea-
sure against Caepio, I appeared to be a person of the keenest
acrimony; and, in speaking of my behaviour towards my
friends, to be of the most humane disposition. In this

' As Csepio had tried to take it out of the hands of the knights, and
to restore it to th? senate.

4 U.] ON THE CHAKAOTER OF THE ORATOR. 279

manner, rather by exciting the passions of the judges than
by informing their understandings, was your accusation,
Sulpicius, at that time overthrown by me."

L. " In good truth, Antonius," interposed Sulpicivis, " you
recall these circumstances to my memory with justice; since
I never saw anything slip out of any person's hands, as that
cause then slipped out of mine. For whereas, as you ob-
served, I had given you not a cause to plead, but a flame to
extinguish; what a commencement was it (immortal gods!)
that you made ! What timidity was there ! What distrust !
What a degree of hesitation and slowness of speech ! But as
soon as you had gained that by your exordium, which was
the only thing that the assembly allowed you as an excuse,
namely, that you were pleading for a man intimately con-
nected with you, and your own quaestor, how quickly did you
secure your way to a fair audience ! But lo ! when I thought
that you had reaped no other benefit than that the hearers
would think they ought to excuse you for defending a
pernicious citizen, on account of the ties of union betwixt
you, you began to proceed giadually and tacitly, while others
had as yet no suspicion of your designs, though I myself felt
some apprehension, to maintain in your defence that what
had happened was not sedition in Norbanus, but resentment
on the part of the Roman people, resentment not excited
unjustly, but deservedly, and in conformity with their duty.
In the next place, what argument did you omit against
Csepio? How did you confound all the circumstances of
the case by allusions to hatred, ill-will, and compassion?
Nor was this the case only in your defence, but even in
regard to Scaurus and my other witnesses, whose evidence
you did not confute by disproving it, but by having recourse
to the same impetuosity of the people. When those circum-
stances were mentioned by you just now, I felt no desire for
any rules of instruction ; for the very demonstration of your
methods of defence, as stated by yourself, I regard as no
ordinary instruction." " But if you are so disposed," said
A-utonius, " I will tell you what maxims I adopt in speaking,
*nd what I keep principally in view; for a long life and
experience in important affairs have taught me to discern by
what means the minds of men are to be moved.

LI, " The first thing I generally consider is, whether tha

280 DB ORATORB ; OR, [B. II.

cause requires that the minds of the audience should be
excited ; for such fiery oratory is not to be exerted on trivial
subjects, nor when the minds of men are so affected that we
can do nothing by eloquence to influence their opinions, lest
^e be thought to deserve ridicule or dislike, if we either act
tragedies about trifles or endeavour to pluck up what cannot
be moved. For as the feelings on which we have to work in
the minds of the judges, or whoever they may be before
whom we may plead, are love, hatred, anger, envy, pity, hope,
joy, fear, anxiety, we are sensible that love may be gained if
you seem to advocate what is advantageous to the persons
before whom you are speaking; or if you appear to exert
yourself in behalf of good men, or at least for such as are
good and serviceable to them ; for the latter case more en-
gages favour, the former, the defence of virtue, esteem ; and
if a hope of future advantage is proposed, it has a greater
effect than the mention of past benefits. You must endea-
vour to show that in the cause which you defend, either
their dignity or advantage is concerned; and you should
signify that he for whom you solicit their love has referred
nothing to his own private benefit, and done nothing at all
for his own sake; for dislike is felt for the selfish gains of
individuals, while favour is shown to their desires to serve
others. But we must take care, while we are on this topic,
not to appear to extol the merit and glory of those whom we
would wish to be esteemed for their good deeds, too highly,
as these qualities are usually the greatest objects of envy.
From these considerations, too, we shall learn how to draw
haired on our adversaries, and to avert it from ourselves and our
friends. The same means are to be used, also, either to excite
or allay anger; for if you exaggerate every fact that is hurtful
or disadvantageous to the audience, their hatred, is excited;
but if anything of the kind is thrown out against men of
worth, or against characters on whom no one ought to cast any
reflection, or against the public, there is then produced, if not
80 violent a degree of hatred, at least an unfavourable feeling,
or displeasure near akin to hatred. Fear is also inculcated
either from people's own dangers or those of the public. Per-
Boual fear affects men more deeply ; but that which is commoB
to all is to be treated by the orator as having similar influencei
' Since public or common fear must affect individuala.

C. LII.] ON THE OHARATTEE OF THE ORATOR. 281

LII. " Similar, or rather the same, is the case with regard
to hope, joy, and anxiety; but I know not whether the feeUng
of envy is not by far the most violent of all emotions ; nor does
it require less power to suppress than to excite it. Men envy
chiefly their equals or inferiors when they perceive them-
selves left behind, and are mortified that the others have
outstripped them; but there is often a strong unfavourable
feeling towards superiors, which is the stronger if they are
intolerably arrogant, and transgress the fair bounds of com-
mon justice through super-eminence in dignity or fortune. K
such advantages are to be made instruments to kindle dislike,^
the chief thing to be said is, ' that they are not the acquisitions
of virtue, that they have even been gained perhaps by vice
and crime ; and that, however honourable or imposing they
may appear, no merit was ever carried so high as the insolence
of mankind and their contumelious disdain.' To allay envy, it
may be observed, * that such advantages have been gained by
extreme toil and imminent perils ; that they have not been
applied to the individual's own private benefit, but that of
others; that he himself, if he appear to have gained any glory,
although it might not be an undue reward for danger, was not
elated with it, but wholly set it aside and undervalued it ;' and
such an effect must by all means be produced (since most men
are envious, and it is a most common and prevalent vice, and
envy is felt towards all super-eminent and flourishing fortune),
that the opinion entertained of such characters be lowered,
and that their fortunes, so excellent in people's imaginations^
may appear mingled with labour and trouble.

" Pity is excited, if he who hears can be induced to apply
to his own circumstances those unhappy particulars which
are lamented in the case of others, particulars which they
have either suffered or fear to suffer ; and while he looks at
another, to glance frequently at himself. Thus, as all the
circumstances incident to human suffering are heard with
concern, if they are pathetically represented, so virtue in
affliction and humiliation is the most sorrowful of all object*
of contemplation ; and as that other department of eloquence
which, by its recommendation of goodness, ought to give the

' Qua si inflammanda sunt. An elegant mode of expression, for
"si u(l animos invidid, inflammandos adbibenda rcint tan^uam £weii>"
Er»ali.

382 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. IL

picture of a virtuous man, should be in a gentle and (as
I have often observed) a submissive strain, so this, which is
adopted by the orator to effect a change in the minds of the
audience, and to work upon them in every way, should be
vehement and energetic.

LIII. "But there is a certain resemblance in these two
kinds (one of which we would have to be gentle, the other
vehement), that makes it difficult to distinguish them. For
something of that lenity with which we conciliate the afifec-
lions of an audience, ought to mingle with the ardour with
which we awaken their passions ; and something of this ardour
should occasionally communicate a warmth to our gentleness
of language; nor is there any species of eloquence better
tempered than that in which the asperity of contention in
the orator is mitigated by his humanity, or in which the
relaxed tone of lenity is sustained by a becoming gravity and
energy. But in both modes of speaking, as weU that in which
spirit and force are required as that which is brought down to
ordinary life and manners, the beginning should be slow, but
the sequel full and diflFuse.'^ For you must not spring at
once into the pathetic portion of your speech, as it forms no
part of the question, and men are first desirous to learn the
very point that is to come under their judgment; nor, when
you have entered upon that track, are you suddenly to di-
verge from it ; for you are not to suppose that as an argument
is understood as soon as it is stated, and a second and a third
are then desired, so you can with the same ease move com-
passion, or envy, or anger, as soon as you make the attempt.^
Reason itself confirms an argument which fixes itself in the
mind as soon as it is delivered ; but that sort of eloquence
does not aim at instructing the judge, but rather at agitating
his mind by excessive emotion, which no one can produce
unless by fUlness and variety and even copiousness of lan-
guage, and a proportionate energy of delivery. Those, there-
fore, who speak either with brevity, or in a low submissive
strain, may indeed inform the judge, but can never move
him, an efiect on which success altogether depends.

* ExUus spissi et producti esse debent. " Non abrupti, sed lentL"
SUendt. " Yehementea et longiores." Protut.

' Simul atque i/ntuUris. Rem sc. " Ab soon as you have introduced
the subject."

CUT.] ON THE CHABACTER OF THE ORATOR. 28S

" It is clear, that the ability of arguing on evtry subject on
both sides of the question is drawn from the same considera-
tions. But we must resist the force of an argument, either
by refuting those things which are assumed in support of it,
or by showing that the conclusion which our opponents
woidd draw cannot be deduced from the premises, or possibly
follow from them ; or, if you cannot refute an argument in
this manner, you must bring something against it of greater
or equal weight. But whatever is delivered with gentleness
to conciliate favour, or with vehemence to excite emotion, is
to be obviated * by moving contrary feelings, so that benevo-
lence may be eradicated by hatred, and compassion be
dispelled by jealousy.

LIV. " A jocose manner, too, and strokes of wit, give
pleasure to an audience, and are often of great advantage
to the speaker; qualities which, even if everything else
can be taught by art, are certainly peculiar gifts of nature,
and require no aid from instruction. In that department
you, Caesar, in my opinion, far excel all other men ; on
which account you can better bear me testimony, either
that there is no art in wit, or, if there be any, you will
best instruct us in it." " I indeed," says Csesar, " think
that a man who is not destitute of polite learning can dis-
course upon any subject more wittily than upon wit itself!
Accordingly, when I met with some Gr«ek books entitled
'On Jests,' I conceived some hope that I might learn something
from them. I found, it is true, many laughable and witty
sayings of the Greeks ; for those of Sicily excel in that way,
as well as the Rhodians and Byzantines, but, above all, the
people of Attica. But they who have attempted to deliver
rules and principles on that subject, have shown themselves
so extremely foolish, that nothing else in them has excited
laughter but their folly. This talent, therefore, appears to me
incapable of being communicated by teaching. As there are
two kinds of wit, one running regularly through a whole
speech, the other pointed and concise; the ancients denomi-
nated the former humour,^ the latter jesting. Each sort

^ Orelliua's text haa inferenda ; many others, eferenda. There have
Veen varioua conjectures offered, as infirmcmda, evertend<i, el'SvandOf
infringenda. The reader may take his choice.
, ' Cavillatio. Ironical or satirical humour seems to be meantb

284 DE OBATORE ; OR, [b. II.

has but a light name, and justly;^ for it is altogether but
a light thing to raise a laugh. However, as you observe,
Antonius, I have seen advantageous effects produced in plead-
ings by the aid of wit and humour ; but, as in the former
kind, I mean humour that runs through a speech, no aid from
art is required, (for Nature forms and produces men to be
facetious mimics or story-tellers ; their look, and voice, and
mode of expression assisting their conceptions ;) so likewise
in the other, that of occasional facetiousness, what room
is there for art, when the joke ought to be uttered, and
fixed in the mind of the hearer, before it appears possible to
have been conceived? For what assistance could my brother
here receive from art, when, being asked by Philippus why he
barked so, he replied, Becatise he saw a thief? Or what aid
could Crassus have received in that whole speech which he
delivered before the Centumviri, in opposition to Scsevola, or
when he pleaded for Cneius Plancus against the accusation of
Bnitus 1 For that talent which you, Antonius, attribute to
me, must be allowed to Crassus by the confession of all man-
kind; since hardly any person can be found besides him
eminent in both these kinds of wit, that which runs through
a continued discourse, and that which consists in smartness and
occasional jokes. His whole defence in the cause of Curius, in
opposition to Scsevola, was redundant with a certain pleasantry
and humour; but of those sharp short jests it had none; for
he was tender of the dignity of his opponent, and in that
respect maintained his own; though it is extremely difficult for
men of wit and facetiousness to preserve a regard to persons
and times, and to suppress what occurs to them when it may
be expressed with most pungent eflfect. Accordingly, some
jesters put a humorous interpretation upon the well-known
words of Ennius; for he said, as they observe, That a wise
man can more easily/ keep in Jlame while his mouth is on fire,
than withhold ' bona dicta,' good words ; and they say that
good words mean wiity sayings ; for sayings are called dixAa
by an appropriate term.

LV. *' But as Crassus forbore from such jests in his speech
against Scaevola, and sported throughout that cause and dis-
cussion with that other species of humour in which there are

' Quippe; leve enim, &c. Qidppe is equivalent to the Greek tlxiitn
Mlendt

C. LV.] OX THK CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 285

no stings of sarcasm; ^ in that against Brutus, whom La
hated, and thought deserving of insult, he fought with both,
kinds of wit. How many severe things did he say about the
baths which Brutus had lately sold? how many on the loss of
his paternal estate? And they were concise; as when Brutus,
speaking of himself, said thM he sweated without cause. 'No
wonder that you sweaty said Crassus, 'for you are just turned
dvt of the baths.' There were innumerable things of this kind
in the speech, but his continuous vein of pleasantry was not
less amusing ; for when Brutus had called up two readers,
and had given to one the speech of Crassus upon the colony of
Narbonne, to the other that on the Servilian law, to read, and
had compared together the contradictory sections on public
affairs contained in each, our friend very facetiously gave the
three books of Brutus's father, written on the civil law, to
three different persons to read. Out of the first book was
read this sentence, ' It happened by chance that we were on
my estate at Privernum.' On which clause Crassus made
this observation, 'Brutus, your father testifies that he left you
an estate at Frivernum.' Again, out of the second book, * My
son Marcus and I were at my Alban villa;' when Crassus
remarked, ' This wise man, who was justly ranked among
the wisest in our city, had evidently some foreknowledge of this
spendthrift's character, and was afraid, that wlien he came to
have nothing, it might he imagined that nothing was left him*
Afterwards out of the third book, with which the author con-
cluded his work, (for that number of books, as I have heard
Scsevola say, are the genuine compositions of Brutus,) ' It
chanced that my son Marcus and myself were sitting in my
villa near Tibur ;' when Ci-assus exclaimed, * Where are those
estates now, Brutus, that your father left you, as recorded in his
public commentaries ? But if he had not seen you arrived at the
<tge of puberty, he would have composed a fourth hooJc, and left
it in writing that he talked with his son in his own baths.*
Who does not acknowledge, now, that Brutus was not less con-
futed by this humour, these comic jests, than by that tragic
tone which the same orator adopted, when by accident,
Juring the hearing of the same cause, the funeral procession
of the old lady Junia passed by ? Ye immortal gods ! what
force and energy was that with which he spoke ! how unex-
pected! how sudden! when, casting his eyes that way, with

286 DE ORATOREj OR, [b. IL

his whole gesture directed towards Brutus, with the utmost
gravity and rapidity of expression, he exclaimed, ^Brutus, why
do you ait still ? What would you have that old lady communi-
cate to your father ? What to all those whose statues you see carried
by ? What to your other ancestors ? What to Lucius Bruttis, who
freed this people from regal tyranny 2 What shall she say that
you are doing ? What business, what glory, what virtue shall she
say that you are pursuing ? That you are engaged in increasing
your patrimony ? But that is no characteristic of nobility. Yet
suppose it were; you have none left to increase ; your extrava-
gance has squandered the whole of it. That you are studying the
civil law ? That was your father's pursuit; but she will relate
that when you sold your house, you did not even among the
moveables^ reserve the chair from which your father answered his
clients. That you are applying to the military art ? You who
have never seen a camp. Or to eloquence ? But no portion of
eloquence dwells in you; and such power of voice and tongue
as you have, you have devoted to the infamous trade of a com-
mon informer. Dare you even behold the light ? Or look this
assembly in the face i Dare you present yourself in the forum,
in the city, in the public assembly of the citizens ? Do you not
fear even that dead corpse, and those very images of your an-
cestors, you who have not only left yourself no room for the
imitation of their virtues, but none in which you can place their
statues?^

LVI. " This is in a tragic and sublime strain of language ;
but you all recollect instances without number of facetious-
ness and polite humour in one speecli ; for never was there
a more vehement dispute on any occasion, or an oration of
greater power delivered before tlie people, than that of
Crassus lately in his censorship, in opposition to his col-
league, nor one better seasoned with wit and humour. I
agree with you, therefore, Antonius, in both points, that
jesting is often of great advantage in speaking, and that it
cannot be taught by any rules of art. But I am astonished
that you should attribute so much power to me in that way,
and not assign to Crassus the palm of pre-eminence in this as

^ Ne in rutis quidem et ccesis. Ruta were such things as could be
remoTed from houses and other premises without pulling down or
damaging any portion of them ; ccesa, as Proust remarks, refers to th«
«uttins down of trees.

C. LVn.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 287

in other departments of eloquence." " I should have done
BO," said Antonius, " if I had not sometimes envied Crassus
a little in this respect ; for to be ever so facetious and witty
is not of itself an extraordinary subject of envy; but,
when you are the most graceful and polite of speakers, to be,
and to be thought, at the same time, the most grave and
dignified of men, a distinction which has been granted to
Crassus alone, seems to me almost unendurable." Crassus
having smiled at this, Antonius said, " But, Julius, while you
denied that art had anything to do with facetiousness, you
brought to our notice something that seemed worthy of pre-
eept ; for you said that regard ought to be paid to persons,
times, and circumstances, that jesting might not detract from
dignity ; a rule which is particularly observed by Crassus.
But this rule only directs that jokes should be suppressed
when there is no fair occasion for them ; what we desire to
know is, how we may use them when there is occasion; as
against an adversary, especially if his folly be open to attack,
or against a foolish, covetous, trifling witness, if the audience
seem disposed to listen patiently. Those sayings are more
likely to be approved which we utter on provocation, than
those which we utter when we begin an attack; for the
quickness of wit, which is shown in answering, is more re-
markable, and to reply is thought allowable, as being natural
to the human temper ; since it is presumed that we should
have remained quiet if we had not been attacked ; as in that
very speech to which you alluded scarcely anything was said
by our friend Crassus here, anything at least that was at all
humorous, which he did not utter in reply, and on provocation.
For there was so much gravity and authority in Domitius,*
that the objections which came from him seemed more likely
to be enfeebled by jests than broken by arguments."

LVIT. Sulpicius soon after said, "Shall we, then, sufiFer
Csesar, who, though he allows wit to Crassus, is yet himself
far more intent on acquiring a character for it, to exempt

* Cneius Domitius Ahenobarbus, in his tribuneship, A.u.c. 651, was
hostile to the pontifices, because they had not chosen him in the place
of his father, and proposed a law that those who were chosen by the
pontifices into their body should not be appointed till their choice was
sanctioned by the people. Veil. Pat. ii. 12; Suet. Ner. 2; Cic. Rull.
ii. 7. He had some ability in speaking, but was not numbered amoDg
eminent orators. Cic. Brut. 45. Menrichsen,

288 DB OBATORE : OR, [b. 11.

himself from explaining to us the whole subject of humour,
what is the nature of it, and from whence derived; espe-
oiftlly as he owns that there is so much efficacy and advantage
in wit and jesting?" " What if I agree with Antonius," re-
joined CsBsar, " in thinking that art has no concern with wit?"
As Sulpicius made no remark, " As if," said Crassus, " art
could at all assist in acquiring those talents of which An-
tonius has been so long speaking. There is a certain obser-
vation to be paid, as he remarked, to those particulars which
are most effective in oratory; but if such observation could
make men eloquent, who would not be so? For who could
not learn these particulars, if not with ease, at least in some
way ? But I think that of such precepts, the use and advan-
tage is, not that we may be directed by art to find out what
we are to say, but that we may either feel certain as to what
we attain by natural parts, by study, or by exercise, that
it is right, or understand that it is wrong, having been in-
structed to what rule the several particulars are to be referred.
I, therefore, also join in the petition to you, Caesar, that you
would, if it is agreeable to you, tell us what you think on
jocoseness in general, lest, by accident, any part of eloquence,
since that is your object, should appear to have been passed
over in so learned an assembly, and such a studied con-
versation." "Well, then, Crassus," replied Caesar, "since
you require payment from a guest, I will, by refusing it,
furnish you with a pretext for refusing to entertain us again ;
though I am often astonished at the impudence of those who
act upon the stage while Roscius is a spectator of their
attitudes ; for who can make the least motion without Roscius
seeing his imperfections? So I shall now have to speak first
on wit in the hearing of Crassus, and to teach like a swine,^
as they say, that orator of whom Catulus said, when he
heard him lately. That other speakers ought to be fed upon
hay." * " Ah !" said Crassus, " Catulus was joking, especially
as he speaks himself in such a manner that he seems to
deserve to be fed on ambrosia. But let us hear you, Csesar,
that we may afterwards return to the remainder of the
discourse of Antonius." " There is little remaining for ma

* An allusion to the proverb Sus Mmervam.

^ He signified that other pleaders were mere brute animals in conr
parisoQ with Crassus, and therefore ta bd £ad upon hay. Twnuiua,

0. LVIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 28S

to say," replied Antonius; "but as I am wearied -with the
labour and the length of what I have said, I shall repose
during the discourse of Ceesar as in some opportune place of
entertainment." LVIII. " But," said Csesar, " you will not
pronounce my entertainment very liberal ; for as soon as you
have tasted a little I shall thrust you out, and turn you into
the road again. However, not to detain you any longer, I
will deliver my sentiments very briefly on this department
of eloquence in general.

" Concerning laughter, there are five things which are sub-
jects of consideration: one, 'What it is;' another, 'Whence
it originates;' a third, 'Whether it becomes the orator to
wish to excite laughter;' a fourth, 'To what degree;' a fifth,
' What are the several kinds of the ridiculous ?' As to the
first, ' What laughter itself is,' by what means it is excited,
where it lies, how it arises, and bursts forth so suddenly that
we are unable, though we desire, to restrain it, and how it
affects at once the sides, the face, the veins, the countenance,
the eyes, let Democritus consider ; for all this has nothing to
do with my remarks, and if it had to do with them, I should
not be ashamed to say that I am ignorant of that which not
even they understand who profess to explain it. But the seat
and as it were province of what is laughed_| at, (for that is
the next point of inquiry,) lies in a certain ofiensiveness
and deformity; for those sayings are laughed at solely or
chiefly which point out and designate something offensive in
an inoffensive manner. But, to come to the third point, it
certainly becomes the orator to excite laughter; either because
mirth itself attracts favour to him by whom it is raised ; or
because all admire wit, which is often comprised in a single
word, especially in him who replies, and sometimes in him
who attacks; or because it overthrows the adversary, or
hampers him, or makes light of him, or discourages, or refutes
him ; or because it proves the orator himself to be a man of
taste, or learning, or polish ; but chiefly because it mitigates
and relaxes gravity and severity, and often, by a joke or a
laugh, breaks the force of offensive remarks, which cannot
easily be overthrown by arguments. But to what degree the
laughable should be carried by the oititor requires very dili-
gent consideration; a point which we placed as the fourth
subject of inquiry; for neither great vice, such as is united

n

S9iJ DE oratoiie; ob, [ib. lu

with crime, nor great misery, is a subject for ridicule and
laughter; since people will have those guilty of enormous
crimes attacked with more forcible weapons than ridicule;
and do not like the miserable to be derided, unless perhaps
when they are insolent ; and you must be considerate, too,
of the feelings of mankind, lest you rashly speak against
those who are. personally beloved.

LIX. "Such is the caution that must be principally observed
in joking. Those subjects accordingly are most readily jested
upon which are neither provocative of violent aversion, nor of
extreme compassion. All matter for ridicule is therefore
found to lie in such defects as are to be observed in the
characters of men not in universal esteem, nor in calamitous
circumstances, and who do not appear desei'ving to be dragged
to punishment for their crimes ; such topics nicely managed
create laughter. In deformity, also, and bodily defects, is
found fair enough matter for ridicule; but we have to ask
the same question here as is asked on other points, ' How far
the ridicule maybe carried?' In this respect it is not only
directed that the orator should say nothing impertinently,
but also that, even if he can say anything very ridicxdously,
he should avoid both errors, lest his jokes become either buf-
foonery or mimicry ; qualities of which we shall better under-
stand the nature when we come to consider the different
species of the ridiculous.

"There are two sorts of jokes, one of which is excited by
thfngs, the other by words. By things, whenever any matter
is told in the way of a stoiy; as you, Crassus, formerly
stated in a speech against Memmius,^ That he had eaten
a piece of Largiuis arm, because he had had a quarrel with
him at Tarracina about a courtezan ; it was a witty story, but
wholly of your own invention. You added this particular,
that throughout Tarracina these letters were inscribed on
every wall, M M, LLL; and that when you inquired what they
meant, an old man of the town replied, Mordacious Memmitis
Lacerates Largiuis LinibP' You perceive clearly how face-

' The same that is mentioned by Sallust, as having accused Calpumiiu
Bostia.

2 Lacerat Lacertum Largt Mordax Memmius. The writer of the
article " Memmius " in Dr. Smith's Biog. Diet, thinks that Memmius had
froir aome cause the nickname of Mordax. The story of his having

0. LX.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 291

tious this mode of joking may be, how elegant, how suitable'
to an orator; whetner you have any true story to tell, (which
however must be interspersed with fictitious circumstances,)
or whether you merely invent. The excellence of such jesting
is, that you can describe things as occurring in such a way,
that the manners, the language, and every look of the person
of whom you speak, may be represented, so that the occur-
rence may seem to the audience to pass and take place at the
very time when you address them. Another kind of jest
taken from things, is that which is derived from a depraved
sort of imitation, or mimicry ; as when Crassus also exclaimed.
By your nobility, by your family, what else was there at which
the assembly could laugh but that mimicry of look and tone ?
But when he said, by your statues, and added something of
gesture by extending his arm, we all laughed immoderately.^
Of this species is Roscius's imitation of an old man ; when
he says,

For you, my Antipho, I plant these trees, ^

it is old age itself that seems to speak while I listen to him.-
But all this department of ridicule is of such a nature that it
must be attempted with the greatest caution. For if the
imitation is too extravagant, it becomes, like indecency, the
part of players in pantomime and farce ; the orator should be
moderate in imitation, that the audience may conceive more
than they can see represented by him ; he ought also to give
proof of ingenuousness and modesty, by avoiding everything
offensive or unbecoming in word or act.

LX. " These, therefore, are the two kinds of the ridiculous
which is drawn from things ; and they suit well with con-
tinuous pieces of humour, in which the manners of mankind
are so described and expressed, that, either by means of some
narrative, their character is exactly understood, or, by throw-
ing in a little mimicry, they may be convicted of some
impropriety remarkable enough for ridicule. But in words,
the ridiculous is that which is excited by the point of a par-
eaten or bitten Largius's arm, appears, from what Cicero says, to have ■
been a mere invention of Crassus. Wo do not half understand the joke.

' This jest is from a speech of Crassus against Domitius. The gen*
Domitia, a family of great nobility, had produced many patricuuM-
remarkable, as well for other vices, as for vanity. EUtndt.

* Theae words are froim some play now lost.

293 ©E oratore; or, [b. n.

ticular eipression or thouglit: but as, in the former kind,
both in narration and imitation, all resemblance to the
players of pantomime should be avoided, so, in this, all
scurrilous buffoonery is to be studiously shunned by the
orator. How, then, shall we distinguish from Crassus, from
Catulus, and from others, your acquaintance Granius, or my
friend Vargula ? No proper distinction really occurs to me ;
for they are both witty ; no man has more of verbal wit-
ticism than Granius. The first point to be observed, how-
ever, is, I think, that we should not fancy ourselves obliged
to utter a jest whenever one may be uttered. A very little
witness was produced. May I question him? says Philippus.
The judge who presided,^ being in a huriy, replied. Yes,
if he is short. You shall have no fault to find, said Philippus,
for I shall question him very short. This was ridiculous
enough; but Lucius Aui'ifex was sitting as judge in the
cause, who was shorter than the witness himself; so that all
the laughter was turned upon the judge, and hence the joke
appeared scurrilous. Those good things, therefore, which hit
those whom you do not mean to hit, however witty they are,
are yet in their nature scurrilous; as when Appius, who
would be thought witty, — and indeed is so, but sometimes
slides into this fault of scurrility, — said to Caius Sextius, an
acquaintance of mine, who is blind of an eye, / will sup with
you to-night, for I see that there is a vacancy for one. This
was a scurrilous joke, both because he attacked Sextius
without provocation, and said what was equally applicable
to all one-eyed persons. Such jokes, as they are thought
premeditated, excite less laughter; but the reply of Sextius
was excellent and extempore: Wash your hands^ said he,
and come to supper. A regard, therefore, to proper times,
moderation and forbearance in jesting, and a limitation in
the number of jokes, will distinguish the orator from the
buffoon; and the circumstance, besides, that we joke with an
object, not that we may appear to be jesters, but that we may
gain some advantage, while they joke all day without any

' QucBsitor. The magistrate who presided at a qucestio capitalig,
whether the praetor or any other. See Cic. Verr. L 10 ; Vatin. 14 ; Sail
Jug. 40. Henrichsen.

* Whether the joke was directed againat "h^m as being unclean, or u
being dishonest, is uncertain. Ellendt,

0. LXI.] ON THE 3HARACTEB OP THE OEATOR. 293

purpose whatever. For whai did Vargula gain by saving,
when Aulus Sempronius, then a candidate for office, and his
brother Marcus, saluted him. Boy, drive away thejlies ? Hia
aim was to raise a laugh, which is, in my opinion, a very poor
effect of wit. The proper season, then, for jesting, we must
determine by our own prudence and judgment; in the exer-
cise of which I wish that we had some body of rules to direct
us ; but nature is the sovereign guide.

LXI. " Let us now consider briefly the sorts of jests that
chiefly excite laughter. Let this, then, be our first division,
that whatever is expressed wittily, consists sometimes in
a thought, sometimes in the mere language, but that men
are most delighted with a joke when the laugh is raised by
the thought and the language in conjunction. But remember
this, that whatever topics I shall touch upon, from which
ridicule may be drawn, from almost the same topics serious
thoughts may be derived : there is only this difference, that
seriousness is used on dignified subjects with gravity, joking
on such as are in some degree unbecoming, and as it were
grotesque; for instance, we may with the very same words
commend a thrifty servant, and jest upon one that is ex-
travagant. That old saying of Nero ^ about a thieving servant
is humorous enough. That he was the only one from whom
nothing in the house was sealed or locked up; a thing which
is not only said of a good servant, but in the very same
words. From the same sources spring all kinds of sayings.
What his mother said to Spurius Cai-vilius, who halted griev-
ously from a wound received in the public service, and was
on that account ashamed to go out of doors, Go, my Spurius,
that as often as you take a step you may be reminded of your
merits, was a noble and serious thought ; but what Glaucia
said to Calvinus, when he limped, Where is the old proverb —
Does he claudicats ? no; but he clodicates,^ is ridiculous; and

* Probably taken from the apophthegms of Cato, and probably, also,
a saying of Caius Claudius Nero, who was consul with Marcus Livius,
A.TJ.C. 547, and defeated Hannibal at Sena. Li v. xxvii. 34. Ellendt.

* The original is, Num claudicat ? at hie clodicat. " What, is he
lame ? No ; but he favours Clodius." The reader easily sees that the
force of the pun, which is bad enough at the first hand, is entirely lost
by a literal translation. I have been forced to coin two English words
from the Latin to convey some idea of it. Had Clodius lived in thia
country, and his name been GrevUle, I had been as happy as Glaucia;

2^4 DE ORATOR£ ; OR, [b. II.

yet both are derived from what may be observed with regard
to lameness. Wliat is more ignave than this Ncevius ? ^ said
Scipio with severity; but Pbilippus, with some humour, to
one who had a strong smell, / perceive that I am circumvented
by you ; " yet it is the resemblance of words, with tlie change
'Only of a letter, that constitutes both jokes.

" Those smart sayings which spring from some ambiguity
-tire thought er ' remely ingenious ; but they are not always
•employed to express jests, but often even grave thoughts.
What Publius Licinus Varus said to Africanus the elder,
when he was endeavouring to fit a chaplet to his head at an
■entertainment, and it broke several times, Do not wonder if
it does not Jit you, for you have a great head, was a fine and
noble thought; but He is bald enough, for he saq/s hut little,^
is of the same sort. Not to be tedious, there is no subject for
jest from which serious and grave reflections may not be
•drawn. It is also to be observed that everything which is
4-idiculous is not witty; for what can be so ridiculous as a
buffoon 1* But it is by his face, his appearance, his look, his
unimicry, his voice, and, in fine, by his whole figure, that he

■for then I could have said, " Where is the old proverb, What, is he
■fjravelledl No; but he is Grevilled. B. Num claudicat is thought
by Strebseus to have been a common question with regard to a man
•euspected of want of judgment or honesty.

' Quid hoc Nmvio ignavius ? It is thought to have been a joke of
Publius Africanus Major, who, according to some, was accused by the
Petilii, tribunes of the people, or, according to others, by a certain
Marcus Nsevius. See Liv. xxxviii. 50, 56; Val. Max. iii. 7; A. GelL
iv. 18. But it might have been said by Africanus the younger in
reference to some other man. EUendt.

' Video me a te circumveniri. Toup, in his Appendix to Theocritus,
fluggests that we should read Video me d, te nan circum, sed hircum-
veniri, referring to a similar joke of Aristophanes, Acharn. 850,

' Calvus satis est, quod dicit parum. The meaning is by no means
•clear, and no change in the punctuation elucidates it Pearce sup-
poses that it is said of a bad orator : " If he were to say more, he would
give less satisfaction ; what he has said is so far satisfactory, as it is
brief." .... Henrichsen thinks that calvue might be used metaphori-
cally, as calva oratio for jejuna; and that the joke is on the ambiguity
of the word. To me the passage seems inexplicable. Ellendt. Whether
calvus in the text be a proper name or not, is a matter of uncertainty ;
Tumebus thinks it is not.

* SaTinio. The sanniones were so called from sarma, a grimace, and
personated ridiculous characters, like the ATlecchini or Pvlcinelli of the
Italians. EUendt.

C LXIl.J ON THE CHAHAOTEIi OF THE ORATOR. 295

•excites laughter I might, indeed, call him witty, but not in
such a way that I "would have an orator, but an actor in
pantomime, to be witty.

LXII. " This kind of jesting, above all, then, though it
powerfully excites laughter, is not suited to us ; it represents
the morose, the superstitious, the suspicious, the vainglorious,
the foolish; — habits of mind which are in themselves ridi-
culous; and such kind of characters we are to expose, not to
assume. There is another kind of jesting which is extremely
ludicrous, namely mimicry ; but it is allowable only in us tc
attempt it cautiously, if ever we do attempt it, and but for a
moment, otherwise it is far from becoming to a man of edu-
cation. A third is distortion of features, utterly unworthy
of us. A fourth is indecency in language, a disgrace not only
to the forum, but to any company of well-bred people. So
many things, then, being deducted from this part of oratory,
the kinds of jesting which remain are (as I distinguished
them before) such as consist in thought or in expression.
That which, in whatever terms you express it, is still wit,
consists in the thought; that which by a change of words
loses its spirit, has no wit but what depends on expression,

" Plays on ambiguous words are extremely ingenious, but
depend wholly on the expression, not on the matter. They
seldom, however, excite much laughter, but are rather com-
mended as jests of elegance and scholarship; as that about
Titius, whom, being a great tennis-player, and at the same
time suspected of having broken the sacred images by night,
Terentius Vespa excused, when his companions inquired for
him, as he did not come to the Campus Martius, by saying
that he had broken an arm. Or as that of Africanus, which
is in Lucilius,

Quid ? Decius, nuculam an corifixum vis facere ! inquit.^

1 This verse of Lucilius would be unintelligible to us, even if we
^ere certain that the reading of it is sound. Heusinger thinks that
Lucilius referred to the game played with nuts, which the author of
the elegy entitled " Nux " mentions : Qua3 puer aut rectus certo dila-
ninat ictu. Others think that confixum facere signifies merely conji'
pere. Emesti supposes that a sort of dish, made of pieces of flesh,
(ricasee, is meant. Schutz suggests that, if this be the meaning of
confixum, a ^me kind of eatable must be intended by nucida. But thii
profits us r3thing. EUendt.

296 DB oratore; or, [an

Or, as youi friend Granius, Crassus, said of aomebody, Thai
he was not worth the sixth part of an as,^ And if you were
to ask me, I should say that he who is called a jester, excels
chiefly in jokes of this kind; but that other jests excite
laughter in a greater degree. The ambiguous gains great
admiration, as I observed before, from its nature, for it ap-
pears the part of a wit to be able to turn the force of a word
to quite another sense than that in which other people take
it ; but it excites surprise rather than laughter, unless when
it happens to be joined with some other sorts of jesting.

LXIII. " Some of these sorts of jesting I will now run over :
but you are aware that that is the most common kind of joke,
when we expect one thing and another is said ; in which case
our own disappointed expectation makes us laugh. But if
something of the ambiguous is thrown in with it, the wit is
heightened; as in Nsevius, a man seems to be moved with
compassion who, seeing another, that was sentenced for debt,
being led away, inquires. For how much is he adjudged f
He is answered, A thousand sestertii. If he had then added
only. You may take him away, it would have been a species
of joke that takes you by surprise; but as he said, I add
no more; you may take him away, (thus introducing the
ambiguous, another kind of jest,) the repartee, as it seems
to me, is rendered witty in the highest degree. Such equi-
vocation is most happy, when, in any dispute, a word is
caught from your adversary, and thence something severe is
turned upon the very person who gave the provocation, as by
Catulus upon Philippus.^ But as there are several sorts of
ambiguity, with regard to which accurate study is necessary,
we should be attentive and on the watch for words ; and thus,
though we may avoid frigid witticisms, (for we must be cau-
tious that a jest be not thought far-fetched,) we shall hit upon
mawy acute sayings. Another kind is that w'iich consists in
a slight change in a word, which, when produced by the alte-
ration of a letter, the Greeks call 7rapovo/*ao-ia, as Cato called
Nohilior^ Mohilior ; or as, when he had said to a certain

■ Non esse sextaniis. A phrase applied either to anything worth more
than a sextans, and therefore perhaps of great value, or to anything
v/orth leas than a sextans, or of no value at all. Turnehus.

^ See c. 54,

» IVIarcxis Fulvius Nobilior. Cato had accused him of having taker

C. LXIV.j ON THE CHAEACTEB OF THE ORATOR. 297

person, Eamua deambulatum, and the other asked, Quid ovua
fuit dieI Cato rejoined, /md verd, quid opus fuit te?^ Or
that repartee of the same Cato, If you are both adverse
and averse in your shameless practices. The interpretation
of a name also has wit in it, when you assign a ridiculous
reason why a person is so called ; as I lately said of
Nummius, who distributed money ^ at elections, that he had
found a name in the Campus Martins as Neoptolemus found
one at Troy.

LXIV. " All such jokes lie in a single word. Often too
a verse is humorously introduced, either just as it is, or with
some little alteration; or some part of a verse, as Statius
said to Scaurus when in a violent passion : (whence some
say, Crassus, that your law ^ on citizenship had its rise :)

Htish ! Silence I what ia all this noise ? Have you,
Who neither have a father nor a mother,
Such confidence ? Away with all that pride.

In the case of Cselius, that joke of yours, Antonius, was
assuredly of advantage to your cause ; when, appearing as a
witness, he had admitted that a great deal of money had
gone from him, and as he had a son who was a man of plea-
sure, you, as he was going away, said.

See you the old man, touch'd for thirty minse ?

To the same purpose proverbs may be applied; as in the
joke of Scipio, when Asellus was boasting that while he had
served in the army, he had marched through all the pro-
vinces. Drive an ass, <kc^ Such jokes, as they cannot, if any

poets with him into his province, and called him Mobilior, to denote his
levity, which, among the Komans, who were fond of gravity and steadi-
ness, was a great crime. Turnehua. See Cic. Tusc. Qusest. i. 2. He
had also built a temple to the Muses. Cic. ib. et Arch. c. 11 ; Brut.
0. 20 ; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 36. Elkndt.

* This appears to us modems a very poor joke. No translation can
make it intelligible to those who do not understand the original.

' Divisorem. Diviaores were those who distributed money among the
tribes, in the name of the candidates, aa bribes for their votes. Sea
Cic. Verr. i. 8 ; Plane. 19.^ f^.lendt.

* The Lex Licinia Mucui ae civibiis regendis, A.U.O. 669, by which it
was provided that no one should be accounted a citizen who waa not
really a citizen. Cic. Off. iii. 11. Ellendt.

* Tunv?bus thinks that the reference ia to the Greek proverb, Et |*ik

298 DE ouATORE ; OR, [b. II.

«hangti is made in the words of them, retain the same grace,
;are necessarily considered as turning, not on the matter, but
on the mere expression.

" There is also a kind of joke, not at all absurd, which liea
in expression, when you seem to understand a thing literally,
and not in its obvious meaning; in which kind it was that
Tutor,^ the old mimic, an exceedingly laughable actor, ex-
clusively distinguished himself. But I have nothing to do
•with actors; I only wished this kind of jesting ^to be illus-
trated by some notable example. Of this kind was your
Unswer lately, Crassus, to one who asked you whether he
^ould be troublesome if he came to you some time before it was
light : and you said, You will not be troublesome : when he
rejoined, You will order yourself to be waked then 1 to which
you rephed, Surely I said that you would not be troublesome.
Of the same sort was that old joke which they say that Mar-
cus Scipio Maluginensis made, when he had to report from
his century that Acidiuus was voted consul, and the officer
■cried out. Declare as to Lucius Manlius, he said, I declare
him to be a worthy man, and an excellent member of the com-
monwealth. The answer of Lucius [Porcius] ^ Nasica to Cato
the censor was humorous enough, when Cato said to him, Are
y9U truly scUisJied that you have taken a wife ? No, indeed,
replied Nasica, / am not truly satisfied.^ Such jests are in-
sipid, or witty only when another answer is expected ; for
our surprise (as I before* observed) naturally amuses us;
and thus, when we are deceived, as it were, in our expectation,
we laugh,

LXV. " Those jests also lie in words, which spring from

Zvva.10 fiovv, i\avve ivov, " If you cannot drive an ox, drive an ass," (see
Apostol. Prov. viL 53 ; Zenob. iii. 54 ; ) but that proverb seema inap-
plicable to this passage. Talseus and Lambinus supiiose, with more
probability, that something like this must be understood : A gas aseUum,
■cursit/m non docebitur. Asellus is again mentioned in c. 66. Ellendt.

* Nothing is recorded of that actor in pantomime. Ellendt.

' This passage is corrupt, but as no emendation of it can be trusted,
it will be sufficient to enclose Porcius in brackets. Orellius.

8 Ex tvi animi sententid tu uxorem habes ? The words ex animi sen-
temiid had two significations : they were used by the censors in putting
'questions in the sense of " truly, sincerely ; " but they were used in
flommon conversation in the sense of " to a person's satisfaction." From
6he ambiguity of the phrase proceeds the joke.

* C. 63.

C. LXVI,] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 299

some allegorical phraseology, or from a metaphorical use of
some one word, or from using words ironically. From alle-
gorical phraseology: as when Rusca, in old times, proposed
the law to fix the ages of candidates for ofl&ces, and Marcus
Servilius, who opposed the law, said to him ; Tell me, Marcus
Pinarius Eusca, if I apeak against you, unll you speak ill q/
me as you hate spoken of others ? As you shall sow, replied
he, so you shall reap. From the use of a single word in a
metaphorical sense : as when the elder Scipio said to the
Corinthians, who offered to put up a statue of him in the
place where those of other commanders were. That he did not
like such comrades. From the ironical use of words : as
when Crassus spoke for Aculeo before Marcus Perperna as
judge, and Lucius ^lius Lama appeared for Gratidianus
against Aculeo, and Lama, who was deformed, as you know,
offered impertinent interruptions, Crassus said. Let us hear
this beautiful youth. When a laugh followed, / could not form
my own shape, said Lamia, but I could form my understand-
ing. Then, said Crassus, let tw hear this able orator; when
a greater laugh than before ensued. Such jests are agreeable
as well in grave as in humorous speeches. For I observed,
a little while ago,^ that the subjects for jest and for gravity
are distinct ; but that the same form of expression will serve for
grave remarks, as for jokes. Words antithetically used^ are
a great ornament to language ; and the same mode of using
them is often also humorous; thus, when the well-known
Servius Galba can-ied to Lucius Scribonius the tribune a
list of his own intimates to be appointed as judges, and Libo
said, What, Galba, will you never go out of your own dining-
room ? Yes, replied Galba, when you go out of other men's bed-
chambers. To this kind of joke the saying of Glaucia to
Metellus is not very dissimilar : You have your villa at Tibur,
but your court on mount Palatine.^

LXVI. " Such kinds of jokes as lie in words I think that
I have now sufficiently discussed ; but such as relate to things

» C. 61,

' Verba relata contrarH. Which the Greeks call ovrffleTO, when eon-
trariis opponuntv/r contraria, Cic. Or. 50.

* Villam in Tiburte habes, cortem in Palatio. Cort or chors meant
a coop, pen, or moveable sheep-fold . Schutz and Strebseus, therefore,
suppose that Olaucia intended to designate the companions of Metellua
KB cvUtle, for which be bad a pen on the Palatine.

SOO DE 0BAT0B5 ; OR, [B. IL

are more numerous, and excite more laughter, as I observed
before.^ Among them is narrative, a matter of exceeding
difl&culty; for such things are to be described and set before
the eyes, as may seem to be probable, which is the excellence
of narration, and such also as are grotesque, which is the
peculiar province of the ridiculous; for an example, as the
shortest that I recollect, let that serve which I mentioned
before, the story of Crassus about Memmius.^ To this head
we may assign the narratives given in fables. Allusions are
also drawn from history ; as when Sextus Ti tins' said he was
a Cassandra, I can name, said Antonius, many of your Ajaces
Oilei.^ Such jests are also derived from similitudes, which
include either comparison or something of bodily representa-
tion. A comparison, as when Gallus, that was once a witness
against Piso, said that a countless svun of money had been
given to Magius^ the governor, and Scaurus tried to confute
him, by alleging the poverty of Magius, You mistake me,
Scaurus, said he, for I do not say that Magitis has saved it,
hut that, like a man gathering nuts without his clothes, he has
put it into his belly. Or, as when Marcus Cicero^ the elder,
the father of that excellent man our friend, said. That the men
of our times were like the Syrian slaves ; the more Greek they
knew, the greater knaves they were. Representations also create
much laughter, and these commonly bear upon some defor-
mity, or bodily defect, with a comparison to something still
more deformed : as my own saying on Helvius Mancia, / will
now show, said I, what sort of man you are; when he ex-
claimed, Show us, I pray you; and I pointed with my finger
to a Gaul represented upon the Cimbrian shield of Marius
under the new shops "^ in the forum, with his body distorted,
his tongue lolling out, and his cheeks flabby. A general
laugh ensued ; for nothing was ever seen to resemble Mancia
BO much. Or as I said to the witness Titus Pinarius, who
twisted his chin about while he was speaking, That he might

' C. 61. » c. 59. « C. 11.

* Antonius impudicos homiais mores insectatur, chm Casaandrse ab
Ajace post expugnatam Trojam vim illatam fuisse constet. Ellendt.

* Of MagiuB nothing is known. Ellendt.

* The grandfiather of the orator, as is clearly shown by Corradus in
Qusest. £i-nesti.

' Su6 Novis. Understand Tahemis argentariis. See P. Fabr. ad Qusesfc
Acad. iv. 22 ; Drakenborch ad Liv. xxvL 27; xliv, 17. Emetti.

t. LXVII.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 301

$peah, if he pleased, if he had done cracking his nut. There
are jokes, too, from things being extenuated or exaggerated
hyperbolically, and to astonish ; as you, Crassus, said in
a speech to the people, that Memmius fancied himself so great
a man, that as he came into the forum he stooped his head
at the arch of Fdbius. Of which kind is the saying also, that
Scipio is reported to have uttered at Numantia when he was
angry with Metellus, that If his mother were to produce a fifth,
she would Iring forth an ass} There is also frequently acute-
ness shown, when something obscure and not commonly
known is illustrated by a slight circumstance, and often by
a single word; as when Publius Cornelius, a man, as was
suspected, of a covetous and rapacious disposition, but of great
courage and an able commander, thanked Caius Fabricius
for having, though he was his enemy, made him consul,
especially during a difficult and important war, Tou have no
reason to thank rne, returned Fabricius, if I had rather he
pillaged than sold for a slave. Or, as Africanus said to
Asellus, who objected to him that unfortunate lustration in
his censorship. Do not wonder; for he who restored you to the
rights of a citizen, completed the lustration and sacrificed the
hull. There was a tacit suspicion, that Mummius seemed to
have laid the state under the necessity of expiation by remov-
ing the mark of ignominy from Asellus.

LXVII. " Ironical dissimulation has also an agreeable
effect, when you say something different from what you
think j not after the manner to which I alluded before, when
you say the exact reverse of what you mean, as Crassus said
to Lamia, but when through the whole course of a speech
you are seriously jocose, your thoughts being different
from your words; as our friend Scsevola said to that Septu-
muleius of Anagnia, (to whom its weight in gold was paid for
the head of Caius Gracchus,) when he petitioned that he would
take him as his lieutenant-general into Asia, What would y(m
have, foolish man ? there is such a multitude of had citizens
that, I warrant you, if you stay at Borne, you will in a few
years make a va^ fortune. Fannius, in his Annals, says thai
Africanus the younger, he that was named .^milianus, was

' Quintus Metellus llacedonicua, as Plutarch relates in his treatifl*
JDt Portund Romanorum, had four sons, whose abilities were in propo»
tion to their ages, the youngest being the least gifted. Prouat.

3U2 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. II,

remarkable for this kind of jests ; and calls him by a Greek
term eipwv, an ironical jester ; but, according to what those
say who know these matters better than myself, I conceive
that Socrates, for irony and dissimulation, far excelled all
other men in the wit and genius which he displayed. It is
an elegant kind of humour, satirical with a mixture of gravity,
and adapted to oratory as well as to polite conversation.
Indeed all the kinds of humour of which I have spoken, ai*e
seasonings not more appropriate to law-pleadings in the
forum, than to any other kind of discourse. For that which
is mentioned by Cato, (who has reported many apophthegms,
several of which have been produced by me as examples,)
seems to me a very happy saying, that Gains Publiits med to
observe that Puhlius Mummius was a man for all occasions;
so it certainly is with regard to our present subject, that there
is no time of life in which wit and polite humour may not
very properly be exercised.

" But I will pursue the remainder of my subject. It is a
kind of joking similar to a sort of dissimulation, when any-
thing disgraceful is designated by an honourable term; as
when Africanus the censor removed from his tribe that cen-
turion who absented himself from the battle in which Paulus
commanded, alleging that he had remained in the camp to
guard it, and inquiring why he had such a mark of ignominy
set upon him, I do not like, replied Africanus, over vigilant
people. It is an excellent joke, too, when you take any part
of another person's words in a different sense from that which
he intended; as Fabius Maximus did with Livius Salinator,^
when, on Tarentum being lost, Livius had still preserved the
citadel, and had made many successful sallies from it, and
Fabius, some years afterwards, having retaken the town,
Livius begged him to remember that it was owing to him
that Tarentum was retaken. How can I do otherwise than
remember, said Fabius, for I should never have retaken it if
you had not lost it. Such jokes as the following, too, are,
though rather absurd, often en that very account extremely

' The same anecdote is noticed ty Cicero, De Senect. c. 4 ; and Livy
■peaks of the occurrence at some length, xxvi. 25. But that the Marcus
Livius there mentioned had not the cognomen of Salinator, but ol
Macatus, is shown by P. Wesseling, Obss. ii. 5 ; and there seems little
doubt that Cicero Etsde a mistake here, as in some other places.
Ellendt.

C. LXVIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 303

amusing, and very apposite, not only to characters in plays,
but also to us orators ;

The foolish man !
As soon as he had come to wealth, he died.

That woman, what is she to you ?
My wife. Like you, by Hercules ! *

As long as he was living at the waters
He never ^ died.

LXVIII. " This kind of jokes is rather trifling, and, as I
said, fit for actors in farces ; but sometimes it finds a proper
place with us, as even one who is not a fool may express
himself like a fool in a humorous way, as Mancia con-
gratulated you, Antonius, when he heard that you were
accused by Marcus Duronius of bribery in your censorship :
At length, said he, yoM will have an opportunity of attending
to your own business. Such jests excite great laughter, and
iu truth all sayings that are uttered by men of sense with
a degree of absurdity and sarcasm, under the pretence of not
understanding what is said to them. A joke of this kind is
not to seem to comprehend what you comprehend very well ;
as when Pontidius, being asked. What do you think of him
who is taken in adultery ? replied. That he is slow. Or such
as was my reply to Metellus, when, at a time of levying
troops, he would not excuse me from serving for the weakness
of my eyes, and said to me, What I can you see nothing ? Ye»
truly, answered I, I can see your villa from the JEsquiline-
Gate? Or as the repartee of Nasica, who, having called at
the house of the poet Ennius, and the maid-servant having
told him, on his inquiring at the door, that Ennius was not
at home, saw that she had said so by her master's order, and
that he was really within : and when, a few days afterwards,
Ennius called at Nasica's house, and inquired for him at the

' We may suppose, says Strebsous, the woman to have been deformed,
and some one to have asked the man, " What relation is that woman to
you ? your sister ? " When the man answered, " My wife," the ques-
tioner would exclaim, " And yet, how like you she is ! I should have
taken her for your sister ; " wittily indicating the deformity of the
man.

* The joke, says Schutz, is in tie word never, as if it were possibla
that a mnn might die several times.

' A reflection, sfiys Tumebus, on the extraordinary size and magnifV
cence of the building.

804 DE ORATORE j OR, [b. IT.

gate, Nasica cried out, That lie was not at home. WTus.. i says
Ennius, do I not know your voice 1 You are an impudent
fellow, rejoined Nasica; when I inquired for you, I believed
your servant when she told me thai, you were not at hoTne,
<tnd will not you believe me when I tell you that I am not at
home? It is a very happy stroke, too, when he who has
uttered a sarcasm is jested upon in the same strain in which
he has attacked another : as when Quintus Opimius, a man
of consular dignity, who had the report of having been
licentious in his youth, said to Egilius, a man of wit, who
seemed to be an effeminate person, but was in reality not
so, How do you do, my Egilia? when will you pay me a
visit with your distaff and spindle? and Egilius replied,
/ certainly dare not; for my mother forbad me to visit women
of bad character.

LXIX. " There are witty sayings also which carry a con-
cealed suspicion of ridicule; of which sort is that of the
Sicilian, who, when a friend of his made lamentation to him,
saying, that his wife had hanged herself upon a fig-tree,
said, / beseech you give me some shoots of that tree, that I may
plant them. Of the same sort is what Catulus said to a cer-
tain bad orator, who, when he imagined that he had excited
compassion at the close of a speech, asked our friend here,
after he had sat down, whether he appeared to have raised
pity in the audience : Very great pity, replied Crassus, for I
believe there is no one here so hard-hearted but that your speech
seemed pitiable to him. Those jests amuse me extremely,
which are expressed in passion and as it were with morose-
ness ; not when they are uttered by a person really morose,
for in that case it is not the wit, but the natural temper that
is laughed at. Of this kind of jest there is a very humorous
example, as it appears to me, in Naevius :

Why mourn you, father '

Strange that I do not sing ! I am condemned.

Contrasted with this there is a patient and cool species of the
humorous: as when Cato received a stroke from a man
carrying a trunk, who afterwards called to him to take care,
he asked him, whether lie carried anything else besides thi
trunk? There is also a witty mode of exposing folly; as
when the Sicilian to whom Scipio, when prsetor, assigned
Lis host for an advocate in some cause, a man of rank but

0. LXX.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 305

extremely stupid, said, / beseech you, praetor, give this advocate
to my adversary, and give me none. Explanations of thingg;
too, are amusing, which are given from conjecture in a sense
far different from that which they are intended to convey, but
with ingenuity and aptness. As when Scaurus accused Rutilius
of bribery, (at the time when he himself was made consul, and
Rutilius suffered a disappointment,) and showed these letters
in Rutilius's books,^ A. F. P. R,, and said that they signified,
Actum Fide Puhlii Rutilii, 'transacted on the faith of Publius
Rutilixis;' while Rutilius declared that they meant. Ante
Factum, Post Relatum, 'done before, entered after;' but
Caius Canius, being on the side of Rufus, observed that
neither of those senses was intended by the letters: What
then is the meaning ? inquired Scaurus. JEmilius fecit, plec-
titur Rutilius, replied Canius; ' ^milius is guilty, Rutilius is
punished.'

LXX. "A union of discordant particulars is laughable:
as, What is wanting to him, except fortune and virtue ? A
familiar reproof of a person, as if he were in error, is also
amusing ; as when Albucius taunted Granius, because, when
something appeared to be proved by Albucius from Granius's
writing, Granius rejoiced extremely that Scsevola^ was ac-
quitted, and did not understand that judgment was given
against the credit of his own writing. Similar to this is
friendly admonition by way of giving advice : as when Granius
persuaded a bad pleader, who had made himself hoarse with
speaking, to drink a cold mixture of honey and wine as soou
as he got home : / shall ruin my voice, said he, if I do so. It
will be better, said Granius, than to ruin your clients. It is
a happy hit, too, when something is said that is peculiarly
applicable to the character of some particular person; as
when Scaurus had incurred some unpopularity for having
taben possession of the effects of Phrygio Pompeius, a rich
man who died without a will, and was sitting as counsel for

* Wliich Scaurus required to be produced on the trial
' Texts vary greatly in this passage. I adhere strictly to that of
Orelliua. " It appears," says Pearce, " that Scsevola was accused of ex-
tortion, aa Cicero says in his Brutus, and in the first book De Finibus,
and that Albucius, to prove the accusation, brought forward SMno
writing of Granius, who, when judgment was given in favour of Scsevola,
did not Tinderstand that it was at the same time given against hia own
writing."

X

306 DB oratore; or, ("b, il

Bestia, then under impeacliment, Caius Memmius the accuser,
as a funeral procession passed by, said, Look, Scaurus, a dead
body is going by, if you can but get possession ! But of all jokes
none create greater laughter than something said contrary to
expectation ; of which there are examples without number.
Such was the saying of Appius the elder,^ who, when the
matter about the pubhc lands, and the law of Thorius, was
in agitation in the senate, and Lucilius was hard pressed by
those who asserted that the public pastures were grazed by
his cattle, said, They are not the cattle of Lucilius; you mistake;
(he seemed to be going to defend Lucilius ;) / look upon them
as free, for they feed where they please. That saying also of the
Scipio who slew Tiberius Gracchus amuses me. When, after
many charges were made against him, Marcus Flaccus pro-
posed Publius Mucins as one of his judges, / except against
him, said he, he is unjust; and when this occasioned a general
murmur, Ah! said he, / do not except against him, Conscript
Fathers, as unjust to me, hut to everybody. But nothing could
be more witty than the joke of our friend Crassus. When
Silus, a witness, was injuring the cause of Piso, by something
that he said he had heard against him, It is possible, said he,
Silv>s, that the person from whom you heard this said it in
anger. Silus assented. It is possible, too, that you did not
rightly understand him. To this also he assented with the
lowest of bows, expressing entire agreement with Crassus.
It is also possible, continued Crassus, that what you say you
have heard you never heard at all. This was so dififerent
from what was expected, that the witness was overwhelmed
by a general laugh. Nsevius is full of this kind of humour,
and it is a familiar joke. Wise man, if you are cold you will
shake; and there are many other such sayings.

LXXI. "You may often also humorously grant to your
adversary what he wishes to detract from youj as Caius
Laelius, when a man of disreputable family told him that he
was unworthy of his ancestors, replied, B\it, by Hercules, you
are woriky of yours. Jokes, too, are frequently uttered in
ft sententious manner; as Marcus Cincius, on the day when
he proposed his law about gifts and presents, and Caius
■Cento stood forth and asked him with some soorn, What art

* He is called the elder, because lie had a brother of the same nam^
4h6 father of Publius Clodius, the eneaoy of Cicero. Promt.

C. LXXI.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 30?

you proposing, little Cincius? replied, That you, Caitis, may
pay /or what you wish to use.^ Things also which are impos-
sible are often wished for with much wit ; as Marcus Lepidus,
when he lay down upon the grass, while others were taking
their exercise in the Campus Martius, exclaimed, / wish this
were labour.^ It is an excellent joke also to give inquisi-
tive people who teaze you as it were, a calm answer, of such
a nature as they do not expect; as Lepidus the censor, when
he deprived Antistius of Pyrgi of his horse j^ and his friends

1 A species of ridicule expressed in a pithy sentence. The example
produced requires that we should explain the Cincian law. This cannot
oe done better than in the words of Dr. Middleton. The business of
pleading, says he, though a profession of all others the most laborious, yet
was not among the Romans mercenary, or undertaken for any pay ; for
it was illegal to take money, or to accept even a present for it ; but tho
richest, the greatest, and the noblest of Rome freely offered their
talents to the service of their citizens, as the common guardians and
protectors of the innocent and distressed. This was an institution as
old as Romulns, who assigned the patronage of the people to the patri-
cians or senators, without fee or reward ; but in succeeding ages, when,
through the avarice of the nobles, it had become a custom for all clients
to make annual presents to their patrons, by which the body of the
citizens was made tributary as it were to the senate, M. Cincius, a tri-
bune, published a law prohibiting all senators to take money or gifts on
any account, and especially for pleading causes. This Cincian law was
made in the year of Rome 549 ; and recommended to the people, as
Cicero tells us, (De Senect. 4,) by Quintus Fabius Maximus, in the ex-
tremity of his age. Caiiis Cento was one of the orators who opposed
it. Livy, xxxiv. 4, gives us the reason for passing this law, " Quid
legem Cinciam de donis et muneribus, nisi quia vectigalis jam et sti-
pendiaria plebs esse senatui cseperat ? " It is also mentioned by Tacitus,
Annal. xi, 5 : " Consurgunt patres legemque Cinciam flagitant, qua
cavetur antiquitus ne quis ob causam orandam pecuniam donumve
accipiat." We also find from the same author, (xi. 7,) that this law was
not well observed in Cicero's time: "prompta sibi exempla quantis
mercedibus P. Clodius aut C. Curio concionari soliti sint;" so the
emperor Claudius confined the fees to be allowed not to exceed a
certain sum, which amounted to 801. lis. 7d. of our money, " Capiendis
pecuniis posuit modum usque ad dena sestertia, quern egress! repetun-
darum tenerentur." The Cincian law, says Dr. Taylor, has been well
commented upon by several of the modems, as Ranchinus ii. j Var. vii. ;
Burgius i. ; Elect, xviii. ; and Brtmimerus. £. Tumebus understands
the sense of the repartee to be, that patrons were not to expect thence-
forward to live upon gifts from their clients, but must buy whatever
they wished to have.

* He wishes that labour were as easy as ease.

" Excluding him from the number of the knights, to whom a horaa
vas g^ven at the public expense.

r 2

SOS DE ORATORE j OR, [B. n.

called out to him, and inquired what reason Antistius could
give his father why his horse was taken from him, when
he was^ an excellent, industrious, modest, frugal member
of the colony, rejoined. That I believe not a word of it.
Some other sorts of jests are enumerated by the Greeks,
as execrations, expressions of admiration, threats. But I
think that I have divided these matters into too many
heads already ; for such as lie in the force and meaning of
a word, are commonly easy to settle and define; but in
general, as I observed before, they are heard rather with
approbation than laughter. Jokes, however, which lie in the
subject and thought, are, though infinite in their varieties,
reducible under a very few general heads ; for it is by deceiving
expectation, by satirising the tempers of others, by playing
humorously on our own, by comparing a thing with some-
thing worse, by dissembling, by uttering apparent absurdities,
and by reproving folly, that laughter is excited ; and he who
would be a facetious speaker, must be endowed with a natural
genius for such kinds of wit, as well as with personal qualifi-
cations, so that his very look may adapt itself to every species
of the ridiculous; and the graver and more serious such a
person is, as is the case with you, Crassus, so much more
humorous do the sayings which fall from him generally
appear.

" But now I think that you, Antonius, who said^ that you
would repose during my discourse, as in some place of refresh-
ment, will, as if you had stopped in the Pomptine Marsh,
neither a pleasant nor a wholesome region, consider that you
liave rested long enough, and will proceed to complete the
remainder of your journey." " I will," said Antonius,
"having been very pleasantly entertained by you, and
having also acquired instruction, as well as encouragement,
to indulge in jesting; for I am no longer afraid lest any one
should charge me with levity in that respect, since you have
produced such authorities as the Fabricii, the Africani,
the Maximi, the Catos, and the Lepidi, in its favour. But
you have heard what you desired from me, at least such
points as it was necessary to consider and detail with par-

• That is says Protist, was so reported by those who wishe^l to
favour him.
» C. 57.

C. LXXII. ] ON THE CHAKACTER OF THE ORATOR. 309

ticular accuracy; the rest are more easy, and arise 'U'holly
from what has been already said.

LXXII. ^ " For when I have entered upon a cause, and
traced out all its bearings in my mind, as far as I could
possibly do so ; when I have ascertained and contemplated
the proper arguments for the case, and those particulars by
which the feelings of the judges may be conciliated or excited,
I then consider what strong or weak points the cause con-
tains; for hardly any subject can be called into question and
controversy in pleading, which has not both ; but to what
degree is the chief concern. In pleading, my usual method is,
to fix on whatever strong points a cause has, and to illus-
trate and make the most of them, dwelling on them, insisting
on them, clinging to them ; but to hold back from the weak
and defective points, in such a way that I may not appear to
shun them, but that their whole force may be dissembled and
overwhelmed 2 by the ornament and amplification of the strong
parts. If the cause turn upon arguments, I maintain chiefly
such as are the strongest, whether they are several or whether
there be but one ; but if the cause depend on the conciliation
or excitement of the feelings of the judges, I apply myself
chiefly to that part which is best adapted to move men's
minds. Finally, the principal point for consideration on this
head is, that if my speech can be made more effective by
refuting my adversary, than by supporting my own side of the
question, I employ all my weapons against him ; but if my own
case can be more easily suj)ported, than that on the other side
can be confuted, I endeavour to withdraw the attention of the
judges from the opposite party's defence, and to fix it on my
own. In conclusion, I adopt, on my own responsibility, two
courses which appear to m^most easy (since I cannot attempt
what is more difficult) : one, that I make, sometimes, no reply
at all to a troublesome or difficult argument or point ; (and at
such forbearance perhaps somebody may reasonably laugh ; for
who is there that cannot practise it ? but I am now speaking
of my own abilities, not those of others ; and I confess that,
if any particular press very hard upon me, I usually retreat

' Antonius returns to the point from which he had digressed at
c. 57.

* Ditsimidatum . . . ohruatur. The word ante, which is retained by
OreliiuB, but is wanting in several manuscripts, I leave untranslated.

SIO DE ORATORB ; OR, ^B. 11.

£rom it, but in such a manner as not only not to appear to flee
with my shield thrown away, but even with it thrown over
my shoulders ; adopting, at the same time, a certain pomp
and parade of language, and a mode of flight that resembles
fighting ; and keeping upon my guard in such a way, that I
seem to have retired, not to avoid my enemy, but to choose
more advantageous ground;) the other is one which I think
most of all worthy of the orator's precaution and foresight,
and which generally occasions me very great anxiety : I am
accustomed to study not so much to benefit the causes which
I undertake, as not to injure them ; not but that an orator
mxist aim at both objects; but it is however a much greater
rlisgrace to him to be thought to have damaged a cause, thaik
not to have profited it.

LXXIII. " But what are you saying among yourselves on
this subject, Catulus? Do you slight what I say, as indeed it
deserves to be slighted?" " By no means," rejoined Catulus;
" but Caesar seemed desirous to say something on the point."
" Let him say it, then, with all my heart," continued An-
tonius, "whether he wish to confute, or to question me."
" Indeed, Antonius," said Caesar, " I have always been the
man to say of you as an orator, that you appeared to me in
your speeches the most guarded of all men, and that it was
your peculiar merit, that nothing was ever spoken by you
that could injure him for whom you spoke. And I well
remember, that, on entering into a conversation with Crassua
liere concerning you, in the hearing of a large company, and
Crassus having largely extolled your eloquence, I said, that
amongst your other merits this was even the principal, that
you not only said all that ought to be said, but also never
said anything that ought not to be said ; and I recollect that
he then observed to me, that your other qualities deserved
the highest degree of praise, but that to speak what was not
to the purpose, and to injure one's own client, was the conduct
of an unprincipled and perfidious person ; and, consequently,
that he did not appear to him to be a good pleader, wha
avoided doing so, though he who did so was certainly dis-
honest. Now, if you please, Antonius, I would wish you te
show why you think it a matter of such importance, to do no
harm to a caise; so much so, that nothing in an orator
appears to you of greater conseouence."

C. LXXIV.] ON T»3 CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. SIL

LXXIV. " I will readily tell you, Caesar," replied Antonius,
" what I mean ; but do you, and all who are here, remember
this, that I am not speaking of the divine power of the com-
plete orator, but of my own humble eflforts and practice. The
remark of Crassus is indeed that of an excellent and singular
genius ; to whom it appeared something like a prodigy, that
any orator could possibly be found, who could do any mischief
in speaking, and injure him whom he had to defend. For he
judges from himself; as his force of intellect is such, that he
thinks no man speaks what makes against himself, unless on
purpose; but I am not alluding to any supereminent and
illustrious power, but to common and almost universal fsense.
Amongst the Greeks, Themistocles the Athenian is reported
to have possessed an incredible compass of understanding and
genius ; and a certain person of learning and singular accom-
plishments is said to have gone to him, and offered to teach
him the art of memory, an art then first made public. When he
inquired what that art could do for him, the professor replied,
that it would enable him to remember everything; when-
Themistocles rejoined, that he would oblige him much more
if he could instnict him how to forget, rather than to remem-
ber, what he chose. Do you conceive what force and vigom*
of genius, how powerful and extensive a capacity, there was iifc
that great man? who answered in such a manner that we may
understand that nothing, which had once entered his mind,
could ever slip out of it ; and to whom it was much more
desirable to be enabled to forget what he did not wish to
remember, than to remember whatever he had once heard or
seen. But neither on account of this answer of Themistoclea
are we to forbear to cultivate our memory ; nor is my pre-
caution and timidity in pleading causes to be slighted on
account of the excellent understanding of Crassus ; for neither
the one nor the other of them has given me any additional
ability, but has merely signified his own. There are numbers
of points^ in causes that call for circumspection in every part

' Antonius mentions seven ways by which the indiscretion of th©
orator may be of prejudice to the cause, to illustrate his last observa-
tion : — 1, By irritating a witness, who would not have injured his client
without provocation. 2. By not giving way when the arguments press
too hard upon him, he may lose his cause. 3. By extolling those qua-
lities in his client which ought to be extenuated, he may do mischiefi
4. By throwing invectivea upon those who are entitled to the esteent

SI 3 DB ORATORE j OR, [E. IL

of your speech, that you may not stumble, that you may not
fall over anything. Oftentimes some witness either does no
mischief, or does less, if he be not provoked; my client
entreats me, the advocates press me, to inveigh against him,
to abuse him, or, finally, to plague him with questions ; I am
not moved, I do not comply, I will not gi"atify them ; yet
I gain no commendations; for ignorant people can more easily
blame what you say injudiciously, than praise you for what you
discreetly leave unnoticed. In such a case how much harm
may be done if you oflFend a witness who is passionate, or one
who is a man of sense, or of influential character? for he has
the will to do you mischief from his passion, the power in his
understanding, and the means in his reputation; nor, if
Crassus never commits this offence, is that a reason that
many are not guilty of it, and often ; on which account nothing
ever appears to me more ignominious, than when from any
observatioD, or reply, or question, of a pleader, such remarks
as this follow: He has ruined — Whom? his adversary? No
truly, hut himself and his client.

LXXV. " This Crassus thinks can never happen but
through perfidiousness; but I very frequently observe that
persons by no means dishonest do mischief in causes. In
regard to that particular which I mentioned before, that I am
used to retreat, or, to speak more plainly, to flee from those
points which would press hard on my side of the question,
how much harm do others do when they neglect this, saunter
in the enemy's camp, and dismiss their own guards? Do they
occasion but slight detriment to their causes, when they either
strengthen the supports of their adversaries or inflame the
wounds which they cannot heal ? What harm do they
cause when they pay no regard to the characters of those
whom they defend ? If they do not mitigate by extenuation

and favour of the judges. 5. By upbraiding his adversary with the same
defects that are in some of the judges ; of which Philip's derision of a
dwarfish evidence, before Lucius Aurifex, who was still lower in stature,
was an instance mentioned before. 6. He may plead his own cause
rather than that of his client ; which blame Cicero seems to have in-
curred in his oration for Publius Sextius, a cause in which he was warmly
and specially interested. Whoever has any inclination to read the
history of that trial, may find it in Dr. Middleton's Life of Cicero,
vol. iL p. 45, &o. 7. By the use of false or repugnant arguments, or such
V are foreign to the usage of the bar a-^d j-idicial proceedings. B.

C, LXXVI.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 313

those qualities in them that excite ill-will, but make them
more obnoxous to it by commending and extolling them, how
much mischief is caused by such management? Or vrhat if,
•without any precautionary language, you throw bitter and
contumelious invectives upon popular persons, in favour with
the judges, do you not alienate their feelings from you?
Or what if there be vices or bad qualities in one or more of the
judges, and you, in upbraiding your adversaries with such
demerits, are not aware that you are attacking the judges, is
it a small error which you then commit ? Or what if, while
you are speaking for another, you make his cause your own, or,
taking affront, are carried away from the question by passion,
and start aside from the subject, do you occasion no harm?
In this respect I am esteemed too patient and forbearing, not
because I willingly hear myself abused, but because I am un-
willing to lose sight of the cause ; as, for instance, when I
reproved you yourself, Sulpicius, for attacking an agent, not
me your adversary.^ From such conduct, however, I acquire
this advantage, that if any one does abuse me, he is thought
to be either ill-tempered or out of his wits. Or if in your
arguments you shall state anything either manifestly false, or
contradictory to what you have said or are going to say, or
foreign in its nature to the practice of trials and of the forum,
do you occasion no damage to your cause? Why need I say
more on this head? My whole care is constantly devoted to
this object, (for I will repeat it frequently,) to effect, if I can,
some good by speaking; but if not, to do at least no harm.

LXXVI. " I now return therefore to that point, Catulus,
on which you a little while ago accorded me praise ; the order
and arrangement of facts and topics of argument. On this
head, two methods may be observed ; one, which the nature
of causes dictates; the other, which is suggested by the
orator's judgment and prudence. For, to premise something
before we come to the main point ; then to explain the
matter in question ; then to support it by strengthening our
own arguments, and refuting those on the other side ; next, to

' Quod ministratorem peteres, non adversarium. The ministrator waa
a witness, from whose evidence Antonius had drawn arguments.
JSllendt. Whether by adversarius is meant Antonius or not, is, aa
Henrichsen says, imcertain. Ellendt thinks that Antonius is not
meant. I have however differed from him, as the context seems t«
indicate that Antonius is meant

314 DE ORATORE; OR, [b. 11.

sum up, and corns to the peroration ; is a mode of speaking
that nature herself prescribes. But to determine how we
should arrange the particulars that are to be advanced in
order to prove, to inform, to persuade, more peculiarly belongs
to the orator's discretion. For many arguments occur to
him ; many, that seem likely to be of service to his pleading ;
but some of them are so trifling as to be utterly contemptible ;
some, if they are of any assistance at all, are sometimes of
such a nature, that there is some defect inherent in them;
while that wWoh appears to be advantageous, is not of such
import that it need be advanced in conjunction with anything
prejudicial. And as to those arguments which are to the
purpose, and deserving of trust, if they are (as it often
happens) very numerous, I think that such of them as are of
least weight, or as are of the same tendency with others
of greater force, ought to be set aside, and excluded altogether
from our pleading. I myself, indeed, in collecting proofs,
make it a practice rather to weigh than to count them.

LXXVII. " Since, too, as I have often observed, we bring
over people in general to our opinions by three methods,
by instructing their understandings, conciliating their bene-
volence, or exciting their passions, one only of these three
methods is to be professed by us, so that we may appear to
desire nothing else but to instruct ; the other two, like blood
throughout the body, ought to be diffused through the whole
of our pleading ; for both the beginning, and the other parts
bi a speech, on which we will by-and-by say a few words,
ought to have this power in a great degree, so that they may
penetrate the minds of those before whom we plead, in order to
excite them. But in those parts of the speech which, though
they do not convince by argument, yet by solicitation and
excitement produce great effect, though their proper place is
chiefly in the exordium and the peroration, still, to make a
digression from what you have proposed and are discussing,
for the sake of exciting the passions, is often advantageous.
Since, after the statement of the case has been made, an oppor-
tunity often presents itself of making a digi'ession to rouse
the feelings of the audience ; or this may be properly done
after the confirmation of our own arguments, or the refutation
of those on the other side, or in either place, or in all, if the
taijse has sufficient copiousness and importance ; and those

0. LXXVIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 315

causes are the most considerable, and most pregnant with
matter for amplification and embellishment, which afford the
most frequent opportunities for that kind of digression in which
you may descant on those points by which the passions of the
audience are either excited or calmed. In touching on this
matter, I cannot but blame those who place the arguments
to which they trust least in the front; and, in like manner,
I think that they commit an error, who, if ever they employ
several advocates, (a practice which never had my approba-
tion,) will have him to speak first in whom they confide least,,
and rank the others also according to their abilities.^ For
a cause requires that the expectations of the audience should
be met with all possible expedition ; and if nothing to satisfy
them be ofiered in the commencement, much more labour is
necessaiy in the sequel ; for that case is in a bad condition
which does not at the commencement of the pleading at once
appear to be the better. For this reason, as, in regard to
pleaders,^ he who is the most able should speak first, so in
regard to a speech, let the arguments of most weight be put
foremost ; yet so that this rule be observed with respect to
both, that some of superior efficiency be reserved for the
peroration ; if any are but of moderate strength, (for to the
weak no place should be given at all,) they may be throwu
into the main body and into the midst of the gi'oup. All
these things being duly considered, it is then my custom
to think last of that which is to be spoken first, namely^
what exordium I shall adopt. For whenever I have felt
inclined to think of that first, nothing occurs to me but what
is jejune, or nugatory, or vulgar and ordinary.

LXXVIII. " The beginnings of speeches ought always to
be accurate and judicious, well furnished with thoughts, ani
happy in expression, as well as peculiarly suited to their
respective causes. For our earliest acquaintance with &
speech as it were, and the first recommendation of it to our
notice, is at the commencement; which ought at once to
propitiate and attract the audience. In regard to this pointy

* Ut in q^U)q^le eorum minimum putant esse, ita eum primum volwnt
dicere. " As in each of them they think that there is least, so they
wish him to speak first."

' Ut in oratore. Schutz conjectures in oratorihus, but he had better,
as EUendt observes, have conjectured ex oroUonbus. But the text may
be correct.

J16 DE ORATOBEj OR, [B. IL

I cannot but feel aBtonished, not indeed at such as have
paid no attention to the £-rt, but at a man of singular elo-
quence and erudition, I mean Philippus, who generally rises
to speak with so little preparation, that he knows not what
word he shall utter first; and he says, that when he has
warmed his arm, then it is his custom to begin to fight ; but
he does not consider that those from whom he takes this simile
hurl their first lances gently, so as to preserve the utmost
grace in their action, and at the same time to husband their
strength. Nor is there any doubt, but that the beginning
of a speech ought very seldom to be vehement and pug-
nacious; but if even in the combat of gladiators for life,
which is decided by the sword, many passes are made previous
to the actual encounter, which appear to be intended, not for
mischief, but for display, how much more naturally is such
prelude to be expected in a speech, in which an exhibition
of force is not more required than gratification? Besides,
there is nothing in the whole nature of things that is all
produced at once, and that springs entire into being in an
instant ; and nature herself has introduced everything that ia
done and accomplished most energetically with a moderate
beginning. Nor is the exordium of a speech to be sought
from without, or from anything unconnected with the sub-
ject, but to be derived from the very essence of the cause.
It is, therefore, after the whole cause has been considered
and examined, and after every argument lias been excogitated
and prepared, that you must determine what sort of exordium
to adopt; for thus it will easily be settled,^ as it will be
drawn from those points which are most fertile in arguments,
or in those matters on which I said^ you ought often to
make digressions. Thus our exordia will give additional
weight, when they are drawn from the most intimate parts
of our defence ; and it will be shown that they are not only
not common, and cannot be transferred to other causes, but
that they have whoUy grown out of the cause under con-
sideration.

LXXIX. " But every exordium ought either to convey an
intimation of the whole matter in hand, or some introduction

1 Beperkntv/r . . . sumentur. These words are plural in Orellius's text,
but EUendt and others aeem rightly to determine that they should b«
•ingular. * C. 77.

O. LXXIX.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 31 'J

and support to the cause, or sometliing of ornament and
dignity. But, like vestibules and approaches to houses and
temples, so the introductions that we prefix to causes should
be suited to the importance of the subjects. In small and
unimportant^ causes, therefore, it is often more advisable to
commence with the subject-matter itself without any preface.
But, when we are to use an exordium, (as will generally be
the case,) our matter for it may be derived either from the
suitor, from the adversary, from the subject, or from those
before whom we plead. From the suitor (I call all those
suitors whom a suit concerns) we may deduce such par-
ticulars as characterise a worthy, generous, or unfortunate
man, or one deserving of compassion ; or such particulars as
avail against a false accusation. From the adversary we may
deduce almost the contrary particulars from the same points;
From the subject, if the matter under consideration be cruel,
or heinous, or beyond expectation, or undeserved, or pitiable,
or savouring of ingratitude or indignity, or unprecedented,
or not admitting restitution or satisfaction. From those
before whom we plead we may draw such considerations, as
to procure their benevolence and good opinion; an object
better attained in the course of pleading than by direct
entreaty. This object indeed is to be kept in view throughout
the whole oration, and especially in the conclusion; but
many exordia, however, are wholly based upon it; for the
Greeks recommend us to make the judge, at the very com-
mencement, attentive and desirous of information ; and such
hints are useful, but not more proper for the exordium thau
for other parts; but they are indeed easier^ to be observed in
the beginning, because the audience are then most attentive,
when they are in expectation of the whole affair, and they
may also, in the commencement, be more easily informed, as
the particulars stated in the outset are generally of greater
perspicuity than those which are spoken by way of argument,
or refutation, in the body of the pleading. But we shall
derive the greatest abundance and variety of matter for
exordia, either to conciliate or to arouse the judge, from those

' Infreqiientibus causis. Infrequens causa is a cause at the pleading
of which few auditors are likely to attend. Emesti.

^ Faciliora etiam in principiis. Ellendt justly observes that etiam
touBt be corrupt, and that autem should probably be substituted for iti

318 DB oratore; or, [b.u.

points in the cause ■which are adapted to create emotion in
the mind ; yet the whole of these ought not to be brought for-
ward in the exordium; the judge should only receive a slight
impulse at the outset, so that the rest of our speech may
come with full force upon him when he is already impressed
in our favour.

LXXX. " Let the exordium, also, be so connected with the
sequel of the speech, that it may not appear, like a musi-
cian's prelude, to be something attached merely from imagina-
tion, but a coherent member of the whole body; for some
speakers, when they have delivered their premeditated exor-
dium, make such a transition to what is to follow, that they
seem positively unwilling to have an audience. But a pro-
lusion of that kind ought not to be like that of gladiators,-^
who brandish spears before the fight, of which they make no
use in the encounter; but should be such, that speakers may
even use as weapons the thoughts which they advanced in
the j)relude.

""But as to the directions which they give to consrilt
brevity in the narration, if that is to be called brevity where
there is no word redundant, the language of Lucius Crassua
is distinguished by brevity; but if that kind of brevity is
intended, when only jixst so many words are used as are
absolutely necessary, such conciseness is indeed sometimes
proper; but it is often prejudicial, especially in narration;
not only as it produces obscurity, but also because it destroys
that which is the chief excellence of narration, that it be
pleasing and adapted to persuade. For instance^ the nar-
rative,

For he, as soon as he became of age, &c.^
how long is it ! The manners of the youth himself, the in-
quiries of the servant, the death of Chrysis, the look, figure,
and affliction of the sister, and the other circumstances, are
told with the utmost variety and agreeableness. But if he
had been studious of such brevity as this.

She's carried forth ; we go ; we reach the place

Of sepulture ; she's laid upon the pile,

he might have comprised the whole in ten lines : although

^ ' Samnitium. A kind of gladiators so called, that fought with Sam«
oite arms. They had their origin among the Campanians. Liv. iz. 40
' Terence, Andr. Act L So. 1.

C. LXXXI,] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 319

^ She's carried forth, we go,' is only so far concise, as to con-
suit, not absolute brevity, but elegance; for if there had
been nothing expressed but 'she's laid upon the pile,' the
whole matter would have been easily comprehended. But
a narration referring to various characters, and intersected by
dialogue, affords much gratification ; and that becomes more
probable which you report to have been done, when you
describe the manner in which it was done; and it is much
more clearly understood if you sometimes pause for that
purpose, and do not hurry over it with affected brevity.
For the narrative parts of a speech, as well as the other parts,
ought to be perspicuous, and we ought to take the more
pains with that part, because it is more difficult not to be
obscure in stating a case, than either in an exordium, in argu-
mentation, in refuting of an accusation, or in a peroration:
and obscurity in this pai't of a speech is attended with greater
danger than in other parts; both because, if anything be
obscurely expressed in any other part, only that is lost which
is so expressed ; but obscurity in the narrative part spreads
darkness over the whole speech; and because, as to other
parts, if you have expressed anything obscurely in one place,
you may explain it more clearly in another ; while for the
narrative part of a speech there is but one place. But your
narrative will be clear, if it be given in ordinary language,
with adherence to the order of time and without interruption.

LXXXI. " But when we ought to introduce a statement of
facts, and when we ought not, requires judicious consideration.
For we ought to make no such statement, either if the matter
is notorious, or if the circumstances are free from doubt, or
if the adversary has related them, unless indeed we wish to
confute his statement; and whenever we do make a statement
of facts, let us not insist too eagerly upon points which may
create suspicion and ill-feeling, and make against us, but let
us extenuate such points as much as possible ; lest that should
happen, which, whenever it occurs, Crassus thinks is done
through treachery, not through folly, namely, that we damage
our own cause; for it concerns the fortune of the whole
cause, whether the case is stated with caution, or otherwise,
becaiise the statement of the case is the foundation of all the
rest of the speech.

" What follows is, that the matter in question be laid

320 DE ORATORE j OR, [B. 11,

down, when we must settle what is the point that comes under
dispiite; then the chief grounds of the cause are to be laid
down conjunctively, so as to weaken your adversary's sup-
ports, and to strengthen your own ; for there is in causes but
one method for that part of your speech, which is of efficacy
to pi-ove your arguments ; and that needs both confirmation
and refutation ; but because what is alleged on the other side
cannot be refuted unless you confirm your own statements,
and your own statements cannot be confirmed unless you
refute the allegations on the opposite side, these matters are
in consequence united both by their nature, by their object,
and by their mode of treatment. The whole speech is then
generally brought to a conclusion by some amplification on
the different points, or by exciting or mollifying the judge;
and every particular, not only in the former parts of the
speech, but more especially towards the conclusion, is to be
adapted to excite as much as possible the feelings of the
judges, and to incline them in our favour.

" Nor does there now appear to be any reason, indeed, why
we should make a distinct head of those precepts which are
given concerning suasory or panegyrical speeches ; for most
of them are common to all kinds of oratory ; yet, to speak in
favour of any important matter, or against it, seems to me to
belong only to the most dignified character; for it is the part
of a wise man to deliver his opinion on momentous affairs,
and that of a man of integrity and eloquence, to be able to
provide for others by his prudence, to confirm by his autho-
rity, and to persuade by his language.

LXXXII. " Speeches are to be made in the senate with less
display; for it is an assembly of wise men;^ and opportunity
is to be left for many others to speak. All suspicion, too, of
ostentation of ability is to be avoided. A speech to the
people, on the other hand, requires all the force, weight, and
various colouring of eloquence. For persuading, then, nothing
is more desirable than worth; for he who thinks that expe-
diency is more desirable, does not consider what the counsellor
chiefly wishes, but what he prefers upon occasion to follow;
and there is no man, especially in so noble a state as this,
who does not think that worth ought chiefly to be regarded;

^Sapiens enim est consilium. These w'Vda I regard as a scholiuw
that has erept into the text. Mrnesti,

c. Lxxxi;:.] ox the character of the orator. 321

but expediency commonly prevails, there being a concealed
fear, that even worth cannot be supported if expediency be dis-
regarded. But the diffei'ence between the opinions of men lies
either in this question, ' which of two things is of the greater
atility?' or, if that point is agreed, it is disputed 'whether
honour or expediency ought rather to be consulted.' As
these seem often to oppose each other, he who is an advocate
for expediency, will enumerate the benefits of peace, of plenty,
of power, of riches, of settled revenues, of troops in garrison,
and of other things, the enjoyment of which we estimate by
their utility ; and he will specify the disadvantages of a con-
trary state of things. He who exhorts his audience to regard
honour, will collect examples from our ancestors, which may
be imitated with glory, though attended with danger ; he will
expatiate on immortal fame among posterity; he will main-
tain that advantage arises from the observance of honoui',
and that it is always united with worth. But what is pos-
sible, or impossible ; and what is necessary or unnecessary,
. are questions of the greatest moment in regard to both ; for
all debate is at an end, if it is understood that a thing is
impossible, or if any necessity for it appears; and he who
shows what the case is, when others have overlooked it,
sees furthest of all. But for giving counsel in civil affairs
the chief qualification is a knowledge of the constitution;
and, to speak on such matters so as to be approved, an ac-
quaintance with the manners of the people is required ; and,
as .these frequently vary, the fashion of speaking must often
be varied ; and, although the power of eloquence is mostly
the same, yet, as the highest dignity is in the people, as
the concerns of the republic are of the utmost importance,
and as the commotions of the multitude are of extraordinary
violence, a more grand and imposing manner of addressing
them seems neces.sary to be adopted; and the greatest part
of a speech is to be devoted to the excitement of the feelings,
either by exhortation, or the commemoration of some illus-
trious action, or by moving the people to hope, or to fear, or
to ambition, or desire of glory; and often also to dissuade
them from temerity, from rage, from ardent expectation,
from injustice, from envy, from cruelty.

LXXXIII, " But it happens that, because a popular aa
sembly appears to the orator to be his most enlarged scene of

f

322 DE ORATORE ; OB, [b. II.

action,^ he is i:Aturally excited in it to a moi'e magnificent
species of eloquance ; for a multitude has such influence, that,
as the flute-player cannot play without his flutes, so the orator
cannot be eloquent without a numerous audience. And, as
the inclinations of popular assemblies take many and various
turns, an unfavourable expression of feeling from the whole
people must not be incurred ; an expression which may be
excited by some fault in the speech, if anything appears to
have been spoken with harshness, with arrogance, in a base
or mean manner, or with any improper feeling whatever; or
it may proceed from some offence taken, or ill-will conceived,
at some particular individuals, which is either just, or arising
from some calumny or bad report ; or it may happen if the
subject be displeasing; or if the multitude be swayed by any
impulse from their own hopes or fears. To those four causes
as many remedies may be applied: the severity of rebuke, if
you have sufficient authority for it; admonition, which is a
milder kind of rebuke ; an assurance, that if they will give
you a hearing, they will approve what you say ; and entreaty,
which is the most condescending method, but sometimes very
advantageous. But on no occasion is facetiousness and ready
wit ^ of more effect, and any smart saying that is consistent
with dignity and true jocularity; for nothing is so easily
diverted from gloom, and often from rancour, as a multitude,
even by a single expression uttered opportunely, quickly,
smartly, and with good humour.

LXXXIV. " I have now stated to you generally, to the
best of my abilities, what it is my practice, in both kinds of
causes, to pursue, what to avoid, what to keep in view, and to
what method I ordinarily adhere in my pleadings. Nor is
that third kind, panegyric, which I in the commencement
excluded, as it were, from my rules, attended with any diffi-
cjulty ; but it was because there are many departments of ora-
tory both of grsater importance and power, concerning which
hardly any author has given particular rules, and because we
of this country are not accustomed to deal much in panegyric,

' Quia maxima quasi oratori scena videtur concionis. " Because the
greatest stage, as it were, for an orator, appears [to be that] of a public
assembly."

* Celeritas. The same word is used in c. 5i : hoc quod in ceUritaU
otque dicta est. Schutz conj^ptured. hUaritas,

C. LXXXIV.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 323

that I set this topic entirely apart. For the Greek authors
themselves, who are the moRt worthy of being read, wrote their
panegyrics either for amusement, or to compliment some par-
ticular person, rather than with any desire to promote forensic
eloquence; and books of their composition are extant, in
which Themistocles, Aristides, Agesilaus, Epari-inondas, Philip,
Alexander, and others, are the subjects of praise. Our lauda-
tory speeches, which we deliver in the forum, have either the
simple and unadorned brevity of testimony, or are written as
funeral orations, which are by no means suitable for the pomp
of panegyric. But as we must sometimes attempt that de-
partment, and must occasionally write panegyrics, as Cains
Lselius wrote one for Publius Tubero, when he wished to
praise his uncle Africanus, and in order that we ourselves
may be enabled to praise, after the manner of the Greeks,
such persons as we may be inclined to praise, let that subject
also form part of our discourse. It is clear, then, that some
qualities in mankind are desirable, and some praiseworthy.
Birth, beauty, strength, power, riches, and other things which
fortune bestows, either amid external circumstances, or aa
peraonal endowments, carry with them no real praise, which
is thought to be due to virtue alone ; but, as virtue itself be-
comes chiefly conspicuous in the use and management of
such things, these endowments of nature and of fortune are
also to be considered in panegyrics; in which it is mentioned
as the highest praise for a person not to have been haughty
in power, or insolent in wealth, or to have assumed a pre-
eminence over others from the abundance of the blessings of
fortune ; so that his riches and plenty seem to have afforded
means and opportunities, not for the indulgence of pride and
vicious appetites, but for the cultivation of goodn«ts and
moderation. Virtue, too, which is of itself praiseworthy,
and without which nothing can be deserving of praise, is dis-
tinguished, however, into several species, some of which are
more adapted to panegyric than others; for there are some
virtues which are conspicuous iu the manners of men, and
consist in some degree in affability and beneficence ; and there
are others which depend on some peculiar natural genius, or
superior greatness and strength of mind. Clemency, justice,
benignity, fidelity, fortitude in common clangers, are subjects
agreepblf to the audience in paneg}-ric ; for all such virtues

y2

S24 DE ORATORE j OR, [b. II.

are thought boaoficial, not so much to the persons who possess
them, as to mankind in general;) while wisdom, and that
greatness of soul by which all human affairs are regarded as
mean and inconsidex'able, eminent power of thought, and elo-
quence itself, excite indeed no less admiration, but not equal
delight; for they appear to be an ornament and support
rather to the persons themselves whom we commend, than to
those before whom we commend them; yet, in panegyric,
these two kinds of virtues must be united; for the ears of
men tolerate the praises not only of those parts of virtue
which are delightful and agreeable, but of those which excite
admiration.

LXXXV. " Since, also, there are certain offices and duties
belonging to every kind of virtue, and since to each virtue its
peculiar praise is due, it will be necessary to specify, in a
panegyric on justice, what he who is praised performed with
fidelity, or equanimity, or in accordance with any other moral
duty. In other points, too, the praise of actions must be
adapted to the nature, power, and name of the virtue under
which they fall. The praise of those acts is heard with
the greatest pleasure, which appear to have been undertaken
by men of spirit, without advantage or reward; but those
which have been also attended with toil and danger to them-
selves afford the largest scope for panegyric, because they
may be set forth with the greatest ornaments of eloquence,
and the account of them may be heard with the utmost satis-
faction; for that appears the highest virtue in a man of
eminence, which is beneficial to others, but attended with
danger or toil, or at least without advantage, to himself. It
is commonly regarded, too, as a gi'eat and admirable merit,
to have borne adversity with wisdom, not to have been van-
quished by fortune, and to have maintained dignity in the
worst of circumstances. It is also an honcur to a man that
distinctions have been bestowed upon Lim, rewards decreed
to his merit, and that his achievements have been approved
by the judgment of mankind; and, on such subjects, to attri-
bute success itself to the judgment of the immortal gods, is
a part of panegyric. But such actions should be selected for
praise as are either of extraordinary greatness, or unprece-
dented novelty, or singular in their kind; for such as are
trivial, or common, or ordinary, generalbr appear to deserve

C. LXXXVI.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 325

110 admiration or even commendation. A compai'ison also
with other great men has a noble effect in panegyric.

'' On this species of eloquence I have felt inclined to say
something more than I had proposed, not so much for the
improvement of pleading in the forum, which has been kept
in view by me through this whole discourse, as that you
might see that, if panegyric be a part of the orator's business,
— and nobody denies that it is, — a knowledge of all the virtues,
without which panegyric cannot be composed, is necessary to
the orator. As to the rules for censuring, it is clear that
they are to be deduced from the vices contrary to these vir-
tues ; and it is also obvious, that neither can a good man be
praised with propriety and copiousness of matter, without
a knowledge of the several virtues, nor a bad man be stigma-
tized and branded with sufficient distinction and asperity,
without a knowledge of the opposite vices. On these topics
of panegyric and satire we must often touch in all kinds
of causes.

" You have now heard what I think about the invention
and arrangement of matter. I shall add some observations
on memory, with a view to lighten the labour of Crassus, and
to leave nothing for him to discuss, but the art of embellisb
ing those departments of eloquence which I have specified."

LXXXVI. " Proceed," said Crassus ; " for I feel pleasure in
seeing you appear as a professed artist, stripped of the disguises
of dissimulation, and fairly exposed to view ; and, in leaving
nothing for me to do or but little, you consult my con-
venience, and confer a favour upon me." " How much I leave
you to do," said Antonius, " will be in your own power ; for
if you are inclined to act fairly, I leave you everything to do ;
but if you wish to shrink from any portion of your under-
taking, you must consider how you can give this company
satisfaction. But to return to the point ; I am not," he con-
tinued, " possessed of such intellectual power as Themistocles
had, that I had rather know the art of forgetfulness than that
of memory; and I am grateful to the famous Simonides of
Ceos, who, as people say, first invented an art of memory.
For they relate, that when Simonides was at Crannon in
Thessaly, at an entertainment given by Scopas, a man of
nink and fortune, and had recited a poem which he had com-
posed in bis praise^ in which, for the sake of embellishment)

326 DE oratoke; or, [b. n.

after tlie manner of the poets, there were many particulai s
introduced concerning Castor and Pollux, Scopas told Si-
monides, with extraordinary meanness, that he would pay
him half the sum which he had agreed to give for the poem,
and that he might ask the remainder, if he thought proper,
from his Tyndaridse, to whom he had given an equal share of
praise. A short time after, they say that a message was
brought in to Simonides, to desire him to go out, as two
youths were waiting at the gate who earnestly wished him to
come forth to them; when he arose, want forth, and found
nobody. In the meantime the apartment in which Scopas
was feasting fell down, and he himself, and his company, were
overwhelmed and buried in the ruins ; and when their friends
were desirous to inter their remains, but could not possibly
distinguish one from another, so much crushed were the
bodies, Simonides is said, from his recollection of the place in
which each had sat, to have given satisfactory directions for
their interment. Admonished by this occurrence, he is re-
ported to have discovered, that it is chiefly order that gives
distinctness to memory; and that by those, therefore, who
would improve this part of the understanding, certain places
must be fixed upon, and that of the things which they desire
to keep in memory, symbols must be conceived in tlie mind,
and ranged, as it were, in those places ; thus the order of places
would preserve the order of things, and the symbols of the
things would denote the things themselves; so that we should
use the places as waxen tablets, and the symbols as letters.

LXXXVII. " How great the benefit of memory is to the
jrator, how great the advantage, how great the power, what
need is there for me to observe 1 Why should I remark how ex-
jellent a thing it is to retain the instructions which you have
"•eceived with the cause, and the opinion which you have
formed upon iti to keep all your thoughts upon it fixed
in your mind, all your arrangement of language marked out
there 1 to listen to him from whom you receive any informa-
cn, or to him to whom you have to reply, with such power
of retention, that they seem not to have poured their dis-
course into your ears, but to have engraven it on your mental
tablet ? They alone accordingly, who have a vigorous memory,
know what, and hj w much, and in what manner they are
ibout to speak ; to what they have replied, and what remains

C liXXXVII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 327

ftnanswered ; and they also remember many courses that they
have formerly adopted in other cases, and many which they
have heard from others. I must, however, acknowledge that
nature is the chief author of tliis qualification, as of all those
of which I have previously spoken; (but this whole art of
oratory, or image and resemblance of an art, has the power,
not of engendering and producing anything entirely of itself,
of which no part previously existed in our understandings,
but of being able to give education and strength to what has
been generated, and has had its birth there;) yet there is
scarcely any one of so strong a memory as to retain the order
of his language and thoughts without a previous arrangement
and observation of heads ; nor is any one of so weak a
memory as not to receive assistance from this practice and
exercise. For Simonides, or whoever else invented the art,
wisely saw, that those things are the most strongly fixed in
our minds, which are communicated to them, and imprinted
upon them, by the senses ; that of all the senses that of seeing
is the most acute ; and that, accordingly, those things are most
easily retained in our minds which we have received from the
hearing or the understanding, if they are also recommended
to the imagination by means of the mental eye ; so that a
kind of form, resemblance, and representation might denote
invisible objects, and such as are in their nature withdrawn
from the cognisance of the sight, in such a manner, that what
we are scarcely capable of comprehending by thought we may
retain as it were by the aid of the visual faculty. By these
imaginary forms and objects, as by all those that come under
our corporeal vision, our memory is admonished and excited ;
but some place for them must be imagined ; as bodily shape
cannot be conceived without a place for it. That I may not,
then, be prolix and impertinent upon so well-known and
common a subject, we must fancy many plain distinct places,
at moderate distances ; and such symbols as are impressive,
striking, and well-marked, so that they may present them-
selves to the mind, and act upon it with the greatest qmckness.
This faculty of artificial memory practice will afturd, (from
which proceeds habit,) as well as the derivation of similar
words converted and altered in cases, or transferred from
particulars to generals, and the idea of an entire sentence from
the symbol of a single word, after the manner and method of

528 DB ORATORE ; OR, [b. H

any skilful painter, who distinguishes spaces by the variety ol
what he depicts.

LXXXVIII. " But the memory of words, which^ however,
is less necessary for us,' is to be distinguished by a greater
variety of symbols; for there are many words which, like
joints, connect the members of our speech, that cannot
possibly be represented by anything similar to them ; and for
these we must invent symbols that we may invariably use.
The memory of things is the proper business of the orator;
this we may be enabled to impress on ourselves by the creation
of imaginary figures, aptly arranged, to represent particular
heads, so that we may recollect thoughts by images, and their
order by place. Nor is that true which is said by people un-
skilled in this artifice, that the memory is oppressed by the
weight of these representations, and that even obscured which
unassisted nature might have clearly kept in view ; for I have
seen men of consummate abilities, and an almost divine faculty
of memory, as Charmadas at Athens, and Scepsius Metrodorus
in Asia, who is said to be still living, each of whom used to
say that, as he wrote with letters on wax, so he wrote with
symbols as it were, whatever he wished to remember, on
these places which he had conceived in imagination. Though^
therefore, a memory cannot be entirely formed by this prac-
tice, if there is none given by nature ; yet certainly, if there
is latent natural faculty, it may be called forth.

" You have now had a very long dissertation from a persou
whom I wish you may not esteem impudent, but who is cer-
tainly not over-modest, in having spoken, so copiously as
I have done, upon the art of eloquence, in your hearing,
Catulus, and that of Lucius Crassus; for of the rest of the
company the age might perhaps reasonably make less impres-
sion upon rne ; but you will certainly excuse me, if you but
listen to the motive which impelled me to loquacity so
unusual with me."

LXXXIX. " We indeed," said Catulus, " (for I make this
answer for my brother and myself,) not only excuse you, but
feel love and great gratitude to you for what you have done ;
and, as we acknowledge your pclitenessand good-nature, so we
admire your learning and copious stcre of matter. Indeed T

* Because words are at the command of the pr ctised orator, and,
when matter is supplied, easily occur. Ernesti,

C. LXXXIX.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 32S

think that I have reaped this benefit, that I am freed from a
great mistake, and relieved from that astonishment which I
used al-ways to feel, in common with many others, as to the
source from which that divine power of yours in pleading was
derived; for I never imagined that you had even slightly
touched upon those matters, of which I now perceive that you
possess an exact knowledge, gathered from all quarters, and
which, taught by experience, you have partly corrected and
partly approved. Nor have I now a less high opinion of your
eloquence, while I have a far higher one of your general merit
and diligence ; and I am pleased, at the same time, that my
own judgment is confirmed, inasmuch as I always laid it
down as a maxim, that no man can attain a character for
wisdom and eloquence without the greatest study, industry,
and learning. But what was it that you meant, when you
said that we should excuse you if we knew the motive which
had impelled you to this discourse? What other motive
could there be but your inclination to oblige us, and to satisfy
the desire of these young gentlemen, who have listened to you
with the utmost attention 1 "

" I was desirous," replied Antonius, " to take away from
Crjissus every pretence for refusal, who would, I was sure,
engage in such a kind of dissertation either a little too
modestly, or too reluctantly, for I would not apply the word
disdainfully to a man of his affability. But what excuse will
he now be able to make? That he is a person of consular and
censorial dignity? I might have made the same excuse.
Will he plead his age ? He is four years younger than I.
Can he say that he is ignorant of these matters, of which
I indeed have snatched some knowledge late in life, cur-
sorily, and, as people say, at spare times, while he 1ms
applied to them from his youth with the most diligent study,
under the most able masters? I will say nothing of his genius,
in which no man was ever his equal ; for no one that hears me
speak, has so contemptible an opinion of himself, as not to
hope to speak better, or at least as well ; but while Crassus is
speaking, no one is so conceited as to have the presumption
to think that he shall ever speak like him. Lest persons,
therefore, of so much dignity as the present company, should
have come to you in vain, let us at length, Crassus, hear yov
^ipeak."

330 »B ORATORK j OR, [b. II

XC. " If I should grant you, Antonius," replied Crassua,
" that these things are so, which however are far otherwise,
what have you left for me this day, or for any man, that
he can possibly say? For I will speak, my dearest friends,
■what I really think : I have often heard men of learning,
(why do I say often? I should rather say sometimes ; for how
could I have that opportunity often, when I entered the
forum quite a youth, and was never absent from it longer than
during my qusestorship 1) but I have heard, as I said yester-
day, both while I was at Athens, men of the greatest learning,
and in Asia that famous rhetorician Scepsius Metrodorus,
discoursing upon these very subjects ; but no one of them
ever appeared to me to have engaged in such a dissertation
with greater extent of knowledge, or greater penetration, than
our friend has shown to-day ; but if it were otherwise, and if
I thought anything had been omitted by Antonius, I should
not be so unpolite, nay so almost churlish, as to think that a
trouble which I perceived to be your desire." " Have you
then forgotten, Crassus," said Sulpicius, " that Antonius
made such a division with you, that he should explain the
equipment and implements of the orator, and leave it to you
to speak of decoration and embellishment ? " " In the first
place," rejoined Crassus, " who gave Antonius leave either to
make such a partition, or to ciioose first that part which he
liked best 1 In the next, if I rightly comprehended what
I heard with the utmost pleasure, he seemed to me to treat of
both these matters in conjunction." " But," observed Cotta,
" he said nothing of the embellishments of language, or on
that excellence from which eloquence derives its very name."
" Antonius then," said Crassus, " left me nothing but words,
and took the substance for himself." " Well," remarked Ctesar,
" if he has left you the more difficult part, we have reason to
desire to hear you; if that which is the easier, you have
no reason to refuse." " And in regard to what you said,
Crassus," interposed Catulus, " that if we would stay and pass
the day with you here, you would comply with our wishes,
do you not think it binding on your honour?" Cotta then
smiled, and said, " I might, Crassus, excuse you ', but take
care that Catulus has not made it a matter of religious
faith ; it is a point for the censor's cognisance ; and you
■08 how disgraceful it would be for a person of censorial

0. ;.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 331

dignity^ to render himself obnoxious to such censure." '' Do
as 3'ou please, then," replied Crassus ; " but for the present, as
it is time, I think we must rise, and take some repose ; in the
afternoon, if it is then agreeable to you, I will say something
on these points, unless perchance you may wish to put me off
till to-morrow." They all replied that they were ready to hear
him either at once, or in the afternoon if he preferred; as
Boon however as possible.

BOOK III.

THE ARGUMENT.

CiCEBO, in the introduction to this book, laments the sad deaths of
Crassua and Autonius. He then proceeds to relate Crassus's further
remarks on eloquence, and especially on style and delivery, in which
he was thought to excel all other speakers. See Cic. de Clar. Orat.
c. 38. He shows that an orator should speak correctly, perspicuously,
elegantly, and to the purpose. Style is to be ornamented by a taste-
ful choice of words, and by tropes and figures ; and it must have a
certain rhythm or harmony. Some observations are added on action
and delivery in general. In c. 14 a digression is made on the praises
of eloquence, and the combination of a knowledge of philosophy,
especially the Academic and Peripatetic, with the study of it.

I. When I proceeded to execute my design, brother Quintus,
of relating and committing to writing in this third book, the
remarks which Crassus made after the dissertation of An-
tonius, bitter remembrance renewed in my mind its former
concern and regret; for the genius worthy of immortality,
the learning, the virtue that were in Lucius Crassus, were all
extinguished by sudden death, within ten days from the day
which is comprised in this and the former book. When he
returned to Rome on the last day of the theatrical enter-
tainments,^ he was put into a violent emotion by that oration
which was reported to have been delivered in an assembly of
the people by Philippus, who, it was agreed, had declared,
" that he must look for another council, as he could not

* A man who has been censor, as you have been. Proust.

* Wkich accompanied the pubhc games. Compare i. 7.

332 DB ORATORE j OR, [a IH

carry on the government with such a senate;" and on the
morning of the thirteenth of September, both Crassus and a
full senate came into the house on the call of Drusus. There,
■when Drusus had made many complaints against Philippus,
ho brought formally before the senate the fact that the
consul had thrown such grievous obloquy on that order, in
his speech to the people. Here, as I have often heard it
unanimously said by men of the greatest judgment, although
indeed it continually happened to Crassus, whenever he had
delivered a speech more exquisite than ordinary, that he was
always thought never to have spoken better, yet by universal
consent it was then determined, that all other orators had
always been excelled by Crassus, but that on that day he had
been excelled by himself; for he deplored the misfortune and
unsupported condition of the senate ; an order whose heredi-
tary dignity was then being torn from it by a consul, as by
some lawless ruffian, a consul whose duty it was to act the
part of a good parent or trusty guardian towards it ; but said
that it was not surprising, if, after he had ruined the com-
monwealth by his own counsels, he should divorce the coun-
sels of the senate from the commonwealth. When he had
applied these expressions, which were like firebrands, to Phi-
lippus, who was a man of violence, as well as of eloquence,
and of the utmost vigour to resist opposition, he could not
restrain himself, but burst forth into a furious flame, and
resolved to bind Crassus to good behaviour, by forfeiting his
securities.^ On that occasion, many things are reported to
have been uttered by Crassus with a sort of divine sublimity,
refusing to acknowledge as a consul him who would not allow
him to possess the senatorial dignity : Bo you, said he, who,
wlien you thought the general authority of the whole senatorial
order entrusted to you as a pledge, yet perfidiously annulled it
in the view of the Roman people, imagine that I can he terrified
hy such petty forfeitures as those ? It is not such pledges that
are to he forfeited, if you would bind Lucius Crassus to silence;
for that purpose you must cut out this tongue; and even if it

' Pignoribus ahlatis. The senators and others were obliged to attend
the senate when they were summoned, and to be submissive to the
Buperior magistrates, or they might be punished by fine and distraint
of their property. See Livy, iii. 38; xliii. 16; Plin. Ep. iv. 29; Cic,
PhiL L 5; Suet. JuL c. 17; Adam's Roman Antiquities, p. 2.

C. 11.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOB. 338

le torn out, the freedom in my very breath will confound your
audacity.

II. It appeared that a multitude of other expressions were
then uttered by him with the most vehement efforts of mind,
thought, and spirits ; and that that resolution of his, which
the senate adopted in a full house, was proposed by him with,
the utmost magnificence and dignity of language. That ilie
counsel and fidelity of the senate had never been vjanting to
the commonwealth, in order to do Justice to the Roman people;
and he was present (as appears from the names entered in the
register) at the recording of the resolution. This however
was the last swan-like note and speech of that divine orator;
and, as if expecting to hear it again, we used, after his death,
to go into the senate-house, that we might contemplate the
spot on which he had last stood to speak; for we heard that
he was seized at the time with a pain in his side while he was
speaking, and that a copious perspiration followed; after
which he was struck with a chilhiess, and, returning home in a
fever, died the seventh day after of pleurisy. 0 how fallacious
are the hopes of mortals, how frail is our condition, and how
insignificant all our ambitious efforts, which are often broken
and thrown down in the middle of their course, and over-
whelmed as it were in their voyage, even before they gain
a sight of tlie harbour! For as long as the life of Crassua
was perplexed with the toils of arubition, so long wjis he
more distinguished for the performance of private duties, and
the praises due to his genius, than for any benefit that he
reaped from his greatness, or for the dignified rank which he
bore in the republic ; but the first year which, after a dis-
charge of all the honourable offices of the state, opened to
him the entrance to supreme authority by universal consent,
overthrew all his hopes, and all his future schemes of life, by
death. This was a melancholy occurrence to his friends, a
grievous calamity to his country, and a heavy affliction to all
the virtuous part of mankind ; but such misfortunes after-
wards fell upon the commonwealth, that life does not appear
to me to have been taken away from Lucius Crassus by
the immortal gods as a privation, but death to have been
bestowed on him as a blessing. He did not live to behold
Italy blazing with war, or the senate overwhelmed with
popular odium, or the leading men of tl e state accused en

334 DE ORATOKE j OR [b. IIL

the most heinous crimes, or the affliction of his daughter,
or the banishment of his son-at-law/ or the most calami-
tous flight of Caius Marius, or that most atrocious of all
daughters after his return, or, finally, that republic in every
way disgraced, in ■which, while it continued most flourishing;
he had by far the pre-eminence over all other men in glory.

III. But led away as I am by my reflections to touch
upon the power and vicissitudes of fortune, my observations
shall not expatiate too widely, but shall be confined almost
to the very personages who are contained in this dialogue,
which I have begun to detail. For who would not call the
death of Lucius Crassus, which has been so often lamented
by multitudes, a happy one, when he calls to mind the fate
of those very persons who were almost the last that held dis-
course with him? For we ourselves remember, that Quintua
Catulus, a man distinguished for almost every species ot
merit, when he entreated, not the security of his fortunes,
but retreat into exile, was reduced to deprive himself of life.
It was then, too, that that illustrious head of Marcus Antonius,
by whom the lives of so many citizens had been preserved,
was fixed upon the very rostra on which he had so strenuously
defended the republic when consul, and which he had adorned
with imperial trophies when censor. Not far from his was
exposed the head of Caius Julius, (who was betrayed by his
Tuscan host,) with that of Lucius Julius his brother; so that
he who did not behold such atrocities may justly be thought
to have prolonged his life during the existence of the consti-
tution, and to have expired together with it. He neither
beheld his near relation, Publius Crassus, a man of the greatest
magnanimity, slain by his own hand, nor saw the image of
Vesta sprinkled with the blood of the pontifex, his colleague ;
and (such were his feelings towards his country) even the
cruel death of Caius Carbo, his greatest enemy, that occurred
on the same day, would have caused additional grief to him.
He did not behold the horrible and miserable fate of those
young men who had devoted themselves to him; of whom
Caius Cotta, whom he had left in a promising condition,
was expelled, through popular prejudice, from his office of

' His daughter Licinia was married to Publius Seipio, the grandsoD
of Serarjon, who was instrumental in the death of Tiberius Gracchus
Cic, Brut 68. Ellendt.

O. IV.T ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 335

tribune, a few days after the death of Crassus, and, not many
months afterwards, driven from the city. And Sulpicius, who
had been involved in the same popular fury, attempted in his
tribuneship to spoil of all their honours those with whom,
as a private individual, he had lived in the greatest fami-
liarity; but when he was shooting forth into the highest
glory of eloquence, his life was taken from him by the sword,
and punishment was inflicted on his rashness, not without
great damage to the republic. I am indeed of opinion that
you, Crassus, received as well your birth as your death from
the peculiar appointment of divine providence, both on account
of the distinction of your life and the season of your death ;
for, in accordance with your virtue and firmness of mind, you
must either have submitted to the cruelty of civil slaughter;
or if any fortune had rescued you from so barbarous a death,
the same fortune would have compelled you to be a spectator
of the ruins of your country ; and not only the dominion of
ill- designing men, but even the victory of the honourable
party, wonld, on account of the civil massacres intermingled
with it, have been an affliction to you.

IV. Indeed, when I reflect, brother Quintus, upon the
calamities of these great men, (whose fates I have just men-
tioned,) and those which we ourselves have felt and experienced
from our extraordinary and eminent love for our country,
your opinions appear to me to be founded on justice and
wisdom, as you have always, on account of such numerous,
such violent, and such sudden afflictions as have liappened to
the most illustrious and virtuous men, dissuaded me from
all civil contention and strife. But, because we cannot put
affairs into the same state as if nothing had occurred,
and because our extreme toils are compensated and miti-
gated by great glory, let us apply ourselves to those con-
solations, which are not ouly pleasant to us when troubles
iiave subsided, but may also be salutary while they con-
tinue ; let us deliver as a memorial to posterity the remain-
ing and almost the last discourse of Lucius Crassus; and let
us express the gratitude to him which he so justly merited,
although in terms by no means equal to his genius, yet to
the best of our endeavours ; for there is not any of us, when
he reads the admirably written dialogues of Plato, in almost
all ;f which the character of Socrates is represented, who

336 DE OBATORE j OR, [B. UX.

does not, thougl. what is written of him is written in a divine
spirit, conceive something still greater of him about whom i\,
is written : and it is also my request, not indeed to you,
my brother, who attribute to me perfection in all things, but
to others who shall take this treatise into their hands, that
they would entertain a nobler conception of Lucius Crassus
than any that is expressed by me. For I, who was not
present at this dialogue, and to whom Caius Cotta communi-
cated only the topics and heads of the dissertation, have en-
deavoured to shadow forth in the conversation of the speakers
those peculiar styles of oratory, in which I knew that each of
them was conspicuous. But if any person shall be induced
by the common opinion, to think either that Antouius was
more jejune, or Crassus more exuberant in style, than they
have been respectively described by me, he will be among the
number of those who either never heard these great men, or
who have not abilities to judge; for each of them was (as I
have explained before) superior to all other speakers, in appli-
cation, and genius, and learning, as well as excellent in his
particular style, so that embellishment in language was not
wanting in Antonius, nor redundant in Crassus.

V. As soon therefore as they had withdrawn before noon,
and reposed themselves a little, Cotta said that he particularly
observed that Crassus employed all the time about the middle
of the day in the most earnest and profound meditation; and
that he himself, who was well acquainted with the counte-
nance which he assumed whenever he was going to speak *u
public, and the nature of his looks when he was fixed in con-
templation, and had often remarked them in causes of the
greatest importance, came on purpose, while the rest were
asleep, into the room in which Crassus had lain down on a
couch prepared for him, and that, as soon as he perceived
him to be settled in a thoughtful posture, he immediately
retired ; and tliat almost two hours passed in that perfect
stillness. Afterwards, when they all, as the day was now
verging to the afternoon, waited upon Crassus, Caesar said,
" Well, Crassus, shall we go and take our seats'? though w«
only come to put you in mind of your promise, and not to
demand the performance of it." Crassus then replied, " Do
you imagine that I have the assurance to think that I can
continue longer inc'ebted to such friends as you, especially iu

0. VI.] ON THB CHARACTER 01 THE OKATOB. 337

an obligation of this nature?" "What place then will suit
you?" said Caesar; "a seat in the middle of the wood, for
that is the most shady and cool?" "Very well," replied
Crassus, " for there is in that spot a seat not at all unsuited
fa- this discourse of ours." This arrangement being agreeable
to the rest of the company, they went iuto the wood, and sat
down there with the most earnest desire to listen.

Crassus then said, " Not only the influence of your autho-
rity and friendship, but also the ready compliance of Antonius,
have taken from me all liberty of refusal, though I had an
excellent pretext for refusing. In the partition, however, of
this dissertation between us, Antonius, when he assumed to
himself the part of speaking upon those matters which form
the subject of the orator's speech, and left to me to explain
how they should be embellished, divided things which
are in their nature incapable of separation; for as every
speech consists of the matter and the language, the language
can have no place if you take away the matter, nor the
matter receive any illustration if you take away the lan-
guage. Indeed, the great men of antiquity, embracing some-
thing of superior magnificence in their ideas, appear to me to
have seen fui'ther into the nature of things than the visual
faculties of our minds can penetrate ; as they said that all
these things, above and below, formed one system, and Avere
linked together in strict union by one and the same power,
and one principle of universal harmony in nature ; for there
is no order of things which can either of itself, if forcibly
separated from the rest, preserve a permanent existence, or
without which the rest can maintain their power and eternal
duration.

VI. " But, if this reasoning appear to be too comprehensive
to be embraced by human sense and understanding, yet that
saying of Plato is true, and certainly not unknown to you,
Catulus, * that all the learning of these liberal and polite de-
partments of knowledge is linked together in one bond of union;
for when the power of that reason, by which the causes and
events of things are known, is once thoroughly discerned, a cer-
tain wonderful agreement and harmony, as it were, in all the
sciences is discovered.' But, if this also appear to be too sublime
a thought for us to contemplate who are prostrate on the
earth, it, however, certainly is our duty to know and remember

J

338 ' DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. III. .

that which we have embraced, which we profess, which we
have taken upon ourselves. Since eloquence, as I observed
yesterday, and Antonius signified in some passages of his dis-
course this morning, is one and the same, iiito whditever tracts
or regions of debate it may be carried: for whether it dis-
courses concerning the nature of the hea\'ens or of the earth,
— whether of divine or human power, — whether it speaks
from a lower, or an equal, or a superior place, — whether to
impel an audience, or to instruct, or to deter, or to incite, or
to dissuade, or to inflame, or to soothe, — whether to a small
or to a large assembly, — whether to strangers, to friends, or
alone, — its language is derived through different channels,
not from different sources ; and,, wherever it directs its course,
it is attended with the same equipment and decoration. But
since we are overwhelmed by opinions, not only those of the
vulgar, but those also of men imperfectly instructed, who
treat of those things more easily when divided and torn
asunder which they have not capacity to comprehend in
a general view, and who sever the language from the thoughts
like the body from the soul, neither of which separations
can be made without destruction, I will not undertake in
this discourse more than that which is imposed upon me;
I will only signify briefly, that neither can embellishments of
language be found without arrangement and expression of
thoughts, nor can thoughts be made to shine without the
light of language. But before I proceed to touch upon those
particulars by which I think language is beautified and
illumined, I will state briefly what I think concerning elo-
quence in general.

VII. "There is no one of the natural senses, in my
opinion, which does not include under its general compre-
hension many things dissimilar one to another, but which are
still thought deserving of similar approbation; for we both
perceive many things by the ear, which, alfiiough they all
charm us with their sounds, are yet often so various in them-*
selves, that that which we hear last appears to be the most
delightful; and almost innumerable pleasures are received
by the eye, which all captivate us in such a manner as to
delight the same sense in different ways; and pleasures
that bear no sort cf resemblance to each other charm the
rest of the senses m such a manner that it is difficult to

O. VIII.J ON THE CHAKACTER OP THE ORATOR. 339

determine which affords the most exquisite enjoyment. But
the same observation which is to be made in regard to nature
may be apphed also to the different kinds of art. ■ Sculpture
is a single art, in which Myro, Polycletus, and Lysippus
excelled ; all of whom differed one from another, but so that
you would not wish any one cf them to be unlike himself
The art and science of painting is one, yet Zeuxis, Agiaophou,
and Apelles are quite unlike one another in themselves,
though to none of them does anything seem wantiqig in his
peculiar style. And if this be wonderful, and yet true, in
these, as it wei'e, mute arts, how much more wonderful is' it
in language and speech ? which, though employed about the
same thoughts and words, yet admits of the greatest varia-
tions; and not so that some speakers are to be censured and
others commended, but that those who are allowed to merit
praise, merit it for different excellences. This is fully exem-
plified in poets, who have the nearest affinity to orators : how
distinct from each other are Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius;
how distinct, among the Greeks, ^schylus, Sophocles, and
Euripides; though almost equal praise may be attributed
to them all in different kinds of writing. Then, behold and
contemplate those whose art is the subject of our present
inquiry; what a wide distinction thei'e is between the ac-
complishments and natural abilities of orators! Isocrates
possessed sweetness, Lysias delicacy, Hyperides pointedness,
^Eschines sound, and Demosthenes energy; and which of
them was not excellent ? yet which of them resembled any
one but himself? Africanus had weight, La3lius smoothness,
Galba asperity, Carbo something of fluency and harmony;
but which of these was not an orator of the first rank in
those times 1 and yet eveiy one attained that rank by a style
of oratory peculiar to himself

VIII. " But why should I search into antiquity for exam-
ples, when I can point to present and living characters 1
What was ever more pleasing to the ear than the language of
our friend Catulus 1. language of such purity, that he appears
to be almost the only orator that speaks pure Latin ; and of
such power, that with its peculiar dignity there is yet blended
the utmost politeness and wit. In a word, when I hear him, I
always think that whatever you should add, or alter, of take
away, his language would be imnai? ed and deteriorated. Haa

340 I>E! ORATORE ; OR, [B. Ill,

not our friend Caesar here, too, introduced a new kind of oratory,
and brought before us an almost peculiar style of eloquence ?
Who has ever, besides him, treated tragical subjects in an
almost comic manner, serious subjects with pleasantry, grave
subjects with gaiety, and subjects suited to the forum with a
grace peculiar to the stage 1 in such a way that neither is the
jocular style excluded by the importance of the subject, nor
is the weight of the matter lessened by the humour with
which it is treated. Here are present with us two young
men, almost of equal age, Sulpicius and Cotta; what things
were ever so dissimilar as they are one to another? yet what
is so excellent as they are in their respective styles ? One is
polished and refined, explaining things with the gi-eatest pro-
priety and aptitude of expi-ession; he always adheres to his
cause, and, when he has discovered, with his keen discern-
ment, what he ought to prove to the judge, he directs his
whole attention and force of oratory to that point, without
regarding other arguments; while Sulpicius has a certain
irresistible energy of mind, a most full and powerful voice, a
most vigorous action, and consummate dignity of motion,
united with such weight and copiousness of language, that he
appears of all men the best qualified by nature for eloquence.
IX. "I now return to ourselves; (because there has ever
been such a comparison made between us, that we are
brought, as it were, into judgment on account of rivalship, in
the common conv jrsation of mankind ;) what two things can
be more dissimilar than Antonius's manner of speaking and
my own 1 though he is such an orator that no one can possibly
surpass him ; and I, though I am altogether dissatisfied with
myself am yet in preference to others admitted to a com-
parison with him. Do you notice what the manner of Anto-
nius isl It is bold, vehement, full of energy and action,
fortified and guarded on every point of the cause, spirited,
acute, explicit, dwelling upon every circumstance, retiring
with honour, pursuing with eagerness, terrifying, supphcating,
exhibiting the greatest variety of language, yet without satiety
to the ear; but as to myself, whatever I am as a speaker
(since I appear to you to hold some place among speakers), I
certainly differ very greatly from his style. What my talents
are it becomes not me to say, because every ere is least
known to himself, and it is extremely difl&cult for any persor

C. X.] ox THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 341

to form a judgment of his own capacity; but the dissimilitude
may be easily perceived, both from the mediocrity of my
action, and from the circumstance that I usually conclude in
the same track in which I first set out; and that labour
and care in choosing woi'ds causes me greater anxiety than
choice of matter, being afraid that if my language should
be a little obsolete, it may appear unworthy of the expecta-
tion and silent attention of the audience. But if in us who
are present there are such remarkable dissimilitudes, such
decided peculiarities in each of us, and in all this variety the
better is distinguished from the worse by difference in ability
rather than by difference in kind, and everything is praise-
worthy that is perfect in its nature, what do you imagine
must be the case if we should take into consideration all the
orators that anywhere exist, or ever existed 1 Would it not
happen that almost as many kinds of eloquence as of orators
would be found ? But from this observation of mine, it may
perhaps occur to you, that if there be almost innumerable
varieties and characters of eloquence, dissimilar in species^
yet laudable in their kind, things of so diversified a nature
can never be formed into an art by the same precepts and
one single method of instruction. This is not the case ; and
it is to be attentively considered by those who have the con-
duct and education of others, in what direction the natural
genius of each seems principally to incline him. For we see
that from the same schools of artists and masters, eminent in
their respective pursuits, there have gone forth pupils very
unlike each other, yet all praiseworthy, because tiie instruc-
tion of the teacher has been adapted to each person's natural
genius ; a fact of which the most remarkable example (to say
nothing of other sciences) is that saying of Isocrates, an
eminent teacher of eloquence, that he used to apply the spur
to Ephorus, but to put the rein on Theopompus ; for the one,
who overleaped all bounds in the boldness of his expressions,
he restrained ; the other, who hesitated and was bashful, aa
it were, he stimulated : nor did he produce in them any
resemblance to each other, but gave to the one such an addi-
tion, and retrenched from the other so much supei-fluity, as
to form in both that excellence of which the natural geniua
of each was susceptible.

X. " I thought it necessary to premise these particulars

342 rt"^ oiuTORE ; or, [b. hi.

that if every remark of mine did not exactly adapt itself to
the inclinations of you all, and to that peculiar style of speak-
ing which each of you most admired, you might be sensible
that I described that character of eloquence of which I myself
most approved.

" Those matters, therefore, of which Antonius has treated
so explicitly, are to be endowed with action and elocution by
the orator in some certain manner. What manner of elocu-
tion can be better (for I will consider action by-and-by) than
that of speaking in pure Latin, with perspicuity, with grace-
fulness, and with aptitude and congruity to the subject in
question 1 Of the two which I mentioned first, purity and
clearness of language, I do not suppose that any account is
expected from me ; for we do not attempt to teach him to be
an orator who cannot speak ; nor can we hope that he who
cannot speak grammatical Latin will speak elegantly; nor
that he who cannot speak what we can understand, will ever
speak anything for us to admire. Let us, therefore, omit
these matters, which are easy of attainment, though necessar}'
in practice ; for the one is taught in school-learning and the
rudiments of children ; the other ^ is cultivated for this reason,
that what every person says may be understood, — a qualifica-
tion whicii we perceive indeed to be necessary, yet that none
can be held in less estimation. ^ But all elegance of lan-
guage, though it receive a polish from the science of grammar,
is yet augmented by the reading of orators and poets ; for
those ancients, who could not then adorn what they expressed,
had almost all a kind of nobleness of diction; and those
who are accustomed to their style cannot express themselves
otherwise than in pure Latin, even though they desire to do
so. Yet we must not make use of such of their words as our
modern mode of speaking does not admit, unless sometimes
for the sake of ornament, and but sparingly, as I shall ex-
plain; but he who is studious and much conversant with
ancient writers, will make such use of common expressions as
always to adopt the most eligible.

XI. " In order to speak pure Latin, we must take care not
only to use words with which nobody can justly find fault,

* Perspicuity.

* This eeems to bo speaking rather too lightly of the merit of
perspicuity, which Qu^ntilian pronounces the chief virtue of language.

c. sl"1 on the character of the orator. 343

and preserve the construction by proper cases, and tenses,
and genders, and numbers, so that there may be nothing con-
fused, or incongruous, or preposterous; but also that the
tongue, and the breath, and the tone of the voice come under
proper regulation. I would not have letters sounded with
too much affectation, or uttered imperfectly through negli-
gence; I would not have the words dropped out without
expression or spirit ; I would not have them puffed and, as it
were, panted forth, with a difficulty of breathing; for I do
not as yet speak of those things relating to the voice which
belong to oratorical delivery, but merely of that which seems
to me to concern pronunciation. For there are certain faults
which every one is desirous to avoid, as a too delicate and
effeminate tone of voice, or one that is extravagantly harsh
and grating. There is also a fault which some industriously
strive to attain; a rustic and rough pronunciation is agree-
able to some, that their language, if it has that tone, may
seem to partake more of antiquity; as Lucius Cotta, an ac-
quaintance of yours, Catulus, appears to me to take a delight
in the broadness of his speech and the rough sound of his
voice, and thinks that what he says will savour of the antique
If it certainly savour of rusticity. But your harmony and
sweetness delight me ; I do not refer to the harmony of your
words, which is a principal point, but one which method in-
troduces, learning teaches, practice in reading and speaking
confirms ; but I mean the mei'e sweetness of pronunciation,
which, as among the Greeks it was peculiar to the Athenians,
so in the Latin tongue is chiefly remarkable in this city. At
Athens, learning among the Athenians themselves has long
been entirely neglected; there remains in that city only the
seat of the studies which the citizens do not cultivate, but
which foreigners enjoy, being captivated in a manner with
the very name and authority of the place ; yet any illiterate
Athenian will easily surpass the most learned Asiatics,^ not in
his language, but in sweetness of tone, not so much in speak-
ing well as in speaking agreeably. Our citizens^ pay less
attention to letters than the people of Latium, yet among all
the people that you know in the city, who have the least

* The Asiatic Greeks.

2 Those who are bom at Rome apply themselves to the liberal
■ciences leas than the rest of the reople cf Latium. Proust,

844 DE oratore; or, [e u\

tincture cf literature, there is not one who would not have
a manifest advantage over Quintus Valerius of Sora,^ the most
learned of all the Latins, in softness of voice, in conformation
of the mouth, and in the general tone of pronunciation.

XII. " As there is a certain tone of voice, therefoi'e, peculiar
to the Roman people and city, in which nothing can offend,
or displease, nothing can be liable to animadversion, nothing
sound or savour of what is foreign, let us cultivate that tone,
and learn to avoid not only the asperity of rustic but tho
strangeness of outlandish pronunciation. Indeed when 1
listen to my wife's mother, Lselia,^ (for women more easily
preserve the ancient language unaltered, because, not having
experience of the conversation of a multitude of people, they
always retain what they originally learned,) I hear her with
such attention that I imagine myself listening to Plautus or
Nsevius; she has a tone of voice so unaffected and simple, that
it seems to carry in it nothing of ostentation or imitation ;
from whence I judge that her father and forefathers spoke in
like manner; not with a rough tone, as he whom I mentioned,
nor with one broad, or rustic, or too open, but with one that
was close and equable and smooth. Our friend Cotta, there-
fore, whose broad manner of speaking you, Sulpicius, some-
times imitate, so as to drop the letter I and pi'onounce E as
full as possible, does not seem to me to resemble the ancient
orators, but the modern farmers." As Sulpicius laughed at
this, " I will act with you," said Crassus, " in such a manner,
that, as you oblige me to speak, you shall hear something of
your own faults." " I wish we may," replied Sulpicius, " for
that is what we desire; and if you do so, we shall to-day,
I fancy, throw off many of our inelegances." " But," said
Crassus, " I cannot censure you, Sulpicius, without being in
danger of censure myself; since Antonius has declared that
he thinks you very similar to me."^ " But," rejoined Sulpicius,
" as Antonius also recommended us to imitate those things
which were most conspicuous in any one,* I am afraid in con-
sequence that I may have copied notliing from you but the
stamping of your foot, and a few particular expressions, and

» See Brut. c. 46.

* The daughter of Caius Loelius Sapiens, who was married to Quinti
Hncius Scaivola, the augur. See Brut. c. 58 ; Quint. L 1, 6. EUevdt,
» See iL 21 : Brut. c. 55. * See ii. 22.

C. XIII.] OK THE CHARACTEH OF THE OBATOK. ^45

perhaps something of your action." " With what you have
caught from me, then," said Crassus, " I find no fault, lestl
should ridicule myself; (but there are many more and
greater faults of mine than you mention ;) of faults, however,
which are evidently your own, or taken by imitation from
any third person, I shall admonish you whenever opportunity
may remind me of them.

XIII. " Let us therefore pass over the rules for speaking the
Latin tongue in its purity; which the teaching given to
children conveys, which refined knowledge and method in
study, or the habit of daily and domestic conversation
cherishes, and which books and the reading of the ancient
orators and poets confirm. Nor let us dwell long upon that
other point, so as to discuss by what means we may succeed
in making what we say understood ; an object which we shall
doubtless effect by speaking good Latin, adopting words
in common use, and such as aptly express what we wish to
communicate or explain, without any ambiguous word or
phrase, not making our sentences too long, not making such
observations as are drawn from other subjects, for the sake of
comparison, too pi'olix; avoiding all incoherency of thought,
reversion of the order of time, all confusion of persons, all
irregularity of arrangement whatever. In short, the whole
matter is so easy, that it often appears astonishing to me, that
what the advocate would express should be more difficult to
understand, than he who employs the advocate would be, if
he were to speak on his own business ; for the persons them-
selves who bring cases to us, give us in general such instruc-
tions, that you would not desire anything to be delivered in
a plainer manner; but as soon as Fufius, or your equal in age
Pomponius,^ proceeds to plead those cases, I do not find them
equally intelligible, unless I give an extraordinary degi-ee of
attention; their speech is so confused and ill arranged that
there is nothing first, and nothing second; there is such
a jumble of strange words, that language, which ought to
throw a light upon things, involves them in obscurity and
darkness; and the speakers, in what they say, seem in a
manner to contradict themselves. But, if it is agreeable,
siuce I think that these topics must appear troublesome and
distasteful, at least to you of a more advanced age,^ let ns
' See i. 39 ; Brut. c. 57, 62, 90. Ellendt. * Antonius and Catullus.

346 DE ORATORE j OR, [b. III.

proceed to other matters which may prove still more unsatis-
factory."^

XIV. " You see," said Antonius, " how inattentive we are,
and how unwillingly we listen to you,^ when we might be in-
duced (I judge from myself) to neglect all other concerns to
follow you and give you our attention ; so elegant are your
remarks upon unpleasing, so copious upon barren, go new
upon common subjects."

" Those two parts indeed, Antonius," continued Crassus,
" which I have just run over, or rather have almost passed by,
that of speaking in pure Latin, and with perspicuity, were
easy to treat j those which remain are important, intricate,
diversified, weighty, on which depends all the admiration
bestowed upon ability and all the praise given to eloquence ;
for nobody ever admired an orator for merely speaking good
Latin ; if he speaks otherwise, they ridicule him ; and not
only do not think him an orator, but not even a man. Nor
has any one ever extolled a speaker for merely speaking
in such a manner that those who were present understood
what he said; though every one has despised him who was
not able to do so. Whom then do men regard with awe?
What speaker do they behold with astonishment 1 At whom
do they utter exclamations? Whom do they consider as
a deity, if I may use the expression, amongst mortals? Him
who speaks distinctly, explicitly, copiously, and luminously,
both as to matter and words ; who produces in his language
a sort of rhythm and harmony ; who speaks, as I call it, grace-
fully. Those also who treat their subject as the importance of
things and persons requires, are to be commended for that
peculiar kind of merit, which I term aptitude and congi'uiti/.
Antonius said that he had never seen any who spoke in such
a manner, and observed that to such only was to be attri-
buted the distinguishing title of eloquence. On my authority,
therefore, deride and despise all those who imagine that
from the precepts of such as are now called rhetoricians they
have gained all the powers of oratory, and have not yet been
able to understand what character they hold, or what they
profess ; for indeed, by an orator everything that relates to
human life, since that is the field on which his abilities are
displayed, and is the subject for his eloquence, should be eX'
• ■ Odiosiora. Auditoribus odionora. Schutz. ' Ironicallv.

C. XV.] ON THE CHi-ll&CTER OF THE ORATOR. 347

nmined, heard, read, discussed, handled, and considered ; since
eloquence is one of the most eminent virtues ; and though all
the virtues are in their nature equal and alike, yet one species
is more beautiful and noble than another ; as is this power,
•which, comprehending a knowledge of things, expresses the
thoughts and purposes of the mind in such a manner, that it
can impel the audience whithersoever it inclines its force ;
and, the greater is its influence, the more necessary it is that
it should be united with probity and eminent judgment ; for
if we bestow the faculty of eloquence upon persons destitute
of these virtues, we shall not make them orators, but give
arms to madmen.

XV. " This faculty, I say, of thinking and speaking, this
power of eloquence, the ancient Greeks denominated wisdom.
Hence the Lycurgi, the Pittaci, the Solons; and, compared
with them, our Coruncanii, Fabricii, Catos, and Scipios, were
perhaps not so learned, but were certainly of a like force and
inclination of mind. Others, of equal ability, but of dissimilar
affection towards the pursuits of life, preferred ease and
retirement, as Pythagoras, Democritus, Anaxagoras, and
transferred their attention entirely from civil polity to the
contemplation of nature ; a mode of life which, on account of
its tranquillity, and the pleasure derived from science, than
which nothing is more delightful to mankind, attracted
a greater number than was of advantage to public concerns.
Accordingly, as men of the most excellent natural talents
gave themselves up to that study, in the enjoyment of the
greatest abundance of free and unoccupied time, so men of
the greatest learning, blessed with excess of leisure and fer-
tility of thought, imagined it their duty to make more thing's
than were really necessary the objects of their attention,
investigation, and inquiry. That ancient learning, indeed,
appeal's to have been at the same time the preceptress of
living rightly and of speaking well ; nor were there separate
masters for those subjects, but the same teachers formed the
morals and the language ; as Phoenix in Homer, who says
that he was appointed a companion in war to the young
Achilles by his father Peleus, to make him an orator iu
words, and a hero in deeds. But as men accustomed to
constant and daily employment, when they are hindered from
their occupation by the weather, betake themselves to play at

548 DE oratobk; or, fs. iil

ball, or dice, or draughts, or even invent some new game of
their own to amuse their leisure; so they, being either
excluded from public employments, as from business, by the
state of the times, or being idle from inclination, gave them-
selves up wholly, some to the poets, some to the geometers,
some to music ; ethers even, as the logdcians, found out a new
study and exercise for themselves, and consumed their whole
time and lives in those arts which have been discovered
to form the minds of youth to learning and to virtue.

XVI. " But, because there were some, and those not a few,
who either were eminent in public affairs, through their two-
fold excellence in acting and speaking, excellences which are
indeed inseparable, as Themistocles, Pericles, Theramenes ; or
who, though they were not employed themselves in public
affairs, were teachers of others in that science, as Gorgias,
Thrasymachus, Isocratesj there appeared others who, being
themselves men of abundant learning and ingenuity, but averse
to political business and employments, derided and despised
the exercise of oratory; at the head of which party was
Socrates. He, who, by the testimony of all the learned, and
the judgment of all Greece, was the first of all men as well
in wisdom and penetration, grace and refinement, as in elo-
quence, variety, and copiousness of language on whatever
subject he took in hand, deprived of their common name
those who handled, treated, and gave instruction in those
matters which are the objects of our present inquiry, when
they were previously comprised under one appellation; as all
knowledge in the best arts and sciences, and all exercise in
them, was denominated philosophy ; and he separated in his
discussions the ability of thinking wisely, and speaking grace-
fully, though they are naturally united; Socrates, 1 say,
whose great genius and varied conversation Plato has in his
Dialogues consigned to immortality, he himself having left
us nothing in writing. Hence arose that divorce as it
were of the tongue from the heart, a division certainly
absurd, useless, and reprehensible, that one class of persons
should teach us to think, and another to speak, rightly : for,
as many reasoners had their origin almost from Socrates,
and as they caught up some one thing, some another, from
his disputations, which were various, diversified, and diffusive
upon all subjects, many sects as it were became propagated,

0. XVII.] ON THE CHARACTKIi OF THE OEATOR. 343

dissenting one from another^ and much divided and very dis-
similar in opinions, thougli all the philosophers wished to be
called, and thought that they were, Socratics.

XVII. " First from Plato himself came Aristotle and
Xenocrates; the one of whom founded the Peripatetic sect,
the other the Academy; and from Antistheues, who was
chiefly delighted with the patience and endurance recom-
mended in the discourses of Socrates, sprung first the Cynics,
afterwards the Stoics. Next, from Aristippus, for whom the
dissertations on pleasure had greater charms, emanated the
Cyrenaic philosophy, which he and his followers maintained
in its simplicity; those who in our days measure all things
by the standard of pleasure, while they act more modestly in
this particular, neither satisfy that dignity which they are
far from rejecting, nor adhere to that pleasure which they
are inclined to embrace. There were also other sects of phi-
losophers, who almost all in general called themselves the
followers of Socrates; as those of the Eretrians, lierillians,
Megarians, and Pyrrhonians ; but these have long since been
overthrown and extinguished by the superior arguments of
the others. Of those which remain, that philosophy which
has undertaken the patronage of pleasure, however true it
may appear to some, is very unsuitable for that personage of
whom we are forming a conception, and whom we would have
to be of authority in public councils, a leader in the admi-
nistration of government, a consummate master of thought
and eloquence, as well in the senate, as in popular assemblies,
and in public causes. Yet no injuiy shall be done to that phi-
losophy by us ; for it shall not be repelled from the mark at
which it wishes to aim, but shall repose quietly in its gardens,
where it wishes, and where, reclining softly and delicately, it
calls us away from the rostra, from the courts of justice, and
from the senate, and perhaps wisely, especially in such times of
the republic as these. But my present inquiry is not which
philosophy is the nearest to truth, but which is the best
suited to the orator. Let us therefore dismiss those of this
sect without any contumely; for they are well-meaning,
and, as they seem so to themselves, happy; let us only
admonish them to keep that maxim of theirs, though it be
eminently true, secret however as a mystery, I mean their
denial that it is the part of a wise man to concern himself

350 DE oratore; ch, [b. in.

with public affairs ; for if- they should convince us, and every
man of eminent ability, of the truth of that maxim, they will
be unable to remain, as they especially desire, in tranquillity.

XVIII. "The Stoics, too, whom I by no means disapprove^
I notwithstanding dismiss; nor am I afraid that they will be
angry, as they are proof against anger; and I feel grateful
to them on this account, that they alone, of all the philoso-
phers, have declared eloquence to be virtue and wisdom.
But there are two peculiarities in their doctrine, which are
quite unsuitable to that orator whom we are forming ; one,
that they pronounce all who are not wise, to be slaves,
robbers, enemies, and madmen, and yet do not admit that
any person is wise ; (but it would be very absurd to trust the
interests of an assembly of the people, or of the senate, or
any other body of men, to one to whom none of those present
would appear to be in their senses, none to be citizens, none
to be freemen;) the other, that they have a manner of
speaking which is perhaps subtle, and certainly acute, but
for an orator, dry, strange, unsuited to the ear of the popu-
lace, obscure, barren, jejune, and altogether of that species
which a speaker cannot use to a multitude. Other citizens,
or rather all other people, have very different notions of good
and evil from the Stoics; their estimation of honour and
ignominy, rew^-^ls and punishments, is entirely different;
whether justly or otherwise, is nothing to the present occa-
sion ; but if we should adopt their notions, we should never
be able to expedite any business by speaking. The remaining
sects are the Peripatetic and the Academic; though of the
Academics, notwithstanding there is but one name, there are
two distinct systems of opinion; for Speusippus, Plato's
sister's son, and Xenocrates, who had been a hearer of Plato,
and Polemo, who had been a hearer of Xenocrates, and
Grantor, differed in no great degree from Aristotle, who had
also been a hearer of Plato; in copiousness and variety of
diction, however, they were perhaps unequal to him. Arce-
silas, who had been a hearer of Polemo, was the first who
eagerly embraced the doctrine drawn from the various
writings of Plato and the discourses of Socrates, that ' there
is nothing certain to be known, either by the senses or the
understanding;' he is reported to have adopted an eminently
graceful manner of speaking, to have rejected all judgment

C. XIX. j OK THE CHARACTER OF THE OnATOB. 351

of the mind and the senses, and to have established first the
practice (though it was indeed greatly adopted by Socrates)
of not declaring what he himself thought, but of disputing
against whatever any other person said that he thought.
Hence the New Academy derived its origin, in which Car-
neades distinguished himself by a quickness of wit, that was
in a manner divine, and a peculiar force of eloquence. I
knew many at Athens who had been hearers of this philo-
sopher, but I can refer for his character to two persons of
undoubted authority, my father-in-law Scsevola, who heard
him when a youth at Rome, and Quiutus Metellus, the son
of Lucius, my intimate friend, a man of high dignity, who
informed me that in the early part of his life at Athens, he
attended for many days the lectures of this celebrated phi-
losopher, then almost broken with age.-^

XIX. "But the streams of learning have flowed from the
common summit of science,^ like rivers from the Apennines,
in different directions, so that the philosophers have passed,
as it were, into the Upper or Ionian sea, a Greek sea, abound-
ing with harbours, but the orators have fallen into the Lower
or Tuscan, a barbarian sea, infested with rocks and dangers,
in which even Ulysses himself had mistaken his course. If,
thci-efore, we are content with such a degree of eloquence,
and such an orator as has the common discretion to know
that you ought either to deny the charge which is brought
against you, or, if you cannot do that, to show that what he
who is accused has committed, was either done justifiably, or
through the fault or wrong of some other person, or that it
is agreeable to law, or at least not contrary to any law, or
that it was done without design, or from necessity ; or that
it does not merit the term given it in the accusation ; or that
the pleading is not conducted as it ought to have been or
might have been; and if you think it sufficient to have
learned the rules which the writers on rhetoric have delivered,
which however Antonius has set forth with much more grace
and fulness than they are treated by them ; if, I say, you are

■ Qui illwn a se adolescente Athenis jam affectum senectute multos dies
ttuditum esse dicthat. " Who said that he had been heard by him wheu
a yoiing man for many days at Athens (where he was) now affected
with old age."

* £x commvni sapierUium jugo. I read sapientice with EUendt. It is
a comparison, as he observes, of Socrates to a hill.

362 DE oratore; or, [b.ih

content with these qualifications, and those which you wished
to be specified l)y me, you reduce the orator from a spacioua
and immense field of action into a very narrow compass:
but if you are desirous to emulate Pericles, or Demo-
sthenes, who is more familiar to us from his numerous
writings; and if you are captivated with this noble and
illustrious idea and excellence of a perfect orator, you must
include in your minds all the powers of Carneades, or those
of Aristotle. For, as I observed before, the ancients, till the
time of Socrates, united all knowledge and science in all
things, whether they appertained to morality, to the duties
of life, to vii'tue, or to civil government, with the faculty of
speaking; but afterwards, the eloquent being separated by
Socrates from the learned, (as I have already explained,) and
this distinction being continued by all the followers of
Socrates, the philosophers disregarded eloquence, and the
oi'ators philosophy; nor did they at all encroach upon each
other's provinces, except that the orators borrowed from the
philosophers, and the philosophers from the orators, such
things as they would have taken from the common stock if
they had been inclined to remain in their pristine union.
But as the old pontiffs, on account of the multitude of reli-
gious ceremonies, appointed three officers called Epulones,^
though they themselves were instituted by Numa to perform
the epulare sacrificium at the games; so the followers of
Socrates excluded the pleaders of causes from their own
body, and from the common title of philosophers, though
the ancients were of opinion that there was a miraculous
harmony between speaking and understanding.

JCX. " Such being the case, I shall crave some little indul-
gence for myself, and beg you to consider that whatever
I say, I say not of myself, but of the complete orator. For I
am a person, who, having been educated in ray boyhood, with
great care on the part of my father, and having brought into
the forum such a portion of talent as I am conscious of possess-
ing, and not so much as I may perhaps appear to you to have,
cannot aver that I learned what I now comprehend, exactly
38 I shall say that it ought to be learned ; since I engaged in
publio business most early of all men, and at one-and-twenty
years of age brought to trial a man of the highest rank, and
' See Liv. xzxiii. 42.

C, XXI.J ON THE CHAIUCTER OF THE ORATOR. 353

the greatest eloquence;^ and the forum has l^en my school,
and practice, with the laws and institutions of the Roman
people, and the customs of our ancestors, my instructors. I
got a small taste of those sciences of which I am speaking,
feeling some thii-st for them, while I was quaestor in Asia;
having procured a rhetorician about my own age from the
Academy, that Metrodorus, of whose memory Antonius has
made honourable mention ; and, on my departure from Asia,
at Athens, where I should have stayed longer, had I not been
displeased with the Athenians, who would not repeat their
mysteries, for which I came two days too late. The fact,
therefore, that I comprise within my scheme so much science,
and attribute so much influence to learning, makes not o«ily
not in my favour, but rather against me, (for I am not con-
sidering what I, but what a perfect orator can do,) and against
all those who put forth treatises on the art of rhetoric, and
who are indeed obnoxious to extreme ridicule ; for they write
merely about the several kinds of suits, about exordia, and
statements of facts ; but the real power of eloquence is such,
that it embraces the origin, the influence, the changes of
all things in the world, all virtues, duties, and all nature, so
far as it aflects the manners, minds, and lives of mankind.
It can give an account of customs, laws, and rights, can
govern a state, and speak on everything relating to any sub-
ject whatsoever with elegance and force. In this pursuit I
employ my talents as well as I can, as far as I am enabled by
natural capacity, moderate learning, and constant practice;
nor do I conceive myself much inferior in disputation to
those who have as it were pitched their tent for life in phi-
losophy alone.

XXI. " For what can my friend Cains Velleius ^ allege, to
show why pleasure is the chief good, vrhich I cannot either
maintain more fully, if I were so inclined, or refute, with the
aid of those common-places which Antonius has set forth, and
that habit of speaking in which Velleius himself is unexercised,
but every one of us experienced 1 What is there that either
*5extus Pompeius, or the two Balbi,^ or my acquaintance

' Carbo. See note on i. 10.

' The same that speaks, iu Hie dipJogue De Naturd Deorum, on th»
ienots of the Epicureans.
* One Balbus is a speaker in the De Nat, Deorum, on the doctrines

A. ▲

554: DK oratore; or, ^b. hi.

Marcus Yigellius, "wlio lived with Pansetius, all men of the
Stoic sect, can maintain concerning virtue, in such a manner
that either I, or any one of you, should give place to them in
debate 1 For philosophy is not like other arts or sciences ;
since what can he do in geometry, or in music, who has never
leaiTied? He must be silent, or be thought a madman; but
the principles of philosopliy are discovered by such minds as
have acuteness and penetration enough to extract what is
most probable concerning any subject, and are elegantly
expressed with the aid of exercise in speaking. On such
topics, a speaker of ordinary abilities, if he has no great
learning, but has had practice in declaiming, will, by virtue
of such pr-actice, common to others as well as to him, beat
our friends the philosophers, and not suffer himself to bo
despised and held in contempt; but if ever a person shall
arise who shall have abilities to deliver opinions on both
sides of a question on all subjects, after the manner of
Aristotle, and, from a knowledge of the precepts of that phi-
losopher, to deliver two contradictory orations on every con-
ceivable topic, or shall be able, after the manner of Arcesilas
or Carneades, to dispute against every proposition that can
be laid down, and shall unite with those powers rhetorical
skill, and practice and exercise in speaking, he will be the true,
the perfect, the only orator. For neither without the nervous
eloquence of the forum, can an orator have sufficient weight,
dignity, and force ; nor, without variety of learning, sufficient
elegance and judgment. Let us suffer that old Corax of yours,^
therefore, to hatch his young birds in the nest, that they
may fly out disagreeable and troublesome bawlers ; and let us
allow Pamphilus, whoever he was,- to depict a science of such

of the Stoics. The other, says Ellendt, is supposed to be the lawyer
who is mentioned by Cicero, Brut. c. 42, and who waa the master of
Servius Sulpicius. Of Yigellius nothing is known.

* See i. 20. He jokes on the name of Corax, which signifies a crow.

' PampJdlum tiescio quern. Some suppose him to be the painter that
is mentioned as the instructor of Apelles by Pliny, H. N. xxxv. 36. 8.
He seems, whoever he was, to have given some fanciful maj)-like view
of the rules of rhetoric. But it is not intimated by Pliny that the
Pamphilus of whom he speaks was, though a learned painter, anj-thing
more than a painter. A Pamphilus is mentioned by Quintilian, iii. 6.
34; xii. IC. 6; and by Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 23. By infulce in the te3ct»
which I have rendered " flags," Ellendt supposes that something similar
to our prittced cotton handkerchiefs, or flags hung out at booths at

C. XXII.] ON THE CHABACTER OF THE ORATOR. 535

consequence upon flags, as if for an amusement for children ;
while we ourselves describe the whole business of an orator,
in so short a disputation as that of yesterday and to-
day ; admitting, however, that it is of such extent as to be
spread through all the books of the philosophers, into which
none of those rhetoricians ^ has ever dipped."

XXII. Catulus then said, " It is, indeed, by no means
astonishing, Crassus, that there should appear in you either
such energy, or such agreeableness, or such copiousness of lan-
guage; though I previously supposed that it was merely from
the force of natural genius that ycu spoke in such a way as
to seem to me not only the greatest of orators, but the
wisest of men ; but I now understand that you have always
given precedence to matters relating to philosophy, and your
copious stream of eloquence has flowed from that source ; and
yet, when I recollect the difierent stages of your life, and
when I consider your manner of living and pursuits, I can
neither conceive at what time you acquired that learning, nor
can I imagine you to be strongly addicted to those studies,
or men, or writings ; nor can I determine at which of these
two things I ought most to feel surprised, that you could
obtain a thorough knowledge of those matters which you
persuade me are of the utmost assistance to oratory, amid
such important occupations as yours, or that, if you could
not do so, you can speak with such efiect." Here Crassus
rejoined, " I would have you first of all, Catulus, persuade
yourself of this, that, when I speak of an orator, I speak not
much otherwise than I should do if I had to speak of au
actor; for I should say that he could not possibly give satis-
faction in his gesture unless he had learned the exercises of
the palaestra, and dancing ; nor would it be necessary that,
when I said this, I should be myself a player, though it per-
haps would be necessary that I should be a not unskilful
critic in another man's profession. In like manner I am now,
at your request, speaking of the orator, that is, the perfect
orator ; for, about whatever art or faculty inquiry is made, it
always relates to it in its state of absolute perfection ; and if,

fairs, is meant. Talseus thinks that the tables of rules might have
been called infulcB in ridicule, from their shape.

' Such "disagreeable and troublesome bawlers," as those from tha
nest of Corax just mentioned. Eme»ti.
4 A 2

556 DE oratobe; or, [b. hi.

therefore, you now allow me to be a speaker, :,f even a pretty
good one, or a positively good one, I will not contradict you j
(for why should I, at my time of life, be so foolish 1 I know
that I am esteemed such ;) but, if it be so, I am certainly not
perfect. For there is not among mankind any pursuit of
greater difficulty or effort, or that requires more aids from
learning ; but, since I have to speak of the oratoi-, I must
of necessity speak of the perfect orator; for unless the
powers and nature of a thing be set before the eyes in their
utmost pei-fection, its character and magnitude cannot be
understood. Yet I confess, Catulus, that I do not at present
live in any great familiarity with the writings or the pro-
fessors of philosophy, and that, as you have rightly observed,
I never had much leisure to set apart for the acquisition
of such learning, and that I have only given to study such
portions of time as my leisure when I was a youth, and vaca-
tions from the business of the forum, have allowed me,

XXIII. " But if, Catulus, you inquire my sentiments on
that learning, I am of opinion that so much time need not be
spent on it by a man of ability, and one who studies with a
view to the forum, to the senate, to causes, to civil administra-
tion, as those have chosen to give to it whom life has failed
while they were learning. For all arts are handled in one
manner by those who apply them to practice ; in another by
those who, taking delight in treating of the arts themselves,
never intend to do anything else during the whole course oif
their lives. The master of the gladiators ^ is now in the ex-
tremity of age, yet daily meditates upon the improvement of
his science, for he has no other care; but Quintus Velocius^
had learned that exercise in his youth, and, as he was na-
turally formed for it, and had thoroughly acquired it, he was,
as it is said in Lucilius,

Though fis a gladiator in the school

Well skill'd, and bold enough to match with any,

yet resolved to devote more attention to the duties of the forum,
and of friendship, and to his domestic concerns. Valerius^
sung every day; for he was on the stage; what else was ha

' See note on ii. 80.

* This name was intraduced on the conjecture of Victorius. Pr»
riously the passage was unintelligible.

* Of Valerius and Furius nothing is knowiL Ellendt.

C. XXIV.J ox THE CHAEACTER OF THE ORATOR, 357

to do 1 But our friend Numerius Furius sings only when it
is agreeable to him ; for he is the head of a family, and of
equestrian dignity ; he learned when a boy as much as it was
necessary for him to learn. The case is similar with regard
to sciences of the greatest importance ; we have seen Quintus
Tubero,^ a man of eminent virtue and prudence, engaged in
the study of philosophy night and day, but his uncle Africa-
nus ^ you could scarcely ever perceive paying any attention
to it, though he paid a great deal. Such knowledge is easily
gained, if you only get as much of it as is necessary, and
have a faithful and able instructor, and know how to learn
yourself But if you are inclined to do nothing else all your
life, your very studies and inquiries daily give rise to some-
thing for you to investigate as an amusement at your leisure;
thus it happens, that the investigation of particular points is
endless, though general knowledge is easy, if practice establish
learning once acquired, moderate exercise be devoted to it,
and memory and inclination continue. But it is pleasant to
be constantly learning, if we wish to be thoroughly masters
of anything ; as if I, for instance, had a desire to play excel-
lently at backgammon, or had a strong attachment to tennis,
though perhaps I should not attain perfection in those games ;
but others, because they excel in any performance, take a
more vehement delight in it than the object requires, as
Titius ^ in tennis, Brulla in backgammon. There is no reason,
therefore, why any one should dread the extent of the sciences
because he perceives old men still learning them ; for either
they were old men when they first applied to them, or have
been detained in the study of them till they became old ; or
are of more than ordinary stupidity. And the truth in my
opinion is, that a man can never learn thoroughly that which
he has not been able to learn quickly."

XXIV. " Now, now," exclaimed Catulus, " I understand,
Crassus, what you say, and readily assent to it ; I see tiiat there
has been time enough for you, a man of vigour and ability to
learn, to acquire a knowledge of what you mention." " Do you
still persist," rejoined Crassus, " to think that I say what I say
of myself; and not of my subject 1 But, if it be agi'eeable to

' Cic. Tu8c. Qusest. iv. 2 ; Fin. iv. 9.

' See ii. 37.

' Tititis is mentioced ii. 62. Of Brulla nothing is known. £Uff»dt,

35S DE OUATORE ; OR, [b. IU

you, let lis now return to our stated business." " To me,"
said Catulus, " it is very agreeable."

" To what end, then," continued Crassus, " does this dis-
course, drawn out to so great a length, and brought from
such deep sources, tend 1 The two parts which remain for
me, that of adorning language, and contemplating eloquence
in general in its highest perfection, — one of which requires
that we should speak gracefully, the other aptly, — have this
influence, that eloquence is rendered by their means pro-
ductive of the utmost delight, made to penetrate efiectually
into the inmost hearts of the audience, and furnished with
all possible variety of matter. But the speech which we use
in the forum, adapted for contest, full of acrimony, formed
to suit the taste of the vulgar, is poor indeed and beggarly ;
and, on the other hand, even that which they teach who pro-
fess themselves masters of the art of speaking, is not of much
more dignity than the common style of the forum. We have
need of greater pomp,^ of choice matter collected, imported,
and brought together from all parts; such a provision as
must be made by you, Caesar, for the next year,^ with such
pains as I took in my sedilesliip, because I did not suppose
that I could satisfy such a people as ours with ordinary mat-
tei's, or those of their own couutiy.

" As for choosing and arranging words, and forming them
into proper periods, the art is easy, or, I may say, the mere
practice without any art at all. Of matter, the quantity and
variety are infinite; and as the Greeks^ were not properly
furnished with it, and our youth in consequence almost
grew ignorant while they were learning, even Latin teachers
of rhetoric, please the gods, have arisen within the last two
yeai-s; a class of persons whom I liad suppi-essed by my
edict,* when I was censor, not because I was unwilling (as

* Apparatu. In allusion, says Petavius, to the shows given by the
sediles.

'^ Ad annum. That of his sedileship. Ernesti.
' The Greek rhetoricians. Peai-ce.

* Quintilian refers to this passage, ii. 4. 42 The edict of the

censors Crassus and Ahenobarbus, which was marked by all the
ancient severity, is preserved in Aul. GelL xv. 11 ; and Suetonius, De
Clar. Rhet. procem. Craasus intimates that that class of men sprung up
again after his edict ; for the censors had not such power that their
mere prohibitions could continue in force after their term of office wa?
expired. Ellendt,

C, XXV.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR, '359

some, I know not who, asserted,) that the abilities of cur
youth should be improved, but because I did not wish that
their understandings should be weakened and their impudence
strengthened. For among the Greeks, whatever was their
character, I perceived that there was, besides exercise of the
tongue, some degree of learning, as well as politeness suited
to liberal knowledge; but I knew that these new masters
could teach youth nothing but effrontery, which, even when
joined with good qualities, is to be avoided, and, in itself,
especially so ; and as this, therefore, was the only thing that
was taught by the Latins, their school being indeed a school
of impudence, I thought it became the censor to take care
that the evil should not spread further. I do not, however,
determine and decree on the point, as if I despaired that the
subjects which we are discussing can be delivered, and treated
with elegance, in Latin ; for both our language and the nature
of things allows the ancient and excellent science of Greece to
be adapted to our customs and manners ; but for such a work
are required men of learning, such as none of our country-
men have been in this department; but if ever such arise,
they will be preferable to the Greeks themselves.

XXV. " A speech, then, is to be made becoming in its
kind, with a sort of complexion and substance of its own ; for
that it be weighty, agreeable, savouring of erudition and
liberal knowledge, worthy of admiration, polished, having
feeling and passion in it, as far as is required, are qualities
not confined to particular members, but are apparent in the
whole body; but that it be, as it were, strewed with flowers
of language and thought, is a property which ought not to be
equally diffused throughout the whole s.peech, but at such
intervals, that, as in the arrangement of ornaments,^ there
may be certain remarkable and luminous objects disposed
here and there. Such a kind of eloquence, therefore, is to be
chosen, as is most adapted to interest the audience, such as
may not only delight, but delight without satiety; (for I do
not imagine it to be expected of me, that I should admonish
you to beware that your language be not poor, or rude, or
vulgar, or obsolete: both your age and your geniuses en-
courage me to sometliing of a higher nature ;) for it is difficult

^ In oniatu. The arrangement of such ornaments as wei'e displays^
ot games and festivals.

860 DE ORATORE ; OB, [B. IU

to loll what the cause is why, from those objects which
most strongly strike our senses with pleasure, and occasion
the most violent emotions at their first appearance, we should
soonest turn away with a certain loathing and satiety. How
much more florid, in the gaiety and variety of the colouring,
are most objects in modern pictures than in ancient ones;
which, however, though they captivate us at first sight, do
not afford any lasting pleasure; whereas we are strongly
attrao-ied by rough and faded colouring in the paintings of
antiquity. How much softer and more delicate are fanciful ^
modulations and notes in music, than those which are strict
and grave ; and yet if the former are often repeated, not only
persons of an austere character, but even the multitude, raise
an outcry against them. We may perceive, too, in regard to
the other senses, that we take a less permanent delight in
perfumes composed of the sweetest and most powerful odours,
than in those of a more moderate scent ; that that is more
commended which appears to smell like wax, than that which
is as strong as saffron ; and that, in the sense of feeling itself,
there is a limit required both to softness and smoothness.
How soon does even the taste, which of all our senses is the
most desirous of gratification, and is delighted with sweetnesa
beyond the others, nauseate and reject that which is too
luscious ! Who can take sweet drinks and meats long
together 1 while, in both kinds of nutriment, such things as
affect the sense with but a slight pleasure are the furthest
removed from that satiating quality; and so, in all other
things, loathing still borders upon the most exquisite delights;
and therefore we should the less wonder at this effect in lan-
guage, in which we may form a judgment, either from the
poets or the oi-ators, that a style elegant, ornate, embellished,
and sparkling, without intermission, without restraint, with-
out variety, whether it be prose or poetry, though painted
with the brightest colours, cannot possibly give lasting
pleasure. And we the sooner take offence at the false locl^
and paint of the orator or poet, for this cause, that the senses,
when affected with too much pleasure, are satiated, not from
reason, but constitutionally; in writings and in speeches
these disguised blemishes are even more readily noticed, not

' Fidice. Fractfe et molliores. Emettu

c. xxvl] ox the character of the orator. 361

only from the judgment of the ear, but from that of the
understanding.

XXVL " Though such expressions of applause, therefore, as
• very well,' ' excellent,' may be often repeated to me, I would
not have ' beautifully,' ' pleasantly,' come too often ; yet 1
would have the exclamation i!^othing can be better, very
frequent. But this high excellence and merit in speaking
should be attended with some portions of shade and obscurity,
that the part on which a stronger light is thrown may seem
to stand out, and become more prominent. Roscius never
deliv.ers this passage with all the spirit that he can.

The wise man seeks for honour, not for spoil,
As the reward of virtue ;

but rather in an abject manner, that into the next speech,

What do I see ? the steel-girt soldier holds
The sacred seate,

he may throw his whole powers, may gaze, may express wonder
Jjid astonishment. How does the other great actor ^ utter

What aid shall I solicit ?
How gently, how sedately, how calmly ! For he proceeds
with

0 father ! 0 my country ! House of Priam !

in which so much action could not be exerted if it had been
consumed and exhausted by any preceding emotion. Nor
did the actoi-s discover this before the poets themselves, or,
indeed, before even those who composed the music, by both ol
whom their tone is sometimes lowered, sometimes heightened,
sometimes made slender, sometimes full, with variation and
distinction. Let our orator, then, be thus graceful and de-
lightful (nor can he indeed be so otherwise) ; let him have a
^ievere and solid grace, not a luscious and delicious sweetness ;
•br the precepts relative to the ornament of eloquence, which
=ire commonly given, are of such a nature that even the worst
speaker can observe them. It is first of all necessary, there-
fore, as I said before, that a stock of matter and thoughts bo
got together ; a point on which Antonius has already spoken ;
these are to be interwoven into the very thread and essence
of the oration, embellished by words, and diversified by
illustrations.

' jEsopus, as I suppose. Ellendt ; who observes that tte veniea art
from the Andromache of Ennius. See c. 47, 58 ; Tusc. Disp. ill 19.

362 DE OEATORE ; OR, [b. IIT.

" Bat the greatest glory of eloquence is to exaggerate a
Bubject by embellishment; which has eflfect not only in am-
plifying and extolling anything in a speech to an extra-
ordinary degree, but also in extenuating it, and making it
appear contemptible. XXVI I. This is required on all those
points -which Antonius said must be observed in order to
gain credit to our statements, when we explain anything, or
when we conciliate the feelings, or when we excite the pas-
sions of our audience; but in the particular which I men-
tioned last, amplification is of the greatest effect ; and excel-
lence in it the peculiar and appropriate praise of the orator.
Even that exercise is of more than ordinary importance
which Antonius illustrated ^ in the latter part of his disser-
tation, (in the beginning^ he set it aside,) I mean that of
panegyric and satire ; for nothing is a better preparative for
exaggeration and amplification in a speech than the talent of
performing both these parts in a most effective manner.
Consequently, even those topics are of use which, though
they ought to be proper to causes, and to be inherent in
their very vitals, yet, as they are commonly applied to ge-
neral subjects, have been by the ancients denominated com-
mon places; of which some consist in bitter accusations and
complaints against vices and crimes, with a certain amplifica-
tion, (in opposition to which nothing is usually said, or can
be said,) as against an embezzler of the public money, or
a traitor, or a parricide ; remarks which we ought to intro-
duce when the charges have been proved, for otherwise they
aire jejune and trifling; others consist in entreaty or com-
miseration; others relate to contested points of argument,
whence you may be enabled to speak fully on either side of
any general question, an exercise which is now imagined to
be peculiar to those two sects of philosophy^ of which I spoke
before ; among those of remote antiquity it belonged to those
from whom all the art and power of speaking in forensic
pleadings was derived;* for concerning virtue, duty, justice
and equity, dignity, utility, honour, ignominy, rewards and
punishments, and similar subjects, we ought to possess the
epirit, and talent, and address, to speak ■)n either side of the

' B. ii. c. 84. 2 B. ii •. 10.

' The Academic and Peripatetic ; nee iii. 17, 18. Promt,

* Those who taught forensic eloquence. Promt.

C. XXVIII,] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 36S

question. But since, being driven from our own poosesacons,
■we are left in a poor little farm, and even that the subject of
litigation, and since, though the patrons of others, we have
not been able to preserve and protect our own property, let
us borrow what is requisite for us (which is a notable dis-
grace) from those ^ who have made this irruption into our
patrimony.

XXVIII. " Those, then, who take their name from a very
small portion^ of Athens and its neighbourhood, .and are
denominated Peripatetic or Academic philosophers, but who
formerly, on account of their eminent knowledge in important
aflfairs, were by the Greeks called political philosophers, being
distinguished by a name relating to all public administration,
say that every speech on civil aflfaii'S is employed on one or
other of these two kinds of questions, either that of a de-
finite controversy limited to certain times and parties; as,
•Whether is it proper that our captives be recovered from
the Carthaginians by the restitution of theirs?' or on an
indefinite question, inquiring about a subject generally; as,
'What should be determined or considered concerning captives
in general ? ' Of these, they term the former kind a cause or
controversy, and limit it to three things, law-suits, delibera-
tions, and panegyric ; but the other kind of question, or pro-
position as it were, the indefinite, is denominated a consulta-
tion.^ So far they instruct us. The rhetoricians, however,
use this division in their instructions, but not so that they
seem to recover a lost possession by right, by a decision in
their favour, or by force, but appear, according to the prac-
tice of the civil law, to assert their claim to the premises by
breaking off a branch;^ for they keep possession of that
former kind which is restricted to certain times, places, and
parties, and that as it were by the hem of the garment;^ for
at this present time, under Philo,^ who flourishes, I hear, as

' The philosophers.

2 From the Academy, and the gymnasia in the suburbs of Athens.
EUendt.

3 Consultatio. See Cic. Part. Orat. i. 18, 20.

* A ceremony by which a claim to a possession was made. See Gaius,
iv. 17.

' Lacinia. Like persons who scarcely keep their hold of a thing,
Ellendt.

•^ Philo of Larissa, called by some the founder of a fourth Academy,
was a hearer of Clitomachus, Acad. ii. 6, He lied to Rome, with many

3G4 DE ORATORE ; OR. [b. IIL

chief of the Academy, the knowledge and practice of even
these causes is much observed; as to the latter kind, they
only mention it in delivering the first principles of the art,
and say that it belongs to the orator; but neither explain its
powers, nor its nature, nor its parts, nor general heads, so
that it had better have been passed over entirely, than left
when it was once attempted ; for they are now understood to
say nothing about it for want of something to say; in the
other case, they would have appeared to be silent from
judgment.

XXIX. " Every subject, then, has the same susceptibleness
of ambiguity, concerning which it may be inquired and dis-
puted ; whether the discussion relate to consultations on inde-
finite points, or to those causes which are concerned vrith
civil affairs and contests in the forum ; nor is there any that
may not be referred either to the nature and principles of
knowledge or of action. For either the knowledge itself and
acquaintance "with any affair is the object of inquiry; as,
* Whether virtue be desirable on account of its own intrinsic
worth, or for the sake of some emolument attending it?' or
counsel with regard to an act is sought; as, ' Whether a wise
man ought to concern himself in the administration of go-
vernment 1' And of knowledge there are three kinds, — that
"which is formed by conjecture, that which admits of certain
definition, and that "which is (if I may so term it) conse-
quential. For whether there be anything in any other thing,
is inquired by conjecture ; as, ' Whether there is wisdom in
mankind]' But what nature anything has, a definition ex-
plains ; as if the inquiry be, ' What is wisdom 1 ' And con-
sequential knowledge is the subject treated of, when the
question is, 'What peculiarity attends on anything?' as,
' Whether it be the part of a good man to tell a falsehood on
any occasion ?' But to conjecture they return again, and divide
it into four kinds ; for the question is either, ' What a thing
is,' as, ' Whether law among mankind is from nature or from
opinions?' or, 'What the origin of a thing is,' as, 'What is
the foundation of civil laws and governments ? ' or the cause

of the chief men of Athens, in the Mithridatic war, when Cicero, then
a young man, attended diligently to his instructions. Brut. 89 ; Plut*
Cic. c. 3. He sometimes gave instructions in rhetoric, soiaetimes in
philosophy, as appears from Tusc. Disp. ii. 3. Henrichsen.

C. XXX.l ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOT?. 365

and reason of it; as if it is asked, 'Why do the most learned
men differ upon points of the greatest importance V or as to
tlie possible changes in anything; as if it is disputed, 'Whe-
ther virtue cau die in men, or whether it be convertible into
vice 1 ' With regard to definition, disputes arise, either when
the question is, ' What is impressed, as it were, on the com-
mon understanding ?' as if it be considered, ' Whether that be
right which is advantageous to the greater number?' or
when it is inquired, ' What is the peculiar property of any
character V as, ' Whether to speak elegantly be peculiar to
the orator, or whether any one else can do so?' or when
a thing is distributed into parts ; as if the question be, ' How
many kinds of desirable things there axeV and, 'Whether
there be three, those of the body, those of the mind, and
external things V or when it is described what is the form or,
as it were, natural characteristic of any person ; as if it be
inquired, ' What is the exact representation of an avaricious,
a seditious, or a vain-glorious man?' Of the consequential,
two principal kinds of questions are proposed ; for the ques-
tion is either simple, as if it be disputed, ' Whether glory be
desirable 1 ' or comparative, ' Whether praise or wealth is
more to be coveted ? ' But of such simple questions there are
three sorts, as to things that are to be desired or avoided;
as, 'Whether honours are desirable?' 'Whether poverty is to
be avoided V as to right and wrong; as, 'Whether it be right
to revenge injuries, even those of relations?' as to honour
and ignominy; as, 'Whether it be honourable to suffer death
for the sake of glory V Of the comparative also there are two
sorts : one, when the question is whether things are the same,
or there be any difference betwixt them; as betwixt /ear and
reverence, a king and a tyrant, a flatterer and a friend; the
other, when the inquiry is, ' Which of two things is pre-
ferable V as, ' Whether wise men are led by the approbation
of the most worthy, or by popular applause ?' Thus are the
controversies which relate to knowledge described, for the
most part, by men of the greatest learning.

XXX. " But those which relate to action, either concern
controverted points of moral duty, under which head it may
be inquired, 'What is right and to be practised;' of which
head the whole train of virtues and of vices is the subject-
matter ; or refer to the excitement, or alleviation, or removai

3G6 DB obatore; or, [b. iil

of some emotion ©f the mind. Under this head are included
exhortation, reproof, consolation, compassion, and all that
either gives impulse to any emotion of the mind, or, if it so
happen, mitigates it. These kinds, then, and modes of all
questions being explained, it is of no consequence if the
partition of Antonius in any particular disagrees with my
division ; for there are the same parts in both our disserta-
tions, though divided and distributed by me a little otherwise
than by him. Now I will proceed to the sequel, and recall
myself to my appointed task and business. For the argu-
ments for every kind of question are to be drawn from
those common places which Antonius enumerated ; but some
common places will be more adapted to some kinds than to
others; concerning which there is no necessity for me to
speak, not because it is a matter of any great length, but of
sufficient perspicuity.

" Those speeches, then, are the most ornate which spread
over the widest field, and, from some private and single
question, apply and direct themselves to show the nature of
such questions in general, so that the audience, from under-
standing its nature, and kind, and whole bearing, may deter-
mine as to particular individuals, and as to all suits criminal
and civil. Antonius has encouraged you, young men, to per-
severance in this exercise, and intimated that you were to be
conducted by degi'ees from small and confined questions to
all the power and varieties of argument. Such qualifications
are not to be gained from a few small treatises, as they have
imagined who have written on the art of speaking; nor are
they work merely for a Tusculan villa, or for a morning
walk and afternoon sitting, such as these of ours; for we
have not only to point and fashion the tongue, but have to
store the mind witli the sweetness, abundance, and variety of
most important and numerous subjects.

XXXI. " For ours is the possession (if we are indeed
orators, if we are to be consulted as persons of authority and
leaders in the civil contests and perils of the citizens and in
public councils), ours, I say, is the entire possession of all that
wisdom and learning, upon which, as if it were vacant and
had fallen in to them, men abounding in leisure have seized,
taking advantage of us, and either speak of the orator with
ridicule and sarcasm, as Socrates in the Gorgias, or writa

C. XXXII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. S67

something ou the art of oratory in a few little treatises, and
call them books on rhetoric ; as if all those things did not
equally concern the orator, which are taught by the same
philosophers on justice, on the duties of life, on the establish-
ment and administration of civil government, and on the
whole systems of moral and even natural philosophy. These
matters, since we cannot get them elsewhere, we must now
borrow from those very persons by whom we have been pil-
laged; so that we apply them to the knowledge of civil
affairs, to which they belong, and have a regard ; nor let us
(as I observed before) consume all our lives in this kind
of learning, but, when we have discovered the fountains,
(which he who does not find out immediately will never find
at all,) let us draw from them as much as occasion may re-
quire, as often as we need. For neither is there so sharp
a discernment in the nature and understanding of man, that
any one can descry things of such importance, unless they
are pointed out ; nor yet is there so much obscurity in the
things, that a man of penetrating genius cannot obtain an
insight into them, if he only direct his view towards them.
As the orator therefore has liberty to expatiate in so large
and immense a field, and, wherever he stops, can stand upon
his own territory, all the furniture and embellishments of
eloquence readily oifer themselves to him. For copiousness
of matter produces copiousness of language; and, if there
be an inherent dignity in the subjects on which he speaks,
there must be, from the nature of the thing, a certain
splendour in his expression. If the speaker or writer has but
been liberally instructed in the learning proper for youth,
and has an ardent attachment to study, and is assisted by
natural endowments, and exercised in those indefinite ques-
tions on general subjects, and has chosen, at the same time,
the most elegant writers and speakers to study and imitate,
he will never, be assured, need instruction from such pre-
ceptors how to compose or embellish his language ; so readily,
in an abundance of matter, will nature herself, if she be but
stimulated, fall without any guide into all the art of adorning
eloquence."

XXXII. Catulus here observed, " ie )muiortal gods, what
an infinite variety, force, and extent of matter have you,
Crassus, embraced, and from how narrow a circle have you

368 DEORATORK; OR, [l!. lU.

ventured to lead forth the orator, and to place him in tha
domains of his ancestors! For we have understood that
those ancient masters and authors of the art of speaking
considered no kind of disputation to be foreign to their pro-
fession, but were always exercising themselves in every branch
of oratory. Of which number was Hippias of Elis, who,
■when he came to Olympia, at the time of the vast concourse
at the games celebrated every fifth year, boasted, in the
hearing of almost all Greece, that there was no subject in
any art or science of which he was ignorant ; as he under-
stood not only those arts in which all liberal and polite
learning is comprised, geometry, music, grammar, and poetry,
and whatever is said on the natures of things, the moral
duties of men, and the science of government, but that he
had himself made, with his own hand, the ring which he
wore, and the cloak and shoes which he had on.^ He indeed
■went a little too far; but, even from his example, we may
easily conjecture how much knowledge those very orators
desired to gain in the most noble arts, ■when they did not
shrink from learning even the more humble. Why need I
allude to Prodicus of Chios, Thrasymachus of Chalcedon, or
Protagoras of Abdera? every one of whom in those days dis-
puted and wrote much even on the nature of things. Even
Gorgias the Leontine himself, under whose advocacy (as
Plato represented) the orator yielded to the philosopher j"'^ who
was either never defeated in argument by Socrates, (and then
the Dialogue of Plato is wholly fictitious,) or, if he was so de-
feated, it was because Socrates was the more eloquent and
convincing, or, as you term it, the more powerful and better
orator; — but this Gorgias, in that very book of Plato, offers
to speak most copiously on any subject whatever, that could
be brought under discussion or inquiry; and he was the first
of all men that ventured to demand, in a large assembly, on
what subject any one desired to hear him speak; and to
whom such honours -were paid in Greece, that to him alone,
of all great men, a statue was erected at Delphi, not gilded,
but of solid gold. Those whom I have named, and many

* See Plato, Hipp. Min. p. 2S1 G.

' Gorgias, in the Dialogue of Plato, undertakes the defence ol
oratory against Socrates, whoni Plato represents as maintaining th»
dignity of philosophy. Crorgias is vanquished by Socrates. Proutt.

C. XXXIIl] ON THl CHARACTER OF THE OUATOn. 36G

other mosi consummate masters in the art of speaking,
■flourished at the same time; from whose examples it may
be understood, that the truth is really such as you, Ci-assus,
have stated, and that the name of the orator was distin-
guished among the ancients in Greece in a more extensive
sense, and with greater honour than among ourselves. I am
therefore the more in doubt whether I should attribute
a gi-eater degree of praise to you, or of blame to the Greeks ;
since you, born under a different language and manners, in
the busiest of cities, occupied either with almost all the private
causes of the people, or with the government of the world
and the direction of the mightiest of empires, have mastered
«uch numbers of subjects, and acquired so extensive a know-
ledge, and have united all this with the science and practice
of one who is of authority in the republic by his counsels
and eloquence ; whilst they, born in an atmosphere of learning,
ardently attached to such studies, but dissolved in idleness,
have not only made no acquisitions, but have not even
preserved aa their own that which was left and consigned to
them."

XXXIIL Crassus then said, " Not only in this particular,
Catulus, but in many others, the grandeur of the sciences
has been diminished by the distribution and separation of
their pai-ts. Do you imagine, that when the famous Hippo-
crates of Cos flourished, there were then some of the medical
faculty who cured diseases, others wounds, and a third class
the eyes? Do you suppose that geometry under Euclid and
Archimedes, that music under Damon and Aristoxenus, that
grammar itself when Aristophanes and Callimachus treated
of it, were so divided into parts, that no one comprehended
the universal system of any of those sciences, but different
persons selected different parts on which they meant to
bestow their labour? I have, indeed, often heard from my
feither and father-in-law, that even our own countrymen, who
were ambitious to excel in renown for wisdom, were wont t<i
comprehend all the objects of knowledge which this city had
then learned. They mentioned, as an instance of this, Sextus
ilillius ; and we ourselves have seen Manius Manilius walking
across the forur:i ; a signal that he who did so, gave all the
citizens liberty to cons'^Ut him upon any subject; and to such
persons, when thus walking or sitting at home upon their seat«

»3

370 DE ORATORE; OR, [b. rn.

of ceremony, all people had free access, not only to consult
them upon points of civil law, but even upon the settlement
of a daughter in marriage, the purchase of an estate, or the
cultivation of a farm, and indeed upon any employment or
business whatsoever. Such was the wisdom of the well-
known elder Publius Crassus, such that of Titus Coruncanius,
such that of the great-grandfather of Scipio, my son-in-law, a
person of great judgment; all of whom were supreme pon-
tiffs, so that they were consulted upon all affairs, divine
and human; and the same men gave their counsel and dis-
charged their duty in the senate, before the people, and in
the private causes of their friends, in civil and military
service, both at home and abroad. What was deficient in
Marcus Cato, except the modern polish of foreign and ad-
ventitious learning? Did he, because he was versed in the
civil law, forbear from pleading causes? or, because he could
speak, neglect the study of jurisprudence? He laboured in
both these kinds of learning, and succeeded in both. Was
he, by the popularity which he acquired by attending tc the
business of private persons, rendered more tardy in the
public service of the state? No man spoke with more
courage before the people, none was ever a better senator;
he was at the same time a most excellent commander-in-
chief; and indeed nothing in those days could possibly be
known or learned in this city which he did not investigate
and thoroughly understand, and on which he did iw)t also
write. Now, on the contrary, men generally come to assume
offices and the duties of public administration unai-med and
defenceless; prepared with no science, nor any knowledge of
business. But if any one happen to excel the multitude, he
is elevated with pride by the possession of any single talent,
as military courage, or a little experience in war, (which
indeed has now fallen into decay,^) or a knowledge of the
law, (not of the whole law, for nobody studies the pontifical
law, which is annexed to civil jurisprudence,^) or eloquence,

* For, except Metellus Numidicus and Marius, no one in those days
had gained any great reputation by his conduct in the field.

^ Qwod est conjunctum. That is, "conjunctum cum jure civili."
Proust. What Cicero says here is somewhat at variance with what he
Bays, DeLegg. ii. 19, where he shows, at some length, that only a .small
psirt of the civil law is necessary to be combined with the knowledge of
the ponti£cal law. EUendt.

C. XXXIV.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 371

(which they imagine to consist in declamation and a torrent
of words,) while none have any notion of the alliance and
affinity that connects all the liberal arts and sciences, and
even the virtues themselves.

XXXIV. " But to direct my remarks to the Greeks, (whom
we cannot omit in a dissertation of this nature ; for as exam-
ples of virtue are to be sought among our own countrymen,
BO examples of learning are to be derived from them;) seven
are said to have lived at one time, who were esteemed and
denominated wise men. All these, except Thales of Miletus,
had the government of their respective cities. Whose learning
is reported, at the same period, to have been greater, or
whose eloquence to have received more ornament from
literature, than that of Pisistratus? who is said to have been
the first that arranged the books of Homer as we now have
them, when they were previously confused. He was not
indeed of any great service to the community, but was
eminent for eloquence, at the same time that he excelled in
erudition and liberal knowledge. What was the character of
Pericles ? — of whose power in speaking we have heard, that
when he spoke for the good of his country against the incli-
nations of the Athenians, that very severity with which he
contradicted the favourites of the people, became popular
and agreeable to all men ; and on whose lips the old
comic poets declared, (even when they satirized him, as was
then lawful to be done at Athiens,) that the graces of per-
suasion dwelt, and that there was such mighty energy in him
that he left, as it were, certain stings in the minds of those
who listened to him. Yet no declaimer had taught him
to bawl for hours by the water-clock, but, as we have it from
tradition, the famous Anaxagoras of Clazomense, a man emi-
nent in all the most valuable sciences, had instructed him.
He, accordingly, excelling as he did in learning, judgment,
and eloquence, presided at Athens forty years together over
civil and military affairs. What was the character of Critias,
or of Alcibiades 1 They were not indeed useful members of
the state in which they lived, but were certainly men of
learning and eloquence ; and were they not improved by con-
versation with Socrates? Who instructed Dion of Syracuse
in every branch of learning? Waa it not Plato? The same
illustrious philosopher, too, who formed him not to oratoiy
3B2

872 DB oRATonE ; OR, [b. ni

only, but to courage and virtue, impelled, equipped, and
armed him to deliver his country. Did Plato, then, instruct
Dion in sciences different from those in which Tsocratea
formed the renowned Timotheus the son of Conon the
eminent general, and himself a most excellent commander,
and a man of extensive learning? Or from those in which
Lysis the Pythagorean trained Epaminondas of Thebes, who
perhaps was the most remarkable man of all Gieece? Or
from those which Xenophon taught Agesilaus, or Archytas
of Tarentum Philolaus, or Pythagoras himself all that old
province of Italy which was formerly called Great Greece?
XXXV. I do not imagine that they were different ; for I see
that one and the same course of study comprised all those
bmnches of knowledge which were esteemed necessary for
a man of learning, and one who wished to become eminent
in civil administration ; and that they who had received this
knowledge, if they had sufficient powers for speaking in
public, and devoted themselves, without any impediment
from nature, to oratoiy, became distinguished for eloquence.
Aristotle himself, accordingly, when he saw Isocrates grow
remarkable for the number and quality of his scholars, [be-
caiise he himself had diverted his lectures from forensic and
civil causes to mere elegance of language,^] changed on a
sudden almost his whole system of teaching, and quoted a
verse from the tragedy of Philoctetes^ with a little alteration;
for the hero said, that It was disgraceful for him to he silent
while he allowed barbarians to speak; but Aristotle said that
it was disgraceful for him to be silent while he allowed Isocrates
to speak. He therefore adorned and illustrated all philoso-
phical learning, and associated the knowledge of things with
practice in speaking. Nor did this escape the knowledge of
that very sagacious monarch Philip, who sent for him as
a tutor for his son Alexander, that he might acquire from the
same teacher instructions at once in conduct and in language.
Now, if any one desires either to call that philosopher, who
instructs us fully in things and words, an orator, he may do

1 The words in brackets, says EUendt, are certainly spurious, for they
30uld not possibly have been written by Cicero. In the original, qriod
ipse, &c., ipse necessaiily refers to Aristotle, of whom what is here eaid
could never have been true.

* The Philoctet^s of Eurindes, as is generaUy supposed.

C. MXVI.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 373

BO without opposition from me ; or if he prefer to call that
orator, of whom I speak as having wisdom united with
eloquence, di philosopher, I shall make no objection, provided
it be allowed that neither his inability to speak, who under-
stands his subject but cannot set it forth in words, nor his
ignorance, to whom matter is wanting though words abound,
can merit commendation ; and if I had to choose one of the
two, I should prefer uneloquent good sense to loquacious folly.
But if it be inquired which is the more eminent excellence,
the palm is to be given to the learned orator ; and if they
allow the same person to be a philosopher, there is an end of
controversy ; but if they distinguish them, they will acknow-
ledge their inferiority in this respect, that all their knowledge
is inherent in the complete orator; but in the knowledge of
the philosophers eloquence is not necessarily inherent ; which,
though it may be undervalued by them, must of necessity be
thought to give a finishing grace to their sciences." When
Crassus had spoken thus, he made a pause for a while, and
the rest kept silence.

XXXVI. Cotta then observed, " I cannot indeed complain,
Crassus, that you seem to me to have given a dissertation
upon a different subject from that on which you had under-
taken to speak ; for you have contributed to our conversation
more than was either laid upon you by us, or given notice
of by yourself But certainly it was the part that belonged
to you, to speak upon the embellishments of language, and
you had already entered upon it, and distributed the whole
excellence of eloquence into four parts; and, when you had
spoken upon the first two, as we indeed thought sufii-
ciently, but, as you said yourself, cursorily and slightly, you-
had two others left : how we should speak, first, elegantly,
and next, aptly. But when you were proceeding to these
particulars, the tide, as it were, of your genius suddenly
hurried you to a distance from land, and carried you out
into the deep, almost beyond the view of us all ; for, em-
bracing all knowledge of everything, you did not indeed
teach it us, (for that was impossible in so short a space of
time,) but, — I know not what improvement you may have
made in the rest of the company, — as for myself, you
have carried me altogether into the heart of the academy,
in regard to which I could wiah that that were true whici>

874 BE ORATORE ; OR, [b. III.

you have often asserted, that it is not necessary to consuma
our lives in it, but that he may see everything in it who only
turns his eyes towards it : but even if the view be somewhat
obscure, or I should be extraordinarily dull, I shall assuredly
never rest, or yield to fatigue, until I understand their
doubtful ways and arts of disputing for and against every
question." Csesar then said, " One thing in your remarks,
Crassus, struck me very much, that you said that he who did
not learn anything soon, could never thoroughly learn it at
all ; so that I can have no difficulty in making the trial, and
either immediately understanding what you extolled to the
skies in your observations, or, if I cannot do so, losing no
time, as I may remain content with what I have already
acquired." Here Sulpicius observed, "I, indeed, Crassus,
neither desire any acquaintance with your Aristotle, nor
Carneades, nor any of the philosophers ; you may either
imagine that I despair of being able to acquire their know-
ledge, or that, as is really the case, I despise it. The ordinary
knowledge of common affairs, and such as are litigated in the
forum, is great enough for me, for attaining that degree of
eloquence which is my object ; and even in that narrow circle
of science I am ignorant of a multitude of things, which I
begin to study, whenever any cause in which I am to speak
requires them. If, therefore, you are not now fatigued, and
if we are not troublesome to you, revert to those particulars
which contribute to the merit and splendour of language;
particulars which I desired to hear from you, not to make
me despair that I can ever possibly attain eloquence, but to
make some addition to my stock of learning."

XXXVII. " You require of me," said Crassus, '■ to speak
on matters which are very well known, and with which you,
Sulpicius, are not unacquainted ; for what rhetorician has not
treated of this subject, has not given instructions on it, has
not even left something about it in writing? But I will com-
ply with your request, and briefly explain to you at least such
points as are known to me ; but I shall still think that you
ought to refer to those who are the authors and inventors of
these minute precepts. All speech, then, is formed of words,
which we must first consider singly, then in composition ; for
there is one marit of language which lies in single word^
another which is produced by words joined and compounded.

C. XXXVIII.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 375

We shall therefore either use such words as are the proper and
fixed names as it were of things, and apparently almost born
at the same time with the things themselves ; or such as are
metaphorical, and placed as it were in a situation foreign to
them ; or such as we invent and make ourselves. In regard
then to words taken in their own proper sense, it is a merit
in the orator to avoid mean and obsolete ones, and to use
Buch as are choice and ornamental; such as have in them
some fulness and force of sound. But in this kind of proper
words, selection is necessary, which must be decided in some
measure by the judgment of the ear; in which point the
mere habit of speaking well is of great effect. Even what
is vulgarly said of orators by the illiterate multitude, JTe
uses proper words, or Such a one uses improper words, is not
the result of any acquired skill, but is a judgment arising
from a natural sense of what is right ; in which respect it is
no great merit to avoid a fault, (though it is of great im-
portance to do so,). yet this is the ground- work, as it were
and foundation of the whole, namely, the use and command
of proper words. But the superstructure which the orator
himself is to raise upon this, and in which he is to display
his art, appears to be a matter for us to examine and
illustrate.

XXXVIII. " There are three qualities, then, in a simple
word, which the orator may employ to illustrate and adorn
his language ; he may choose either an unusual word, or one
that is new or metaphorical. Unusual words are generally
of ancient date and fashion, and such as have been long out
of use in daily conversation; these are allowed more freely
to poetical licence than to ours ; yet a poetical word gives
occasionally dignity also to oratory; nor would I shrink from
saying, with Coelius, Qud tempestate Poentbs in Italiam venit,
* At the season when the Carthaginian came into Italy :' nor
proles, 'progeny;' nor suholes, 'offspring;' nor effari, 'to
utter;' nor nuncupari, 'to declare;' nor, as you are in the
habit of saying, Catulus, nan rebar, 'I did not deem;' nor
non opinabar, 'I did not opine;' nor many others, from
which, if properly introduced, a speech assumes an air of
greater grandeur. iVew words are such as are produced and
formed by the speaker ; either by joining words together, afl
these.

376 I>E ORATORE ; OR, [b. III.

Turn pavor sapientiam omnem mi exaiimato expectotatf
Then fear expels all wisdom from tLe breast
Of me astoiiished ;

or.

Num non vis hujus me vei'sutUoquas mcditias f
Would you not have me dread his cunning malico ?

for you see that versutiloquas and expectorat are words not
newly produced, but merely formed by composition. But
words are often invented, without composition, as the ex-
pression of Ennius,^ Dii genitales, ' the genial gods ; ' or hac-
carum tibertate incurviscere, ' to bend down with the fertile
crop of berries.'

" The third mode, that of using words in a metaphorical
sense, is widely prevalent, a mode of which necessity was the
parent, compelled by the sterility and narrowness of language ;
but afterwards delight and pleasure made it frequent ; for as
a dress was first adopted for the sake of keeping off the cold,
but in process of time began to be made an ornament of the
body, and an emblem of dignity, so the metaphorical use of
words was originally invented on account of their paucity, but
became common from the delight which it afforded. For
even the countrj^men say, gemmare vites, that ' the vines are
budding;' luxuriem esse in kerbis, that ' there is a luxuriancy
in the grass ;' and Icetas segetes, that ' there is a bountiful
crop;' for when that which can scarcely be signified by its
proper word is expressed by one used in a metaphorical sense,
the similitude taken from that which we indicate by a foreign
term gives clearness to that which we wish to be understood.
These metaphors, therefore, are a species of borrowing, as you
take from something else that which you have not of your own.
Those have a greater degree of boldness which do not show
poverty, but bring some accession of splendour to our lan-
guage. But why should I specify to you either the modes of
their production or their various kinds 1

XXXIX. " A metaphor is a brief similitude contracted into
a single word ; which word being put in the place of another,

' All the editions retain ille senius, though universally acknowledged
to be corrupt. The conjecture of Tumebus, ille Enrdus, has found most
favour ; that of Orellius, illud Ennii, is approved by Ellendt. That th«
words di genitalei were used by En'iius appears from Servius on Virg
iEu. vi. 764.

0. XI-l ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 377

as if it were in its own place, conveys, if the resemblance be
acknowledged, delight; if there is no resemblance, it is con-
demned. But such words should be metaphorically used aa
may make the subject clearer j as all these :'

Inhorrescit mare,
Tenehrce conduplicantur, noctisque et nimb'&m, occcecat nigror,
Flamma inter nubes coruscat, caelum tonitru contremit,
Grando mixta imbri largifluo subita prcecipitans cadit ;
Undique omnes venti erumpunt, scevi eocistunt turbines ;
Fervit aestu pelagus.

The sea begins to shudder.
Darkness is doubled ; and the black of night
And of the tempest thickens ; fire gleams vivid
Amid the clouds ; the heavens with thunder shake ;
Hail mixed with copious rain sudden descends
Precipitate ; from all sides every blast
Breaks forth ; fierce whirlwinds gather, and the flood
Boils with fresh tumult.

Here almost everything is expressed in words metaphori-
cally adapted from something similar, that the description
may be heightened. Or metaphore are employed that the
whole nature of any action or design may be more signi-
ficantly expressed ; as in the case of him who indicates, by
two metaphorical words, that another person was designedly
obscure, in order that what he intended might not be under-
stood,

Qaandoquidem is se circumvestit dictis, scepit seduld,
Since thus he clothes himself around with words,
And hedges constantly.

" Sometimes, also, brevity is the object attained by meta-
phor; as, Si telum manufugit, 'If from his hand the javelin
fled.' The throwing of a missile weapon unawares could not be
described with more brevity in the proper words than it is
signified by one used metaphorically. On this head, it often
appears to me wonderful why all men are more delighted
with words used in a metaphorical or foreign sense than in
their own proper and natural signification. XL. For if a
thing has not a name of its own, and a term peculiar to it, —
as the pes, or ' hawser,' in a ship ; nexum, a * bond,' which is
a ceremony performed with scales f divortium, a 'divorce,' with

* From Pacuvius. See Cic Divin. i. 14.

' See Smith's Diet, cf Or. and Rom. Ant., art. Nexun.

378 I>E ORATORE ; OR, [b. III.

reference tc a wife,^ — necessity compels you to borrow from
another what you have not yourself; but, even in the gceatest
abundance of proper words, men are much more charmed
with such as are uncommon, if they are used metaphori-
cally with judgment. This happens, I imagine, either because
it is some manifestation of wit to jump over such expres-
sions as lie before you, and catch at others from a greater
distance; or because he who listens is led another way in
thought, and yet does not wander from the subject, which is
a very great pleasure; or because a subject, and entire com-
parison, is despatched in a single word ; or because every
metaphor that is adopted with jiidgment, is directed imme-
diately to our senses, and principally to the sense of sight,
which is the keenest of them all. For such expressions as
the odour of urbanity, the softness of humanity, the murmur
of the sea, and sweetness of language, are derived from the
other senses ; but those which relate to the sight are much
more striking, for they place almost in the eye of the mind
such objects as we cannot see and discern by the natural eyes.
There is, indeed, nothing in universal nature, the proper name
and term of which we may not use with regard to other
matters; for whencesoever a simile may be drawn (and it
may be drawn from anything), from thence a single word,
which contains the resemblance, metaphorically applied, may
give illustration to our language. In csuch metaphorical ex-
pressions, dissimilitude is principally to be avoided ; as,

Caili ingentes fomices,

The arch immense of heaven ;

for though Ennius ^ is said to have brought a globe upon the
stage, yet the semblance of an arch can never be inherent in
the form of a globe.

Vive, Ulixes, dum licet:

Oculis postremum lumen radiatum rape .-^

Live, live, Ulysses, while you may, and snatch.
Snatch with thine eyes the last light shining on them.

* Divortium, in its proper sense, denoted the separation of roads o-
waters.

' In his tragedy of Hecuba, aa is supposed by Hermann, ad Eurip.
Hec. p. 167. See Varro, L. L. v. p. 8.

* Supposed by Bothe, Trag. Lat. Fragm. p. 278, to be from the Nii)tM
af Paouvius. See Cic. Quaeat. Acad. iL 28.

0. XLI.] ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 379

He did not say, cape, ' take,' nor pete, ' seek,' for such ex-
pressions might have implied delay, as of one hoping to live
longer ; but rape, ' snatch,' a word which was peculiarly suit-
able to what he had said before, dum licet, ' while you may,'

XLI. " Care is next to be taken that the simile be not too
far-fetched ; as, for ' the Syrtis of his patrimony,' I shculd
rather have said, ' the rock ;' for ' the Charybdis of his posses-
sions,' rather ' tlie gulf :' for the eyes of the mind are more
easily directed to those objects which we have seen, than to
those of which we have only heard. And since it is the
greatest merit in a metaphorical word, that what is meta-
phorical should strike the senses, all offensiveness is to be
avoided in those objects to which the comparison must
naturally draw the minds of the audience. T would not have
it said that the republic was * castrated ' by the death of
Africanus ; I would not have Glaucia called ' the excrement
of the senate;' for though there may be a resemblance, yet it
is a depraved imagination in both cases that gives rise to
such a comparison. I would not have the metaphor grander
than the subject requires, as ' a tempest of revelling;' nor
meaner, as ' the revelling of the tempest.' I would not have
the metaphorical be of a more confined sense than the proper
and peculiar term would have been; as,

Quidnam est, ohsecro, quid te adiri abnutas ? '
Why is it, prythee, tliat thou nodd'st us back
From coming to thee ?

Vetas, prohibes, ahsterres, ' forbid,' ' hinder,' ' terrify,' had been
better, because he had before said.

Fly quickly hence,^
Lest my contagion or my shadow fall
On men of worth.

Also, if you apprehend that the metaphor may appear too
harsh, it may frequently be softened by prefixing a word or
words to it ; as if, in old times, on the death of Marcus Cato,
any one had said that the senate was left ' an orphan,' the ex-
pression had been rather bold ; but, ' so to speak, an orphan,'
is somewhat milder ; for a metaphor ought not to be too daring,

' Prom ihe Thyestes of Ennius. Cic. Tusc. iii. 12.
* Orellius's text has istim, which is considered to be the same ai
itliTtc. See Victcriua ad Cic. Ep. ai Div. vi. 6.

380 DE ORATORE ; OR, [n. HI.

but of such a nature that it may appear to have been introduced
into the place of another expression, not to have sprung into
it ; to have come in by entreaty, and not by violence. And
there is no mode of embellishment more effective as regards
single words, nor any that throws a greater lustre upon lan-
guage; for the ornament that flows from this figure does not
consist merely in a single metaphorical word, but may be
connected by a continuation of many, so that one thing may
be expressed and another understood; as,

Nor ■will I allow
Myself again to strike the Grecian fleet
On the same rock and instrument of ruin.'
And this,

You err, you err, for the strong reins of law
Shall hold you back, exulting and confiding
Too much in your own self, and make you bow
Beneath the yoke of empire.

Something being assumed as similar, the words which are
proper to it are metaphorically transferred (as I termed it
before) to another subject.

XLII. " This is a great ornament to language, but obscurity
is to be avoided in it; for from this figure arise what are
called senigmas. Nor is this rule to be observed in single
words only, but in phrases, that is, in a continuation of words-
Nor have metonymy and hypallage^ their form from a single
word, but from a phrase or sentence ; as.

Grim Afric trembles with an awful tumult f
where for the Africans is used Afric; not a word newly
'impounded, as in Mare saxifragis undis, ' The sea with ita
rock-breaking waves;' nor a metaphorical one, as, Mollitur
mare, ' The sea is softened ;' but one proper name exchanged
for another, for the sake of embellishment. Thus, ' Cease, Rome,
thy foes to cherish,' and, ' The spacious plains are witnesses.
This figure contributes exceedingly to the ornament of style,
and is frequently to be used ; of which kind of expression these
are examples : that the Mars, or fortune, of war is common ;
and to say Ceres, for corn; Bacchus, for wine; Neptune, for

' Whence this and the following quotation are taken is uncertAin.

^ Traductio afque immutatio. See Cic. Orat. 27 ; Quint, viii. 6 '
ix. 3 ; infra, c. 43, 54.

' From the Annals of Emiius. See Cic. Ep. &d Div. ix. 7 ; Orat. 27
Festua y. metonymitt.

ClXLni.J ON THE CHAKACTER OF THE ORATOR. 381

the sea; the curia, or house, for the senate; the campus, foi
the comitia or elections ; the gown, for peace ; arms or weapons^
for war. Under this figure, the virtues and vices are used for
the persons in whom they are inherent : ' Luxury has broken
into that house ;' or, * whither avarice has penetrated ;' or,
* honesty has prevailed;' or, 'justice has triumphed.' You per-
ceive the whole force of this kind of figure, when, dy the
variation or change of a word, a thing is expressed more
elegantly; and to this figure is closely allied another,^ which,
though less ornamental, ought not to be unknown ; as when
we would have the whole of a thing understood from a part;
as we say walls or roof for a whole building; or a part
from the whole, as when we call one troop the cavalry of the
Roman people; or when we signify the plural by the sin-
gular, as,

But still the Roman, though the affair has been

Conducted well, is anxious in his heart f

or when the singular is understood from the plural,

We that were Rudians once are Roma')is now ;

or in whatever way, by this figui'e, the sense is to be under-
stood, not as it is expressed, but as it is meant.

XLIII. "We often also put one word catachrestically for
another, not with that elegance, indeed, which there is in a
metaphor; but, though this is done licentiously, it is some-
times done inoffensively ; as when we say a great speech for a
long one, a minute soul for a little one.

" But have you perceived that those elegances which arise
from the connexion of several metaphors, do not, as I ob-
served,^ lie in one word, but in a series of words ] But all
those modes of expression which, I said, lay in the change of
a word, or are to be understood differ(;ntly from what is
expressed, are in some measure metaphorical. Hence it hap-
pens, that all the virtue and merit of single words consists in
three particulars : if a word be antique, but such, however, as
usage will tolerate ; if it be formed hy composition, or newly
invented, where regard is to be paid to the judgment of the
ear and to custom; or if it be used metaphorically, peou-

* Synecdoche.

* Th\B quotatioi and the following are from the Annals of Ennius.

* C. 41

382 DB oratokb; or, [rih,

liarities which eminently distinguish and brigliten language,
as with so many stars.

" The composition of words follows next, which principally
requires attention to two things; first, collocation, and, next,
a certain modulation and form. To collocation it belongs to
compose and arrange the words in such a way that their
junction may not be rough or gaping, but compact, as it were,
and smooth ; in reference to which qualities of style, the poet
Lucilius, who could do so most elegantly, has expressed him-
self wittily and sportively in the character of my father-
in-law •}

How elegantly are his words arranged !
All like sqxiare stones inserted skiifully
In pavements, with vermiculated emblems !

And after saying this in ridicule of Albucius, he does not
refrain from touching on me :

I've Crassus for a son-in-law, nor think
Yourself more of an orator.

What then ? this Crassus, of whose name you, Lucilius, make
such free use, what does he attempt? The very same thing
indeed as Scsevola wished, and as I would wish, but with some-
what better effect than Albucius. But Lucilius spoke jestingly
with regard to me, according to his custom. However, such
an arrangement of words is to be observed, as that of which
I was speaking ; such a one as may give a compactness and
coherence to the language, and a smooth and equal flow ; this
you will attain if you join the extremities of the antecedent
words to the commencements of those that follow in such a
manner that there be no rough clashing in the consonants,
nor wide hiatus in the vowels.

XLIV. " Next to diligent attention to this particular, follows
modulation and harmonious structure of the words ; a point,
I fear, that may seem puerile to our friend Catulus here. The
ancients, however, imagined in prose a harmony almost like
that of poetry; that is, they thought that we ought to adopt
a sort of numbers; for they wished that there should be
abort phrases in speeches, to allow us to recover, and not
lose our breath ; and that they should be distinguished, not
by the marks of transcribers, but according to the modulatiou
' MucIuB Scsevola. He accused Albucius cf extortioD.

C. XLV.j ON THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 383

of the words and sentences;^ and this practice Isocrates is
eaid to have been the first to introduce,, that he might (as
his scholar Naucrates writes) 'confine the rude manner of
epeaking among those of antiquity within certain numbers,
to give pleasure and captivate the ear.' For musicians, who
were also the poets of former ages, contrived these two things
as the ministers of pleasure, verse, and song; that they
might banish satiety from the sense of hearing by gratifica-
tion, arising from the numbers of language and the modulation
of notes. These two things, therefore, (I mean the musical
management of the voice, and the harmonious structure of
words,) should be transferred, they thought, as far as the
strictness of prose wiU admit, from poetry to oratoiy. On
this head it is remarkable, that if a verse is formed by the
composition of words in prose, it is a fault ; and yet we wish
such composition to have a harmonious cadence, roundness,
and finish, hke verse; nor is there any single quality, out
of many, that more distinguishes a true orator from an un-
skilful and ignorant speaker, than that he who is unpractised
pours forth all he can without discrimination, and measures
out the periods of his speech, not with art, but by the power
of his breath; but the orator clothes his thoughts in such
a manner as to comprise them in a flow of numbers, at once
confined to measure, yet free from restraint ; for, after restrict-
ing it to proper modulation and structure, he gives it an ease
and freedom by a variety in the flow, so that the words are
neither bound by strict laws, as those of verse, nor yet have
such a degree of liberty as to wander without control.

XLV. " In what manner, then, shall we pursue so important
an object, so as to entertain hopes of being able to acquire
this talent of speaking in harmonious numbers'? It is not
a matter of so much difficulty as it is of necessity ; for there
is nothing so pliant, nothing so flexible, nothing which will
80 easily follow whithersoever you incline to lead it, as lan-
guage; out of which verses are composed; out of which all
the variety of poetical numbers; out of which also prose oi
various modulation and of many different kinds ; for there is
not one set of words for common discourse, and another for
oratorical debate ; nor are they taken from one class for daily
eonversation, and from another for the stage and for display;

» Ellendt aptly refers to Cic Orat. c. 68 ; Aristotle, Khet. iii. 8. 6.

384 DE oratore; or, [b. hi

but, when we have made our selection from those that lie
oefore us, we form and fashion them at our pleasure like tha
softest wax. According, therefore, as we ourselves are grave,
or subtle, or hold a middle covirse between both, so the form
of our laugua^ge follows the nature of our thoughts, and is
changed and varied to suit every method by which we delight
the ear or move the passions of mankind. But as in most
things, so in language. Nature herself has wonderfully con-
trived, that what carries in it the greatest utility, should
have at the same time either the most dignity, or, as
it often happens, the most beauty. We perceive the very
system of the universe and of nature to be constituted with
a view to the safety and preservation of the whole ; so that
the firmament should be round, and the earth in the middle,
and that it should be held in its place by its own nature and
tendency;^ that the sun should go round, that it should
approach to the winter sign,^ and thence gradually ascend to
the opposite region; that the moon, by her advance and
retreat, should receive the light of the sun ; and that the
five planets should perform the same revolutions by different
motions and courses. This order of things has such force,
that, if there were the least alteration in it, they could not
possibly subsist together; and such beauty, that no fairer
appearance of nature could even be imagined. Turn your
thoughts now to the shape and figure of man, or even that
of other animals ; you will find no part of the body fashioned
■without some necessary use, and the whole frame perfected
as it were by art, not by chance. XL VI. How is it with
regard to trees, of which neither the trunk, nor the boughs,
nor even the leaves, are formed otherwise than to maintain
and preserve their own nature, yet in which there is no part
that is not beautiful? Or let us turn from natural objects,
and cast our eyes on those of art ; what is so necessary in
a ship as the sides, the hold,* the prow, the stern, the yards,

* Nutu. Compare Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 39. Ellendt thinks that
by nut us is meant something similar to our centripetal force.

* Brumali signum. The tropic of Capricorn. De Nat. Deor. iii 14.
^ CaverntB. Some editions have carince, and Lambinus reads carina.

li we retain cavernce, it is not easy to say exactly in what sense it should
oe taken. Servius, on Virgil, .^n. ii. 19, observes that the fustes curvz
%avium, qiiibus extrinsecus fabulce affiguntur, were called cavernce ; but
fai this sense, as EUandt observes^ it is much the same with laier%

C. XLVH.J ON THE CHARACTER OF THE OtATOR. 386

the sails, the masts'? which yet have so much heauty in their
appearance, that they seem to have been invented not for
safety only, but also for the delight afforded by the spectacle.
Pillars support temples and porticoes, and yet have not more
of utility than of dignity. It was not regard to beauty, but
necessity, that contrived the cupola of the Capitol, and other
buildings; for when a plan was contemplated by which the
water might run off from each side of the roof, the dignity of
the cupola was added to the utility of the temple; bnt in
such a manner, that should the Capitol be built in heaven,
where no rain can fall, it would appear to have no dignity
without the cupola. It happens likewise in all parts of lan-
guage, that a certain agreeableness and grace are attendant
on utility, and, I may say, on necessity; for the stoppage of
the breath, and the confined play of the lungs, introduced
periods and the pointing of words. This invention gives such
gratification, that, if unlimited powers of breath were granted
to a person, yet we could not wish him to speak without
stopping ; for the invention of stops is pleasing to the ears ot
mankind, and not only tolerable, but easy, to the lungs.

XLVII, " The largest compass of a period, then, is that
which can be rounded forth in one breath. This is the
bound set by nature; art has other limits; for as there is
a great variety of numbers, your favourite Aristotle, Catulus,
inclines to banish from oratorical language the frequent use
of the iambus and the trochee ; which, however, fall of them-
selves naturally into our common discourse and conversation ;
but the strokes of time^ in those numbers are remarkable,
and the feet short. He therefore principally invites us to
the heroic measure, [of the dactyl, the anapaest, and the
spondee;]^ in which we may proceed with impunity two

which precedes. EUendt himself, therefore, inclines to take it in the
sense of cavUas alvei, " hold " or " keel," which, as it is divided into
parts, may, he thinks, be expressed in the plural number.

^ Percussiones. The ictus metnci ; so called, because the musician,
in beating time, struck the ground with his foot. In a senarius he
struck the ground three times, once for every two feet ; whence there
wei'e said to be in such a verse three ictus or percussionex. But on pro-
nouncing those syllables, at which the mtisiciau struck the ground, the
actor raisiiii bis voice ; and hence percussio was in Greek &pcris, and the
raised or accented syllables were said to be iv &p(rfi, the others being
Baid to be in 6sffti. See Bentley de Metr. Terentian ixiit. E^vesli.

' Madvig and EUendt justly regard the worda jit umcke*a &a spu
0 a

S86 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. III.

feet only, or a little more, lest we plainly fall into ver^c, or
the resemblance cf vci"se ;

Aha I sunt g^m,l\na quihUs

These three heroic feet fall in gracefully enough with the be-
ginnings of continuations of words. But the paeon is most of
all approved by Aristotle; it is of two kinds ;^ for it either
begins with a long syllable which three short syllables follow,
as in these words, destnlte, incipUe, comprtrmte ; or with a suc-
cession of three short syllables, the last being produced and
made long, as in these words, ddmuerdnt, sSntpedes; and it
is agreeable to the notions of that philosopher to commence
with the former pseon, and to conclude with the latter ; and
this latter pseon is almost equal, not indeed in the number
of the syllables, but by the measure of the ear, which is
a more acute and certain method of judgment, to the cretic,
which consists of a long, a short, and a long syllable ; as in
this verse.

Quid p^tdm prasidl, aut exs^quar ? Quov^ nunc ? ^

With which kind of foot Fannius ' began. Si, Qmrltes, Minds
illitis. This Aristotle thinks better adapted to conclusions
of periods, which he wishes to be terminated generally by a
syllable that is long.

XLVIII. " But these numbers in oratoiy do not require
such sharp-sighted care and diligence as that which must
be used by poets, whom necessity compels, as do the very
numbers and measures, so to include the words in versi-
fication, as that no part may be, even by the least breath,*
shorter or longer than the metre absolutely demands. Prose
has a more free scope, and is plainly, as it is called, soluta,
unconfined, yet not so that it may fly off or wander without

nous. I follow those critics also in reading Alt(B swnt gemince qmom,
though, as Ellendt observes, AU(s ought very likely to be Arm. Altte,
which is in most editions, made the passage utterly inexplicable,
though Emesti, Strebseus, and others did what they could to put some
meaning into it.

' The first and fourth only are meant.

* C. 26 ; where Pearce observps that they are the words of Andro-
mache in Ennius, according to Bentloy on Tusc. Disp. iiL 19.

^ Caius Fannius Strabo, who was consul a.u.c. 632. He left one
gpeech sgainst Caius Gracchus : Cic. Brut. c. 26.

* iV< tpiritu Quidem mini7uo.

0. XLIX.J ON THE CHaKACTER OF THi: ORATOR. 387 *

control, but may regulate itself witho'' being absoteely in
fetters ; for I agree in this particular with Theophi-astus,
who thinks that style, at least such as is to a certain degree
polished and well constructed,' ought to be numerous, yet not
as in confinement, liut at ease. For, as he suspects, from
those feet of which the common hexameter verse is formed,
grew forth afterwards the anapsestic, a longer kind of measure ;
thence flowed the still more free and rich dithyramb, the
members and feet of which, as the same writer observes, are
diffused through all style, that is enriched with the distin-
guishing ornaments of eloquence. And if that is numerous in
all sounds and words, which gives certain strokes as it were,
and which we can measure by equal intervals, this harmony
of numbers, if it be free from sameness, will be justly con-
sidered a merit in the oratorical style. Sinec if perpetual
and ever-flowing loquacity, without any pauses, is to be
thought rude and unpolished, what other reason is there
why it should be disliked, except that Nature herself modu-
lates the voice for the human ear 1 and this could not be the
case unless numbers were inherent in the human voice. But
in an uninterrupted continuation of sound there are no
numbers; distinction, and strokes at equal or often varied
intervals, constitute numbers; which we may remark in
the falling of drops of water, because they are distin-
guished by intervals, but which we cannot observe in the
rolling stream of a river. But as this unrestrained com-
position of words 2 is more eligible and harmonious, if it be
distinguished into parts and members, than if it be canied
on without intermission, those members ought to be mea-
sured by a certain rule of proportion; for if those at the
end are shorter, the compass as it were of the words is made
irregular; the compass," I say, for so the Greeks denominate
these rounded divisions of style ; the subsequent clauses in
a sentence, therefore, ought to be equal to the antecedent, the
last to the first; or, which has a better and more pleasing
effect, of a greater length.

XLIX. " Tiiese precepts are given by t*hose philosophers

' Facta. That is, carefully laboured. See Brut. c. 8. Ellendt.
^ Continualio verbnrum suluta. See above, near the beginning of ihii
chapter, oratio — veri valuta.

* Amuitut. The Greek word is vfpioSos. See Orat. c. 61.

oo2

383 DE oratoke; or, [b. iii.

to wh( m you. Catulus, have the greatest attacLment ; a re-
mark which I the oftener make, that by referring to my
authoi*s, I may avoid the charge of impertinence." " Of
"what sort of impertinence'?" said Catnlus; "or what could
be brouglit before us more elegant than this discussion of
yoirs, or expressed more judiciously?" "But still I am
afraid," said Crassus, " lest these matters should either
appear to these youths^ too difficult for study, or lest, as
they are not given in the common rules of instruction, I
should appear to have an inclination that they should seem
of more importance and difficulty than they really are."
Catulus replied, " You are mistaken, Crassus, if you imagine
that either I or any of the company expected from you
those ordinary or vulgar precepts ; what you say is what we
wished to be said; and not so much indeed to be said, as to
be said in the very manner m which you have said it; nor
do I answer for myself only, but for all the rest, without the
least hesitation." " And I," said Antouius, " have at length
discovered such a one as, in the book which I wrote, I said
that I had never found, a person of eloquence; but I never
interrupted you, not even to pay you a compliment, for this
reason, that no part of the short time allotted for your dis-
course might be diminished by a single word of mine."

" To this standard, then," proceeded Crassus, " is your
style to be formed, as well by the practice of speaking, as
by writing, which contributes a grace and refinement to other
excellences, but to tliis in a more peculiar manner. Nor is
this a matter of so much labour as it appears to be ; nor are
our phrases to be governed by the rigid laws of the cul-
tivators of numbers and music; and the only object for our
endeavours is, that our sentences may not be loose or ram-
bling, that they neither stop within too narrow a compass,
nor run out too far ; that they be distinguished into clauses,
and have well-rounded periods. Nor are you to use per-
petually this fulness and as it were roundness of language,
but a sentence is often to be interrupted by minuter clauses,
which very clauses are still to be modulated by numbers.
Nor let the paeon or heroic foot give you any aJarm ; they
will naturally come into your phrases ; they will, I say, offer
themselves, and will answer without being called; only let it
' Cotta and SulpiciuB.

0. L.] ON THE CHARlCTER OF THE ORATOR, 339

be your care and practice, both in writing and speaking, that
your sentences be concluded with verbs, and that the junction
of those verbs with other words proceed with numbers that are
long and free, especially the heroic feet, the first pajon, or
the cretic; but let the cadence be varied and diversified;
for it is in the conclusion that sameness is chiefly remarked.
And if these measures are observed at the beginning and at
the conclusion of sentences, the intermediate numbers may be
disregarded; only let the compass of your sentence not be
shorter than the ear expects, nor longer than your strength
and breath will allow.

L. " But I think that the conclusions of periods ought to
be studied more carefully than the former parts; because it
is chiefly from these that the finish of style is judged; for in
a verse, the commencement of it, the middle, and the ex-
tremity are equally regarded ; and in whatever part it fails, it
loses its force; but in a speech, few notice the beginnings,
but almost all the closes, of the periods, which, as they are
observable and best understood, should be varied, lest they be
disapproved, either by the judgment of the understanding or
by the satiety of the ear. For the two or three feet towards
the conclusion are to be marked and noted, if the preceding
members of the sentence were not extremely short and
concise ; and these last feet ought either to be trochees, cr
heroic feet, or those feet used alternately, or to consist of the
latter paeon, of which Aristotle approves, or, what is equal to
it, the cretic. An interchange of such feet will have these
good effects, that the audience will not be tired by an offen-
sive sameness, and that we shall not appear to make similar
endings on purpose. But if the famous Antipater of Sidon,^
whom you, Catulus, very well remember, used to pour forth
extempore liexameter and other verses, in various numbers
and measures, and if practice had so much power in a man
of great ability and memory, that whenever he turned his
thoughts and inclinations upon verse, the words followed of
course, how much more easily shall we attain this facility in
oratory, when application and exercise are used !

" Nor let any one wonder how the illiterate part of an
audience observe these things when they listen to a speech;

' Some of whosa epigraioi are to be seen in the fireek Anthology
He flourished about 100 B.O.

890 DE ORATORE ; OR, ' B. IH

ainco, in all other things, as well as in this, the force of nature ia
great and extraordinary ; for all men, by a kind of tacit sense,
without any art or reasoning, can form a judgment of what ia
right and wrong in art and reasoning; and as they do this
with regard to pictures, statues, and other works, for under-
standing which they have less assistance from nature, so
they display this faculty much more in criticising words,
numbers, and sounds of language, because these powers are
inhei'ent in our common senses, nor has nature intended that
any person should be utterly destitute of judgment in these
particulars. All people are accordingly moved, not only by
words artfully arranged, but also by numbers and the sounds
of the voice. How few are those that understand the science
of numbers and measures ! yet if in these the smallest offence
be given by an actor, so that any sound is made too short by
contraction, or too long by extension, whole theatres burst
into exclamations. Does not the same thing also happen with
regard to musical notes, that not only whole sets and bands
of musicians are turned out by the multitude and the populace
for vai'ying one from another, but even single performers for
playing out of tune ?

LI. " It is wonderful, when there is a wide interval of dis-
tinction betwixt the learned and illiterate in acting, how little
difference there is in judging;^ for art, being derived from
nature, appears to have effected nothing at all if it does not
move and delight nature. And thei*e is nothing which so
naturally affects our minds as numbers and the harmony of
sounds, by which we are excited, and inflamed, and soothed,
and thrown into a state of languor, and often moved to cheer-
fulness or sorrow ; the most exquisite power of which is best
suited to poetry and music, and was not, as it seems to me,
undervalued by our most learned monarch Numa and our
ancestors, (as the stringed and wind instruments at the sacred
banquets and the verses of the Salii sufficiently indicate,) but
was most cultivated in ancient Greece; [concerning which
subjects, and similar ones, I could wish that you had chosen
to discourse, rather than about these puerile verbal meta-
phors!]- But as the common people notice where there is

' See Cic. Brut. c. 49.

" The words in brackets are condemned £5 spurious by all the recent
editors.

C. LII,] 0^ THE CHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 391

anything faulty in a verse, so they are sensible of any lame-
ness in our language; but they grant the poet no pardon; to
us they show some indulgence; but all tacitly discern that
"what we have uttered has not its peculiar pi-opriety and finish.
The speakers of old, therefore, as we see some do at the present
day, when they were unable to complete a circuit and, as it
were, roundness of period, (for that is what we have recently
begun, indeed, either to effect or attempt,) spoke in clauses
consisting of three, or two words, or sometimes uttered only a
.single word at a time ; and yet in that infancy of our tongue
they understood the natural gratification which the human
ears required, and even studied that what they spoke should
be expressed in correspondent phrases, and that they should
take breath at equal intervals.

LII. " I have now shown, as far as I could, what I deemed
most conducive to the embellishment of language; for I have
spoken of the merits of single words ; I have spoken of them
in composition; I have spoken of the harmony of numbers
and structure. But if you wish me to speak also of the form
and, as it were, complexion of eloquence, there is one sort
which has a fulness, but is free from tumour; one which is
plain, but not without nerve and vigour; and one which, par-
ticipating of both these kinds, is commended for a certain
middle quality. In each of these three forms there ought to
be a peculiar complexion of beauty, not produced by the
daubing of paint, but diffused throughout the system by the
blood. Then, finally,^ this orator of ours is so to be finished
as to his style and thoughts in general, that, as those who
study fencing and polite exercises, not only think it necessary
to acquire a skill in parrying and striking, but also grace
and elegance of motion, so he may use such words as are
suited to elegant and graceful composition, and such thoughts
as contribute to the impressiveness of language. Words and
thoughts are formed in almost innumerable ways; as is, I am
sure, well known to you ; but betwixt the formation of words
and that of thoughts there is this difference, that that of the

' Turn denique. Ellendfc incloses turn in brackets, and thinks that
much of the language of the rest of the chapter is confused and in-
correct. The words ut ii, qui in armor um traclatione versantur, which
c.<:cur a little below, and which are generally condemned, are no<
ir.miiiated.

3D J DE oratore; or, [b. hi.

wonis is destroy jd if you change them, that of the thoughts
remains, whatever words you think proper to use. But I
think that you ought to be reminded (altiiough, indeed, you
act agreeably to what I say) that you should not imagine
there is anything else to be done by the orator, at least any-
thing else to produce a striking and admirable effect, than
to observe these three rules with regard to single words; to
use frequently metaphorical ones, sometimes new ones, and
rarely very old ones.

" But with regard to continuous composition, when we
have acquired that smoothness of junction and harmony of
numbers which I have explained, our whole style of oratory
is to be distinguished and frequently interspersed with bril-
liant lights, as it were, of thoughts and of words. LIII. For
the dwelling on a single circumstance has often a considerable
effect; and a clear illustration and exhibition of matters to
the eye of the audience, almost as if they were transacted
before them. This has wonderful influence in giving a re-
presentation of any affair, both to illustrate what is repre-
sented, and to amplify it, so that the point which we amplify
may appear to the audience to be realjy as great as the powers
of our language can represent it. Opposed to this is rapid
transition over a thing, which may often be practised. There
is also signification that more is to be understood than you
have expressed; distinct and concise brevity ; and extenuation,
and, what borders upon this, ridicule, not very different from
that which was the object of Ctesar's instructions ; and di-
gression from the subject, and when gratification has thus
been afforded, the return to the subject ought to be happy
and elegant ; proposition of what you are about to say, transi-
tion from what has been said, and retrogression ; there ia
repetition; apt conclusion of reasoning; exaggeration, or sur-
passing of the truth, for the sake of amplification or diminu-
tion ; interrogation, and, akin to this, as it were, consultation
or seeming inquiry, followed by the delivery of your own
opinion; and dissimulation, the humour of saying one thing
and signifying another, which steals into the minds of men in
a peculiar manner, and which is extremely pleasing when it ia
well managed, not in a vehement strain of language, but ir.
a conversational style; also doubt; and distribzition ; and
correction of youi-self, either before or after you have said

C. LIV.J ON- THE CIIAUACTEU OF THE ORATOR. 395

a thing, or when you repel anything from your self; there
is also premunition, with regard to what you are going to
prove ; there 13 the transference of blatre to another person ;
there is communication, or consultation, as it were, with the
audience before whom you are speaking ; imitation of manners
and character, either with names of persons or without, which
is a great ornament to a speech, and adapted to conciliate the
feelings even in the utmost degree, and often also to rouse
them ; the introduction officiitious characters, the most height-
ened figure of exaggeration; there is description ; falling into
a wilful mistake; excitement of the audience to cheerfulness;
anticipation; comparison and example, two figui'es which
have a very great eS'ect; division; interruption; contention;^
suppression; commendation; a CQvtsim freedom and even un-
controlledness of language, for the purpose of exaggeration;
unger; reproach; promise; deprecation; beseeching; slight devia-
tion from your intended course, but not like digression, which
I mentioned before ; expurgation; conciliation; attack; wishing;
execration. Such are the figures with which thoughts give
lustre to a speech.

LIV. " Of words themselves, as of arms, there is a sort of
threatening and attack for use, and also a management for
grace. For the reiteration of words has sometimes a peculiar
force, and sometimes elegance; as well as the variation or
deflexion of a word from its common signification ; and the
frequent repetition of the same word in the beginning, and
recurrence to it at the end, of a period; forcible emphasis on
the same words; conjunction;'^ adjunction ;^ progression,^ a sort
of distinction as to some word often used ; the recal of a word ;
the use of words, also, which end similarly, or have similar
cadences, or which balance one another, or ■which correspond

* Contentio. This is doubtless some species of comparison ; there is
no allusion to it in the Orator. See ad Herenn. iv. 45. EUendt.

* Concursio. The writer ad Herenn. iv. 14, calls this figure iraditciio;
the Greeks (rvfiirKoK-r). Ellendt.

' Adjunctio. It appears to be that which Quintilian (ix. 3) calls
a-vv(((vyfi.(voi', where several words are connected with the same verb.
Ellendt.

* What proffrcssio is, no critic has been able to inform us, nor is there
any notice of it in any other writer on rhetoric. I see no mode of
explaining the passage, unless we take adjunctio md progrtssio together,
and suppose them to signify that the speech proceeds with severaJ
words in conj suction. Ellendt.

394 DE ORATORE ; OR, [B. Ill

to one another. There is also a certain gradation, a conver-
sion} an elegant exaggeration of the sense of words; there is
antitliesis, asyndeton, dxlination," reprehension,^ exclamation,
diminution; the use of the same word in different cases ; the
referring of what is derived from many particulars to each
■particular singly ; reasoning subservient to your proposition,
and reasoning su"ted tc the order of distribution; concession;
and agein another kind of doubt ;^ the introduction of some-
thing an earjoecrec?; enumsration; another co7~rection;^ division;
continuation; interruption; imagery; answering your own ques-
tions; immtUation;^ disjunction; order; relation; digression;'
and circumscription. These are the figures, and others like
these, or there may even be more, which adorn language by
peculiarities in thought or structure of style."

LV. " These remarks, Crassus," said Cotta, " I perceive
that you have poured forth to us without any definitions or
examples, because you imagined us acquainted with them."
" I did not, indeed," said Crassus, " suppose that any of the
things which I previously mentioned were new to you, but
acted merely in obedience to the inclinations of the whole
company. But in these particulars the sun yonder admo-
nished me to use brevity, which, hastening to set, compelled
me also to throw out these observations almost too hastily.
But explanations, and even rules on this head, are common,
though the application of them is most important, and tho
most difficult of anything in the whole study of eloquence.

' An antithetic position of words, as esse ut vivas, non vivere ut edas,
Ellendt.

^ Declinatio. Called avTineraPoK^ by Quintilian, ix. 3. 85.

^ Reprehensio. 'A'popta-fids or Siopicrnos. Jul. Rufin. p. 207. Compare
Quintil. ix. 2. 18 ; Em. p. 332. Ellendt.

* How this kind of doubt differs from that which is mentioned in the
preceding chapter, among the figures of thought, it is not easy to say.
Elley>dt.

* Cori-ectio verbi. Different from that which is mentioned above, in
the middle of c. 53. Ellendt.

" Called dWolwais by Quintilian, ix. 3. 92. Ellendt.

'' Digression has been twice mentioned before. Strebseus supposes it
to be similar to fxiTa^affis or diroffTpo(p-ij. I have no doubt that the
word ought to be ejected. Circumscription Quintilian himself could
not understand, and has excluded it from his catalogue of figures
(ix. 3. 91). Ellendt. Most of the figures enumerated in this chapter
are iUustrated by the writer ad Herennium, b. iv., and by Quintilian,
b. ix.

C. LYI.] ON THE CHARiCTER 01 THE ORATCR. 395

*' Since, then, all the points which relate to all the orna-
mental parts of oratory are, if not illustrated, at least pointed
out, let us now consider what is meant by propriety, that is,
what is most becoming, in oratory. It is, however, clear that
no single kind of style can be adapted to every cause, or every
audience, or every person, or every occasion. For capital
causes require one style of speaking, private and inferior
causes another; deliberations require one kind of oratory,
panegyric another, judicial proceedings another, common con-
versation another, consolation another, reproof another, dis-
putation another, historical narrative another. It is of conf:e-
quence also to consider who form the audience, whether the
senate, or the people, or the judges; whether it is a large or a
small assembly, or a single person, and of what character ; it
ought to be taken into account, too, who the speakers them-
selves are, of what age, rank, and authority; and the time
also, whether it be one of peace or war, of hurry or leisure.
On this head, therefore, no direction seems possible to be
given but this, that we adopt a character of style, fuller,
plainer, or middling,^ suited to the subject on which we are to
speak ; the same ornaments we may use almost constantly, but
sometimes in a higher, sometimes in a lower strain; and it is
the part of art and nature to be able to do what is becoming
on every occasion ; to know what is becoming, and when, is an
affair of judgment.

LVI. " But all these parts of oratory succeed according as
tliey are delivered. Delivery, I say, has the sole and supreme
power in oratory; without it, a speaker of the highest mental
capacity can be held in no esteem; while one of moderate
abilities, with this qualification, may surpass even those of
"the highest talent. To this Demosthenes is said to have
assigned the first place, when he was asked what was the chief
requisite in eloquence; to this the second, and to this the
third. For this reason, I am wont the more to admire what
was said by iEschines, who, when he had retired from Athens,
on account of the disgrace of having lost his cause, and
betaken himself to Rhodes, is reported to have read, at the
entreaty of the Rhodians, that excellent oration which he had
spoken against Ctesiphon, in opposition to Demosthenes ; and
when he had concluded jt, he was asked to read, next day
' Compare c. 52 init.

896 DB ORATORE ; 3B, [n. Ill

that also ^vliich hf.d been published by Demosthenes on the
other side in favoui* of Ctesiphon ; and when lie had read this
too in a most pleasing and powerful tone of voice, and all
expressed their admiration, How much more would you have
admired it, said he, if you had heard Jiim deliver it himself!
By this remark, he sufficiently indicated how much depends
on delivery, as he thought the same speech would appear
different if the speaker were changed. What was it in Grac-
chus,— whom you, Catulus, remember better, — that was so
highly extolled when I was a boy 1 Whither shall I, unhappy
wretch, betake myself ? Whither shall I turn ? To the Capitol ?
But that is drenched with the blood of my brother ! Or to my
home, that I may see my distressed and afjlicted mother in all
the agony of lamentation 1 These words, it was allowed, were
uttered by him with such delivery, as to countenance, voice,
and gestm-e, that his very enemies could not restrain their
tears. I dwell the longer on these particulars, because the
orators, who are the deliverers of truth itself, have neglected
this whole department, and the players, who are only the
imitators of truth, have taken possession of it.

LVII, " In everything, without doubt, truth has the ad-
vantage over imitation ; and if truth were efficient enough in
delivery of itself, we should certainly have no need for the aid
of art. But as that emotion of mind, which ought to be
chiefly expi-essed or imitated in delivery, is often so confused
as to be obscured and almost overwhelmed, the peculiarities
which throw that veil over it are to be set aside, and such as
are eminent and conspicuous to be selected. For every emo-
tion of the mind has from nature its own peculiar look, tone,
and gesture; and the whole frame of a man, and his whole
countenance, and the variations of his voice, sound^ like strings
in a musical instrument, just as they are moved by the affec-
tions of the mind. For the tones of the voice, like musical
chords, are so wound up as to be responsive to every touch,
sharp, flat, quick, slow, loud, gentle ; and yet, among all these,
each in its kind has its own middle tone. From these tones,
too, are derived many other sorts, as the rough, the smooth,
the contracted, the broad, the protracted, and interrupted;

^ Sonant. As this word does not properly apply to vultus, the coun-
tenauoe, Schutz would make some alteration in the text. But Miillei
Mid 7!hers observe that such a zeugma is not uncouunon.

C. LVIIl.] ON THE CHARACTER OP THE ORATOR. 397

the broken and divided, the attenuated and inflated, •with
varieties of modulation; for there is none of these, or those
that resemble them, which may not be influenced by art and
management; and they are presented to the orator, as colours
to the painter, to produce variety.

LVIII. " Anger, for instance, assumes a particular tone of
voice, acute, vehement, and with frequent breaks :

My impious brother drives me on, ah wretched !
To tear my children with my teeth ! '

and in those lines which you, Antonius, cited awhile ago :"

Have you, then, dared to separate him from you ?

and.

Does any one perceive this ? Bind him

and almost the whole ti*agedy of Atreus. But lamentation
and bewailing assumes another tone, flexible, full, interrupted,
in a voice of sorrow : as,

\^^lither shall I now turn myself? what road
Shall I attempt to tread ? Home to my father,
Or go to Pelias" daughters ? ^
and this,

0 father, 0 my country, House of Priam !

and that which follows,

All these did I behold enwrapt in flames,
And life from Priam torn by violence.*

Fear has another tone, desponding, hesitating, abject:

In many ways am I encompass'd round !
By sickness, exile, want. And terror drives
All judgment from my breast, deprived of sense !
One threats my life with torture and destruction,
And no man has so firm a soul, such boldness,
But that his blood shrinks backward, and his look
Grows pale with timid fear.^

Violence has another tone, strained, vehement, impetuous
with a kind of forcible excitement :

' From the Atreu» of Accius, whence also the next quotation bul
one is taken. See Tusc. Qusest iv. 36.
^ See ii. 46.

^ From the Medea of Ennius.

* From the Andromache of Eunlus 6ee Tusc. Qusest. i. 35; iii. 19
' From the Alcmajon of Enniua.

898 DE ORATORE ; OR j B. IH

Again I'hyestes comes to drag on Atreus :
Again attacks me, and disturbs my quiet :
Some greater storm, some greater ill by me
Mast be excited, that I may confound
And crush his cruel heart.'

Pleasure auother, unconstrained, mild, tender, checiful,
languid :

But when she brought for me the crown design'd

To celebrate the nuptials, 'twas to thee

She offcr'd it, pretending that she gave it

To grace another ; then on thee she placed it

Sportive, and graceful, and with delicacy.^

Trouble has another tone ; a sort of gravity without lamenta-
tion ; oppressed, as it were, with one heavy uniform sound :

'Twas at the time when Paris wedded Helen
In lawless nuptials, and when I was pregnant.
My mouths being nearly ended for delivery.
Then, at that very time, did Hecuba
Bring forth her latest offspring, Polydore.

LIX. " On all these emotions a proper gesture ought to
attend; not the gesture of the stage, expressive of mere
words, but one showing the whole force and meaning of
a passage, not by gesticulation, but by emphatic delivery, by
a strong and manly exertion of the lungs, not imitated from
the theatre and the players, but rather from the camp and
the palaestra. The action of the hand should not be too
affected,^ but following the words rather than, as it were,
expressing them by mimicry ; the arm should be considerably
extended, as one of the weapons of oratory; the stamping
of the foot should be used only in the most vehement eflPorts,
at their commencement or conclusion. But all depends on
the countenance ; and even in that the eyes bear sovereign
sway; and therefore the oldest of our countrymen showed
the more judgment in not applauding even Roscius himself
to any great degree when he performed in a mask ; for all the
powers of action proceed from tlie mind, and the countenance
is the image of the mind, aud the eyes are its interpreters.
This, indeed, is the only part of the body that can eflFectuallv

' From the Atreus of Accius. See Tusc. Quaest. iii. 36; De Nat.
Deor. iii. 20.

2 Whence this and the next quotation are taken is unknown.

^ Arr/ula. Argutice digitorum. Orat. c. 18. Manus inter agendwm
%rgutce admodum et gestuosce. Aul. Gell. i 5.

U, LX,] ON THE OHARACTER OF THE ORATOR. 399

display as infinite a number of significations and changes, as
there is of emotions in the soul ; nor can any speaker pro-
duce the same effect with his eyes shut/ as with them open.
Theophrastus indeed has told us, that a certain Tauriscua
used to say, that a player who pr-onounced his pai't gazing
on any particular object was like one who turned his back
on the audience.^ Great care in managing the eyes is there-
fore necessary; for the appearance of the features is not to
be too much varied, lest we fall into some absurdity or dis-
tortion. It is the eyes, by whose intense or languid gaze, aa
well as by their quick glances and gaiety, we indicate
the workings of our mind with a peculiar aptitude to the
tenor of our discourse ; for action is, as it were, the speech
of the body, and ought therefore the more to accord with
that of the soul. And Nature has given eyes to us, to declare
our internal emotions, as she has bestowed a mane, tail, and
ears on the horse and the lion. For these reasons, in our
oratorical action, the countenance is next in power to the
voice, and is influenced by the motion of the eyes. But in
everything appertaining to action there is a certain force
bestowed by Nature herself; and it is by action accordingly
that the illiterate, the vulgar, and even barbarians themselves,
are principally moved. For words move none but those who
are associated in a participation of the same language; and
sensible thoughts often escape the understandings of senseless
men; but action, which by its own powers displays the
movements of the soul, affects all mankind ; for the minds
of all men are excited by the same emotions, which they
recognise in others, and indicate in themselves, by the same
tokens.

LX. " To effectiveness and excellence in delivery the voice
doubtless contributes most; the voice, I say, which, in its
full strength, must be the chief object of our wishes ; and
next, whatever strength of voice we have, to cherish it. On
this point, how we are to assist the voice has nothing to do
with precepts of this kind, though, for my part, I think that
we should assist it to the utmost. But it seems not un-

' I follow Ellendt in reading connivens, instead of contuens, the com«
mon reading, which Orellius retains.

' Averswm. "Qui stet aver.sus \ theatro, et spectatoribus teiguin
cbvertat." Schutz. Of Tauriseus nothin'i is known.

400 DE ORATORE ; OR, [b. Ill

suitable to the purport of my present remarks, to observe, sa
I observed a little while ago, ' that in most things what ia
most useful is, I know not how, the most becoming;' for
nothing is more useful for securing power of voice, than the
frequent variation of it; nothing more pernicious than an
immoderate straining of it without intermission. And what
is more adapted to delight the ear, and produce agreeableness
of delivery, than change, variety, and alteration of tone?
Caius Gracchus, accordingly, (as you may hear, Catulus,
from your client Licinius, a man of letters, whom Gracchus
formerly had for his amanuensis,) used to have a skilful
person with an ivory pitch-pipe, to stand concealed behind
him when he made a speech, and who was in an instant to
Bound such a note as might either excite him from too
languid a tone, or recal him from one too elevated." " I
have heard this before," said Catulus, " and have often
admired the diligence of that great man, as well as his
learning and knowledge." " And I, too," said Crassus ; " and
am grieved that men of such talents should fall into such
miscarriages with regard to the commonwealth; although
the same web is still being woven ;^ and such a state of
manners is advancing in the country, and held out to pos-
terity, that we now desire to have citizens such as our fathers
would not tolerate." " Forbear, Crassus, I entreat you," in-
terposed Caesar, " from this sort of conversation, and go back
to Gracchus's pitch-pipe, of which I do not yet clearly under-
stand the object."

LXI. " There is in every voice," continued Crassus, " a
certain middle key ; but in each particular voice that key is
peculiai'. For the voice to ascend gradually from this key
is advantageous and pleasing; since to bawl at the beginning
of a speech is boorish, and gradation is salutary in strength-
ening the voice. There is also a certain extreme in the
highest pitch, (which, however, is lower than the shrillest cry,)
to which the pipe will not allow you to ascend, but will recal
you from too strained an effort of voice. There is also, on
the other hand, an extreme in the lowest notes, to which, aa
oeing of a full sound, we by degrees descend. This variety
and this gradual progression of the voice throughout all the
notes, will presei've its powers, and add agreeableness to deli-
' A« to the state of the republic at that time, sef i. 7 EUeadt

C. !..\I.l ON THE CHARACTER OF THE OUATOrv 401

very. But you AVill leave the piper at home, and carry with
you into the forum merely the intention of the custom.

" I have said what I could, though not as I wished, but as
the shortness of the time obliged me ; for it is wise to lay the
blame upon the time, when you cannot add more even if you
desired." " But," said Catulus, " you have, as far as I can
judge, brought together everything upon the subject, and
that in so excellent a manner, that you seem not to have
received instructions in the art from the Greeks, but to be
able to instruct the Greeks themselves. I rejoice that I have
been present at your conversation; and could wish that my
son-in-law, your friend Hortensius,^ had also been present j
who, I trust, will excel in all those good qualities of which you
have treated in this dissertation." " Will excel!" exclaimed
Crassus; "I consider that he already excels. I had that
opinion of him when he pleaded, in my consulsliip, the cause
of Africa- in the senate ; and I found myself still more con-
firmed in it lately, when he spoke for the king of Bithynia.
You judge rightly, therefore, Catulus; for I am convinced
that nothing is wanting to that young man, on the part
either of nature or of learning. You, therefore, Gotta, and
you, Sulpicius, must exert the greater vigilance and industry ;
for he is no ordinary orator, who is springing up to rival
those of your age ; but one of a penetrating genius, and an
ardent attachment to study, of eminent learning, and of
singular powers of memory; but, though he is a favourite of
mine, I only wish him to excel those of his own standing;
for to desire that he, who is so much younger,' should outstrip
you, is hardly fair. But let us now arise, and refresh our-
selves, and at length relieve our minds and attention from
this fatiguing discussion."

' The oi-ator aftei-wards ao famous.

* He pleaded this cause, observes Ellendt, at the age of nineteen;
but the nature of it, as well as that of the king of Bithynia, is uu«
known.

* He was ten years younger than Cotta and Sulpicius. Brut. c. 88
SUendt.

OD

BEUTUS;

OR,

KEMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS.

AKGUMENT.

Tills treatise was the fruit of Cicero's retirement, during the remains
of the civil war in Africa, and was composed in the form of a
dialogue. It contains a few short, but very masterly sketches of all
the speakers who had flourished either in Greece or Rome, with any
reputation of eloquence, down to his own time ; and as he generally
touches the principal incidents of their lives, it will be considered,
by an attentive reader, as a concealed epitome of the Roman history.
The conference is supposed to have been held with Atticus, and their
common friend Brutus, in Cicero's garden at Rome, under the statue
of Plato, whom he always admired, and usually imitated in hia
Dialogues.

1. When I had left Cilicia, and arrived at Rhodes, word was
brought me of the death of Hortensius. I was more affected
with it than, I believe, was genemlly expected; for, by the
loss of my friend, I saw myself for ever deprived of the
nJeasure of his acquaintance, and of our mutual intercourse
..1 good offices. I liiiewise reflected, with concern, that the
dignity of our college must suffer greatly by the decease of
such an eminent augur. This reminded me that he was the
person who first introduced me to the college, where he
attested my qualification upon oath, and that it was he also
who installed me as a member; so that I was bound by the
constitution of the order to respect and honour him as a
parent. My affliction was increased, that, in such a deplorable
dearth of wise and virtuous citizens, this excellent man, my
faithful associa^.e in the service of the public, expired at the
very time when the commonwealth could least spare him, and
when we had the greatest reason to regret the want of his
prudence and authority. I can add, very sincerely, that in
him I lamented the loss, not (as most people imagined) of a
dangerous rival who opposed my reputation^ but of a generous
associate who engaged with me in the pursuit of fame. For
if we have instances in history, though in studies of less

BRUTUS ; OB, REMARKS ON EMIXKNT ORATORS. 403

nnportance, that some distinguished poets have been greatly
alllictcd at the death of their contemporary bards, with what
tender concern should I honour the memory of a man with
whom it is more glorious to have disputed the prize of
eloquence, than never to have combated as an antagonist,
especially as he was always so far from obstructing my endea-
vours, or I hii, that, on the contrary, we mutually assisted
each other with our credit and advice ! But as he, who had a
perpetual run of felicity,^ left the world at a happy moment
for himself, though a most unfortunate one for his fellow-
citizens, — and died when it would have been much easier for
him to lament the miseries of his country than to assist it,
after living in it as long as he could have lived with honour
and reputation, — we may, indeed, deplore his death as a
heavy loss to us who survive him. If, however, we consider
it merely as a personal event, we ought rather to congra-
tulate his fate than to pity it ; that, as often as we revive the
memory of this illustrious and truly happy man, we may
appear at least to have as much affection for him as for our-
selves. For if we only lament that we are no longer permitted
to enjoy him, it must, indeed, be acknowledged that this is a
heavy misfortune to us; which it however becomes us to
support with modex'ation, lest our sorrow should be suspected
to arise from motives of interest, and not from friendship.
But if we afflict ourselves, on the supposition that he was the
sufferer, we misconstrue an event, which to him. was certainly
a very happy one.

II. If Hortensius were now living, he would probably regret
many other advantages in common with his worthy fellow-
citizens. But when he beheld the forum, the great theatre in
which he used to exercise his genius, no longer accessible to
that accomplished eloquence which could charm the ears of a
Roman or a Grecian audience, he must have felt a pang of
which none, or at least but few, besides himself could be
susceptible. Even / indulge heartfelt anguish, when I behold
my country no longer supported by the talents, the wisdom,
and the authority of law, — the only weapons which I have

' QMontow perpetud quddam felicitate usus ille, cessit I vitd, suo mayu
quam suorum civium terapore. This fine sentiment, conveyed in snob
eleganl language, carrie« an allusion to the conversation of Solon
with Croesus, in which the former maintained the seeming paradox,
that he alone can be deemed happy who meets a happy death. Sec
Herod, Clio, 82.

DD 2

404 BKUTUS ; OR,

£anied to wield, and to which I have long been accustomed,
and which are most suitable to the character of an illustrioua
citizen, and of a virtuous and well-regulated state. But if
there ever was a time when the authority and eloquence of an
honest individual could have wrested their arms from the
hands of his distracted fellow-citizens, it was then when the
proposal of a compromise of our mutual differences was
rejected, by the hasty imprudence of some and the timorous
mistrust of others. Thus it happened, among other mis-
fortunes of a more deplorable nature, that when my declining
age, after a life spent in the service of the public, should have
reposed in the peaceful harbour, not of an indolent and
total inactivity, but of a moderate and honourable retirement,
and when my eloquence was properly mellowed and had
acquired its full maturity; — thus it happened, I say, that
recourse was then had to those fatal arms, which the persons
who had learned the use of them in honourable conquest
could no longer employ to any salutary purpose. Those,
therefore, appear to me to have enjoyed a fortunate and
happy life, (of whatever state they were members, but
especially in ours,) who, together with their authority and
reputation, either for their military or political services, are
allowed to enjoy the advantages of philosophy; and the sole
remembrance of them, in our present melancholy situation,
was a pleasing relief to me, when we lately happened to
mention them in the course of conversation.

III. For, not long ago, when I was walking for my amuse-
ment in a private avenue at home, I was agreeably interrupted
by my friend Brutus and Titus Pomponius, who came, as indeed
they frequently did, to visit me, — two worthy citizens, who
were united to each other in the closest friendship, and were
80 dear and so agreeable to me, that on the first sight of them,
all my anxiety for the commonwealth subsided. After the
usual salutations, " Well, gentlemen," said I, " how go the
times? What news have you brought?" " None," replied
Brutus, " that you would wish to hear, or that I can venture
to tell you for truth." " No," said Atticus ; " we are come
with an intention that all matters of state should be dropped,
and rather to hear something from you, than to say anything
which might serve to distress you." " Indeed," said I, " your
company is a present remedy for my sorrow ; and yout letters,
Wheu absent, were so encouraging, that they first revived

REMARKS OX EMINENT ORATORa 4C5

my attention to my studies." " I remember," replied Atticus,
" that Brutus sent you a letter from Asia, which I read with
infinite pleasure ; for he advised you in it like a man of sense,
and gave you every consolation which the warmest friendship
flould suggest." " True," said I ; " for it was the receipt of
that letter whicli recovered me from a gi-owing indisposition,
to behold once more the cheerful face of day; and as the
Roman state, after the dreadful defeat near Cannae, first raised
its drooping head by the victory of Marcellus at Nola, which
was succeeded by many other victories, so, after the dismal
wreck of our aflfiiirs, both public and private, nothing occurred
to me, before the letter of my friend Brutus, which I thought
to be worth my attention, or which contributed, in any
degi'ee, to ease the anxiety of ray heart." " That was certainly
my intention," answered Brutus ; " and if I had the happiness
to succeed, I was sufficiently rewarded for my trouble. But
I could wish to be informed what you received from Atticus,
which gave you sixch uncommon pleasure." " That," said I,
" which not only entertained me, but I hope has restored me
entirely to myself" " Indeed !" replied he; "and what mi-
raculous composition could that be ]" " Nothing," answered
I, " could have been a more acceptable or a more seasonable
present than that excellent treatise of his, which roused me
from a state of languor and despondency." " You mean,'
said he, " his short and, I think, very accurate abridgement
of universal history." " The very same," said I ; " for that
little treatise has absolutely saved me."

IV. "I am heartily glad of it," said Atticus; "but what
could you discover in it which was either new to you or so won-
derfully beneficial as you pretend ?" " It certainly furnished
many hints," said I, " which were entirely new to me ; and
the exact order of time which you observed through the
whole, gave me the opportunity I had long wished for, of
beholding the history of all nations in one regular and com-
prehensive view. The attentive perusal of it proved an excel-
lent remedy for my sorrows, and led me to think of attempt-
ing something oa your own plan, partly to amuse myself, and
partly to returu your favour by a grateful, though not an
equal, acknowledgment. We are commanded, it is true, in
that precept of Hesiod, so much admired by the learned, to
return with the same measure we have received, or, if possible,
with a larger. As to a friendly inclination, I shall certainly

*06 BHUTL'S ; OH,

return you a full proportion of it; but as to a recompense in
kind, I confess it to be out of my power, and therefore hope
you will excuse me; for I have not, as husbandmen are
accustomed to have, gathered a fresh harvest out of which to
repay the kindness^ I have received; my whole harvest having
sickened and died, for want of the usual manure; and as
little am I able to present you with anything from those
hidden stores which are now consigned to perpetual darkness,
and to which I am denied all access, though formerly I was
almost the only pei^son who was able to command them at
pleasure. I must, therefore, try my skill in a long-neglected
and uncultivated soil; which I will endeavour to improve
with so much care, that I may be able to repay your liberality
with interest ; provided my genius should be so happy as to
resemble a fertile field, which, after being sufiered to lie fallow
a considerable time, produces a heavier crop than usual."

" Very well," replied Atticus, " I shall expect the fulfilment
of your promise ; but I shall not insist upon it till it suits
your convenience, though, after all, I shall certainly be better
pleased if you discharge the obligation." " And I also," said
Brutus, " shall expect that you perform your promise to my
friend Atticus ; nay, though I am only his voluntary solicitor,
I shall, perhaps, be very pressing for the discharge of a debt
which the creditor himself is willing to submit to your own
choice." V. " But I shall refuse to pay you," said I, "unless
the original creditor takes no further part in the suit." " This
is more than I can promise," replied he ; " for I can easily fore-
see that this easy man, who disclaims all severity, will urge
his demand upon you, not indeed to distress you, but yet
with earnestness and importunity." " To speak ingenuously,"
said Atticus, " my friend Brutus, I believe, is not much mis-
taken ; for as I now find you in good spirits for the first time,
after a tedious interval of despondency, I shall soon make
bold to apply to you ; and as this gentleman has promised his
assistance to recover what you owe me, the least I can do is
to solicit, in my turn, for what is due to him." " Explain
your meaning," said I. " I mean," replied he, " that you
must write something to amuse us; for your pen has been

' Non enira ex nOvis, ut agricolce solcnt, fi~uctibtis est, unde tihi reddaif.
quod accept. The allusion is to a farmer, who, in time of necessity,
borrows corn cr fruit of his more opulent neighbour, which he repay?
in kind as soon as his harvest is gathered home. Cicero was not, h*
wys, in a situation to make a similar return.

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATOltS. 407

totaLy silent this long time; and since your treatise on
politics, we have had nothing from you of any kind, though
it was the perusal of that which fired me with the ambition
to write an abridgement of univei-sal history. But we shall,
however, leave you to answer this demand when and in what
manner you shall think most convenient. At present, if you
ax"e not otherwise engaged, you must give us your sentiments
on a subject on which we both desire to be better informed."
"And what is that?" said I. " A work which you had just
begun," replied he, " when I saw you last at Tusculanum, —
the History of Eminent Orators, — when they made their ap-
pearance, and who and what they were ; which furnished such
an agreeable train of conversation, that when I related the
substance of it to your, or I ought rather to have said our
common, friend Brutus, he expressed an ardent desire to hear
the whole of it from your own mouth. Knowing you, there-
fore, to be at leisure, we have taken the present opportunity
to wait upon you ; so that, if it is really convenient, you will
oblige us both by resuming the subject." " Well, gentlemen,"
said I, " as you are so pressing, I will endeavour to satisfy you
in the best manner I am able." " You are able enough,"
replied he ; " only unbend, or rather, if possible, set at full
liberty your mind." " If I remember right," said I, " Atticus,
what gave rise to the conversation was my observing that the
cause of Deiotarus, a most excellent sovereign and a faithful
ally, was pleaded by our friend Brutus, in my hearing, with
the greatest elegance and dignity."

VI. " True," replied he ; " and you took occasion, from the
ill-success of Brutus, to lament the loss of a fair administration
of justice in the forum." " I did so," answered I, " as indeed
I frequently do; and whenever I see you, my Brutus, I am
ccncerned to think whore your wonderful genius, your finished
erudition, and unpa/alleled industry will find a theatre to
display themselves. For after you had thoroughly improved
your abilities, by pleading a variety of important causes, and
when my declining vigour was just giving way and lowering
the ensigns of dignity to your more active talents, the liberty
of the state received a fatal overthrow, and that eloquence, of
which we are now to give the history, was condemned to per-
petual silence." " Our other misfortunes," replied Brutus, " I
lament sincerely, and I think I ought to lament them ; but as
to eloquence, I am not so fond of the influence and the glory

108 bruti/b; or,

it bestows, as of the study and the practice of it, which
nothing can deprive me of, while you are so well disposed to
assist me; for no man can be an eloquent speaker who has
not a clear and t-eady conception. Whoever, therefore, applies
himself to tlie study of eloquence,, is at the same time int-
proving his judgment, which is a talent equally necessary in
all military operations." " Your remark," said I, " is very
just; and I have a higher opinion of the merit of eloquence,
because, though there is scarcely any person so diffident as
not to persuade himself that he either has or may acquire
every other accomplishment which formerly could have given
him consequence in the state, I can find no person who has
been made an orator by the success of his military prowess.
But that we may carry on the conversation with greater ease,
let us seat ourselves." As my visitors had no objection to
this, we accordingly took our seats in a private lawn, near
a statue of Plato. Then resuming the conversation, — " To
recommend the study of'eloquence," said I, " and describe its
force, and the great dignity it confers upon those who have
acquired it, is neither our present design, nor has any neces-
sary connexion with it. But I will not hesitate to affirm, that
whether it is acquired by art or practice, or the mere powers
of nature, it is the most difficult of all attainments ; for each
of the five branches of which it is said to consist, is of itself a
very important art ; from whence it may easily be conjectured
how great and arduous must be the profession which unites
and comprehends them all.

VII. '• Greece alone is a sufficient witness of this ; for though
she was fired with a wonderful love of eloquence, and has long
since excelled every other nation in the practice of it, yet she
had all the rest of the arts much earlier; and had not only
invented, but even completed them, a considerable time before
she was mistress of the full powers of elocution. But when I
direct my eyes to Greece, your beloved Athens, my Atticus,
first strikes my sight, and is the brightest object in my view;
for in that illustrious city the orator first made his appearance,
and it is there we sliall find the earliest records of eloquence,
and the first specimens of a discoui-se conducted by rules of
art. But even in Athens there is not a single production
now extant which discovers any taste for ornament, or seenjs
to have Ijeen the effort of a real orator, before the time ot
Pericles ^whose name is prefixed to some orations which stiU

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 409

remain) and his contemporary Thucydides ; who flourished,
not in the infancy of the state, but when it had arrived at
its full maturity of power. It is, t^owever, supposed, that
Pisistratus, (who lived many years before,) together with Solon,
who was something older, and Clisthenes, who survived them
both, were very able speakers for the age they lived in. But
some years after these, as may be collected from the Attio
annals, came Themistocles, who is said to have been as
much distinguished by his eloquence as by his political abili-
ties ; and after him the celebrated Pericles, whc, though
adorned with every kind of excellence, was most admired
for his talents as a speaker. Cleon also, their contem-
poi'ary, though a turbulent citizen, was allowed to be a
tolerable orator These were immediately succeeded by
Alcibiades, Critias, and Theramenes ; the character of their
eloquence may be easily inferred from the writings of Thucy-
dides, who lived at the same time ; their discourses were
nervous and stately, full of sententious remarks, and so exces-
sively concise as to be sometimes obscure.

VIII. " But as soon as the force of a regular and well-
adjusted style was understood, a crowd of rhetoricians immedi-
ately appeared, — such asGorgias the Leontine, Thrasymachus
the Chalcedonian, Protagoras the Abderite, and Hippias the
Elean, who were all held in great esteem, — rwith many othera
of the same age, who professed (it must be owned rather too
arrogantly) to teach their scholars how the worse might
he made, by the force of eloquence, to appear the better cattse.
But these were openly opposed by Socrates, who, by a subtle
method of arguing peculiar to himself, took every opportunity
to refute the principles of their art. His instructive confer-
ences produced a number of intelligent men, and Philosophy
is said to have derived her birth from him ; not the doctrine
of Physics, which was of an earlier date, but that Philosophy
which treats of men and manners, and of the nature of good
and evil. But as this is foreign to our present subject,
W3 must defer the philosophers to another opportunity, and
return to the oratoi'S, from whom I have ventured to make
a short digression. When the professors, therefore, above-
mentioned, were in the decline of life, Isocrates made his
appearance, whose house stood open to £.11 Greece as the
ichool of eloquence. He was an accomplished orator, and an
excellent teacher ; tliough he did not display his talents in th*

410 WRTITUS ; OK,

splendour of the forum, but cherished a:-d improved within
the walls of an obscure academy, that glory which, in my
opinion, no orator has since acquired. He composed many
valuable specimens of his art, and taught the principles of it
to others ; and not only excelled his predecessors in every part
of it, but first discovered that a certainr hythm and modu-
lation should be observed in prose, care being taken, however,
to avoid making verses. Before him, the artificial structure
and harmony of language was unknown ; — or, if there are any
traces of it to be discovered, they appear to have been made
•without design ; which, perhaps, will be thought a beauty;
but whatever it may be deemed, it was, in the present case,
the effect rather of native genius, or of accident, than of art
and observation. For Nature herself teaches us to close our
sentences within certain limits ; and when they are thus con-
fined to a moderate flow of expression, they will frequently
have an harmonious cadence ; for the ear alone can decide
what is full and complete, and what is deficient; and the
course of our language will necessarily be regulated by om*
breath, in which it is excessively disagreeable, not only to fail,
but even to labour.

IX. " After Isocratescame Lysias, who, though not personally
engaged in forensic causes, was a very accurate and elegant
composer, and such a one as you might almost venture to
pronounce a complete orator; for Demosthenes is the man
who approaches the character so nearly, that you may apply
it to him without hesitation. No keen, no artful turns could
have been contrived for the pleadings he has left behind him,
which he did not readily discover; nothing could have been
expressed with greater nicety, or more clearly and poignantly,
than it has been already expressed by him; and nothing
greater, nothing more rapid and forcible, nothing adorned
with a nobler elevation, either of language or sentiment, can
be conceived, than what is to be found in his orations. He
was soon rivalled by his contemporaries Hyperides, JSschines,
Lycurgus, Dinarchus, and Demades, (none of whose writings
are extant,) with many others that might be mentioned ; for
this age was adoi-ned with a profusion of good orators ; and
to the end of this period appears to me to have flourished
that vigorous and blooming eloquence, which is distinguished
by a natural beauty of composition, without disguise or affec-
tation. When these orators were in the decline of life, they

REMARKS '"< EMIN-EXT OKATORS. 411

were succeeded by Phalereiis, then in the prime of youth. He
indeed surpassed them all jn learning, but was fitter tc
appear on the parade, than in the field ; and, accordingly, he
rather pleased and entertained the Athenians, than inflamed
their passions ; and marched forth into the dust and heat of
the forum, not from a weather-beaten tent, but from the shady
I'ecesses of Theophrastus, a man of consummate erudition.
He was the first who relaxed the force of Eloquence, and gave
her a soft and tender air ; and he rather chose to be agree-
able, as indeed he was, than great and striking ; but agreeable
in such a manner as rather chai-med, than warmed the mind of
the hearer. His greatest ambition was to impress his audience
with a high opinion of his elegance, and not, as Eupolis
relates of Pericles, to animate as well as to please.

X. ''■ You see, then, in the very city in which Eloquence
was born and nurtured, how late it was before she grew to
maturity ; for before the time of Solon and Pisistratus, we
meet with no one who is so much us mentioned as an able
speaker. These, indeed, if we compute by the Roman date,
may be reckoned very ancient : but if by that of the Athe-
nians, we shall find them to be moderns. For though they
flourished in the reign of Servius Tullius, Athens had then
subsisted much longer than Rome has at present. I have not,
nowever, the least doubt that the power of eloquence has
been always more or less conspicuous. For Homer, we may
suppose, would not have ascribed such superior talents of
elocution to Ulysses and Nestoi', (one of whom he celebrates
for his force, and the other for his sweetness,) unless the art
of speaking had then been held in some esteem ; nor could the
poet himself have attained a style so finished, nor exhibited such
fine specimens of oratory, as we actually find in him. The
time, indeed, in which he lived is undetermined ; but we are
certain that he flourished many years before Romulus, and as
early at least as the elder^ Lycurgus, the legislator of the
Spartans. But a more particular attention to the art, and a
greater ability in the practice of it, may be observed in Pisis-
tratus. He was succeeded in the following century by The-
mistocles, who, according to the Roman date, was a person ol
the remotest antiquity ; but according to that of the Athe-
nians, he was almost a modern. For he lived when Greece

"' Supcriorem, So called, as Orelltuu observes, to distinguisli him
from Lycurgus the Athenian orator, mentioned in the preceding chapter-

412 BEUTUS ; OR,

was in the height of her power, and when the city of Rome
had but lately been emancipated from the shackles of regal
tyranny; for the dangerous war with the Volsci, who were
headed by Coriolanus (then a voluntary exile), happened nearly
at the same time as the Persian war; and we may add, that
the fate of both commanders was remarkably similar. Each
of them, after distinguishing himself as an excellent citizen,
being driven from his country by the insults of an ungrateful
people, went over to the enemy; and each of them repressed
the efforts of his resentment by a voluntary death. For
though you, my Atticus, have represented the death of Corio-
lanus in a different manner, you must pardon me if I do not
subscribe to the justness of your representation."

XI. " You may use your pleasure," replied Atticus, with a
smile; " for it is the privilege of rhetoricians to exceed the
truth of history, that they may have an opportunity of em-
bellishing the fate of their heroes : and accordingly, Clitarchus
and Stratocles have entertained us with the same pretty
fiction about the death of Themistocles, which you have in-
vented for Coriolanus. Thucydides, indeed, who was himself
an Athenian of the highest rank and merit, and lived nearly
at the same time, has only informed us that he died, and was
privately buried in Attica, adding, that it was suspected by
some that he had poisoned himself. But these ingenious
writers have assured us, that, having slain a bull at the altar,
he caught the blood in a large bowl, and, drinking it off, fell
suddenly dead upon the ground. For this species of death
had a tragical air, and might be described with all the pomp
of rhetoric ; whereas the ordinary way of dying afforded no
opportunity for ornament. As it will, therefore, suit your
purpose, that Coriolanus should resemble Themistocles in
everything. I give you leave to introduce the fatal bowl ; and
you may still farther heighten the catastrophe by a solemn
sacrifice, that Coriolanus may appear in all respects to have
been a second Themistocles." "I am much obliged to you," said
I, "for your courtesy ; but, for the future, I shall be more
cautious in meddling with history when you are present ;
whom I may justly commend as a most exact and scrupulous
relator of the Roman history; but nearly at the time we are
F.peaking of (though somewhat later) lived the above-men-
tioned Pericles, the illustrious son of Xantippus, who first
improved his eloq lence by the friendly aids of literature ; —

KEMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 413

not that kind of literature which treats professedly of the art
of speaking, of which there was then no regular system ; but
after he had studied under Anaxagoras, the naturalist, he
directed with alacrity his attention from abstruse and intricate
speculations to forensic and popular debates. All Athens was
charmed with the sweetness of his language, and not only
admired him for his fluency, but was awed by the superior
force and terrors of his eloquence.

XII. " This age, therefore, which may be considered as the
infancy of the art, furnished Athens with an orator who almost
reached the summit of his profession ; for an emulation
to shine in the forum is not usually found among a people
who are either employed in settling the form of their govern-
ment, or engaged in war, or struggling with difficulties, or
subjected to the arbitrary power of kings. Eloquence is the
attendant of peace, the companion of ease and prosperity, and
the tender offspring of a free and well-established constitu-
tion. Aristotle, therefore, informs us, that when the tyrants
were expelled from Sicily, and private property, after a long
interval of servitude, was secured by the administration of
justice, the Sicilians, Corax and Tisias, (for this people, in
general, were very quick and acute, and had a natural turn
for disquisition,) first attempted to write precepts on the art of
speaking. Before them, he says, no one spoke by prescribed
method, conformably to rules of art, though many discoursed
very sensibly, and generally from written notes ; but Prota-
goras took the pains to compose a number of dissertations, on
such leading and general topics as are now called commcn
places. Gorgias, he adds, did the same, and wrote panegyrics
and invectives on every subject ; for he tlxiught it was the
province of an orator to be able either to exaggerate, or
extenuate, as occasion might require. Antiphon the Rham-
nusian composed several essays of the same species ; and
(according to Thucydides, a very respectable writer, who was
present to hear him) pleaded a capital cause in his own
defence, with as much eloquence as had ever yet been dis-
played by any man. But Lysias was the first who openly
profes.sed the art ; and, after him, Theodorus, being better
versed in the theory than the practice of it, began to compose
orations for others to pronounce ; but confined to himself the
art of composing them. In the same manner, Isocrates at
first declined to teach the art, but wrote speeches for othe*

414 BRUTUS ; OR,

people tj deliver ; on which account, being often prosecuted
tor assisting, contrary to law, to circumvent one or another of
the pai'ties in judgment, he left off composing orations foi
other people, and wholly applied himself to prescribe rules,
and reduce them into a system.

XIII. " Thus, then, we have traced the birth and origin of
the oratoi-s of Greece, who were, indeed, very ancient, as I have
before observed, if we compute by the Roman annals ; but of
a much later date, if we reckon by their own ; for the Athe-
nian state had signalized itself by a variety of great exploits,
both at home and abroad, a considerable time before she
became enamoured of the charms of eloquence. But this
noble art was not common to Greece in general, but almost
peculiar to Athens. For who has ever heard of an Argive, a
Corinthian, or a Theban orator, at the times we are speaking
of 1 unless, perhaps, some mei'it of the kind may be allowed
to Epaminondas, who was a man of uncommon erudition. But
I have never read of a Lacedemonian orator, from the earliest
period of time to the present. For Menelaus himself, though
said by Homer to have possessed a sweet elocution, is like-
wise described as a man of few words. Brevity, indeed, upon
some occasions, is a real excellence ; but it is very far from
being compatible with the general character of eloquence.
The art of speaking was likewise studied, and admired, beyond
the limits of Gi-eece; and the extraordinary honours which
wei*e paid to oratory have perpetuated the names of many
foreigners who had the happiness to excel in it. For no
sooner had eloquence ventured to sail from the Pirseeus, but
Bhe traversed all the isles, and visited every part of Asia ; till
Jit last, infected with their manners, she lost all the purity and
the healthy complexion of the Attic style, and indeed almost
forgot her native language. The Asiatic orators, therefore,
though not to be undervalued for the rapidity and the copious
variety of their elocution, were certainly too loose and luxu-
riant. But the Rhodians were of a sounder constitution, and
more resembled the Athenians. So much, then, for the
Greeks; for, perhaps, what I have already said of them is
more than was necessary." " Respecting the necessity of it,"
answered Brutus, " there is no occasion to speak; but what yoii
have said of them has entertained me so agreeably, that
instead of being longer, it has been much shorter than I could
have R'ished." " A very handsome compliment," said I ; '• but

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 415

it is time to begin with our countrymen, of wlioni it is difficult
to give any further account than what we are able to conjec-
ture from our annals.

XIV. " For who can question the address and the capacity
of Brutus, the illustrious founder of your family ; — that
Brutus, who so readily discovered the meaning of the oracle,
which promised the supremacy to him who should first salute
his mother;^ — that Brutus, who, under the appearance of
stupidity, concealed the most exalted understanding ; — who
dethroned and banished a powerful monarch, the son of an
illustrious sovereign ; — who settled the state, which he had
rescued from arbitrary power, by the appointment of an
annual magistracy, a regular system of laws, and a free and
open course of justice ; — and who abrogated the authority of
his colleague, that he might banish from the city the smallest
vestige of the regal name 1 — events which could never have
been produced without exerting the powers of persuasion !
We are likewise informed that a few years after the expulsion
of the kings, when the Plebeians retired to the banks of the
Anio, about three miles from the city, and had possessed
themselves of what is called the Sacred Mount, Marcus Vale-
rius the dictator appeased their fury by a public harangue;
for which he was afterwards rewarded with the highest posts
of honour, and was the first Roman who was distinguished by
the surname of Maximus. Nor can Lucius Valerius Potitus
be supposed to have been destitute of the powers of utterance,
who, after the odium which had been excited against the
Patricians by the tyrannical government of the Decemviri,
reconciled the people to the senate by his prudent laws and
conciliatory speeches. We may likewise suppose, that Appiua
Claudius was a man of some eloquence ; since he dissuaded
the senate from consenting to a peace with king Pyrrhus,
though they were much inclined to it. The same might be
said of Caius Fabricius, who was despatched to Pyrrhus to
treat for the ransom of his captive fellow-citizens ; and of
Tiberius Coruncanius, who appears, by the memoirs of the pon-
tifical college, to have been a person of the greatest genius ;

' The words here alluded to occur in Livy : " Imperium summum
Romse habebit, qui vestnim primus, 0 juvenes, osculum matri tulerit,"
Thifl at first was interpreted of Tarquin, who kissed his mother. But
Bi-utus gave the words a different and more ingenious turn; he ill n ti-
trated their meaning by falling down and kissing the earth, thecoui'S'U
m-.ther of all mankindL

416 BRUTUS ; OK,

and likewise of Manius Curius (then a tribune of the people|
who, when the Interrex Appius the Blind, an able speaker,
held the Comitia contrary to law, refusing to admit any
consul of plebeian rank, prevailed upon the senate to protest
against the conduct of his antagonist ; which, if we consider
that the Masnian law was not then in being, was a very bold
attempt. We may also conclude that Mai'cus Pompilius was
a man of abilities, who, in the time of his consulship, when he
was solemnizing a public sacrifice in the proper habit of his
office, (for he was also a Flamen Carmeutalis,) hearing of tho
mutiny and insurrection of the people against the senate,
rushed immediately into the midst of the assembly, covered
as he was with his sacerdotal robes, and quelled the sedition
by his authority and ths force of his elocution. I do not
pretend to have historical evidence that the persons here
mentioned were then reckoned orators, or that any sort of
reward or encouragement was given to eloquence ; I only infer
what appears very probable. It is also recorded that Caius
Flaminius, who, when tribune of the people, proposed the law
for dividing the conquered territories of the Gauls and Piceni
among the citizens, and who, after his promotion to the
consulship, was slain near the lake Thrasimeuus, became very
popular by historical talents. Quintus Maximus Verrucosus
was likewise reckoned a good speaker by his contemporaries ;
as was also Quintus Metellus, who, in the second Punic war,
was joint-consul with Lucius Veturius Philo.

XV. " But the first person we have any cei'tain account of,
who was publicly distinguished as an orator, and who really
appears to have been such, was Marcus Cornelius Cethegus ;
whose eloquence is attested by Quintus Ennius, a voucher of
the highest credibility ; bince he actually heard him speak,
and gave him this character after his death ; so that there is
no reason to suspect that he was prompted by the warmth of
his friendship to exceed the bounds of truth. In the ninth
book of his Annals, he has mentioned him in the following
terms :

Additur orator Comeliu' suaviloquenti

Ors Cethegus Marcu', Tuditano coUega,

Marci filius.

Add the orator Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, so much admired
for his mellifluent tongue ; who was the colleague of Tuditanus,
and the son of Marcus.' He expressly calls him an orator, yow

REMARKS OX EMINENT ORATORS. 417

Bee, and attribuies to him a remarkable sweetness of elocution ;
which, even in the present times, is an excellence of which few
are possessed : for some of our modem orators are so iusufFer-
aoly harsh, that they may be said rather to bark than to
speak. But what the poet so much admires in his friend,
may certainly be considered as one of the principal ornaments
of eloquence. He adds :

is dictus, ollis popularibus olim,

Qui turn vivebant homines, atqiie ajvum agitabant,
Floa delibatus populi.

' He was called by his contemporaries, the choicest flower of the
state.' A very elegant compliment ! for as the glory of a man
is the strength of his mental capacity, so the brightest orna-
ment of genius is eloquence; in which, whoever had the
happiness to excel, was beautifully styled, by the ancients, the
Hower of the state ; and, as the poet immediately subjoins,

suadseque medulla :

' the very marrow and quintessence of persuasion.' That which
the Greeks call Trct^w (i. e. persuasion), and which it is the
chief business of an orator to effect, is here called suada by
Ennius; and of this he commends Cethegus as the quint-
essence; so that he makes the Roman orator to be himself the
very substance of that amiable goddess, who is said by Eupolia
to have dwelt on the lips of Pericles. This Cethegus was
joint-consul with Publius Tuditanus in the second Punic war
at which time also Marcus Cato was quaestor, about one hun-
dred and forty years before I myself was promoted to the
consulship ; which circumstance would have been absolutely
lost, if it had not been recorded by Ennius ; and the memory
of that illustrious citizen, as has probably been the case of
many others, would have been buried in the i-uins of anti-
quity. The manner of speaking which was then in vogue,
may easily be collected from the writings of Nsevius; for
Neevius died, as we learn from the memoirs of the timee,
when the persons above-mentioned were consuls ; though
Varro, a most accurate investigator of historical truth, thinks
there is a mistake in this, and fixes the death of Ntevius
something later. For Plautus died in the consulship of Pub-
lius Claudius and Lucius Porcius, twenty years after the
ooiAsulship of the persons we have beer sprraking cf, and when

E £

418" BRUTUS : OR,

Cato was censor. Cato, therefore, must have been younger
than Cethegus, for he was consul nine years after him; but
we always consider him as a person of the remotest antiquity,
though he died in the consulship of Lixcius Marcius anc"
Manius Manilius, and but eighty-three years before my owi
promotion to the same ofl&ce.

XVI. " He is certainly, however, the most ancient orator we
have, whose writings may claim our attention ; unless any
one is pleased, on account of the above-mentioned speech re-
specting the peace with Pyrrhus, or a series of panegyrics on
the dead, which, I own, are still extant, to compliment Appiua
with that character. For it was customary, in most families
of note, to preserve their images, their trophies of honour,
and their memoirs, either to adorn a funeral when any of the
family deceased, or to perpetuate the fame of their ancestors,
or prove their own nobility. But the truth of history has
been much corrupted by these encomiastic essays ; for many
circumstances were recorded in them which never existed,
such as false triumphs, a pretended succession of consulships,
and false alliances and elevations, when men of inferior rank
were confounded with a noble family of the same name ; as if I
myself should pretend that I am descended from Manius
TuUius, who was a Patrician, and shared the consulship with
Servius Sulpicius, about ten years after the expulsion of the
kings. But the real speeches of Cato are almost as numerous
as those of Lysias the Athenian ; under whose name a great
number are still extant. For Lysias was certainly an Athe-
nian; because he not only died, but received his birth at
Athens, and served all the ofl&ces of the city ; though Timeeus,
as if he acted by the Licinian or the Mucian law, orders his
return to Syracuse. There is, however, a manifest resem-
blance between his character and that of Cato ; for they are
both of them distinguished by their acuteness, their elegance,
their agreeable humour, and their brevity. But the Greek
has the happiness to be most admired; for there are some
who are so extravagantly fond of him, as to prefer a graceful
air to a vigorous constitution, and who are perfectly satisfied
with a slender and an easy shape, if it is only attended with
a moderate share of health. It must, however, be acknow-
ledged, that even Lysias often displays a vigour of mind,
which no human power can excel; though his mental frame
is certainly more delicately wrought than that of Cato. Not-

KEMARKS OX EMINiENT ORATORS, 419

friihstanding, he has many admirers, who are charmed with
him, merely on account of his delicacy.

XVII. "But as to Cato, where will you find a n?odem
orator who condescends to read him? — nay, I might have
saidj who has the least knowledge of him? And yet, good
gods ! what a wonderful man ! I say nothing of his merit as
a citizen, a senator, and a general ; we must confine our
attention to the orator. Who, then, has displayed more
dignity as a panegyrist? — more severity as an accuser? —
greater acuteness of sentiments ? — or greater address in re-
lating and informing ? Though he composed above a hun-
dred and fifty orations, (which I have seen and read,) they are
crowded with all the beauties of langiiage and sentiment.
Let us select from these what deserves our notice and ap-
plause ; they will supply us with all the graces of oratory.
Not to omit his Antiquities, who will deny that these also
are adorned with every flower, and with all the lustre of elo-
quence ? and yet he has scarcely any admii'ers ; which some
ages ago was the case of Philistus the Syracusan, and even of
Thucydides himself. For as the lofty and elevated style of
Theopompus soon diminished the reputation of their pithy
and laconic harangues, which were sometimes scarcely intel-
ligible from excessive brevity and quaintness ; and as De-
mosthenes eclipsed the glory of Lysias ; so the pompous and
stately elocution of the moderns has obscured the lustre of
Cato. But many of us are deficient in taste and discernment,
for we admire the Greeks for their antiquity, and what is
called their Attic neatness, and yet have never noticed the
same quality in Cato. This was the distinguishing character,
say they, of Lysias and Hyperides. I own it, and I admire
them for it ; but why not allow a share of it to Cato ? They
are fond, they tell us, of the Attic style of eloquence ; and
their choice is certainly judicious, provided they not only
copy the dry bones, but imbibe the animal spirits of those
models. What they recommend, however, is, to do it justice,
an agreeable quality. But why must Lysias and Hyperides
be so fondly admired, while Cato is entirely overlooked?
His language indeed has an antiquated air, and some of his
expressions are rather too harsh and inelegant. But let ug
remember that this was the language of the time ; only
change and modernise it, which it was not in his power to
do ; add the improvements of number and cadence, give ao

s s 2

420 BRUTUS; OR,

easier turn to his sentences, and regulate the structure and
connexion of his words, (which was as httle practised even by
the older Greeks as by him,) and you will find no one who can
claim the preference to Cato. The Greeks themselves acknow-
ledge that the chief beauty of composition results from the
frequent use of those tralatitious forms of expression which
they call tropes, and of th^se various attitudes of language
and sentiment which they call ^figures; but it is almost in-
credible in what copiousness, and with what amazing variety,
they are all employed by Cato.

XVIII. " I know, indeed, that he is not sufficiently polished^
and that recourse must be had to a more perfect model for
imitation; for he is an author of such antiquity, that he is the
oldest now extant whose writings can be read with patience y
and the ancients, in general, acquired a much greater reputa-
tion in every other art, than in that of speaking. But who
that has seen the statues of the moderns, will not perceive in
a moment that the figures of Cauachus are too stiff and
formal to resemble life 1 Those of Calamis, though evidently
harsh, are somewhat softer. Even the statues of Myron are
not sufficiently alive ; and yet you would not hesitate to pro-
nounce them beautiful. But those of Polycletes are much
finer, and, in my mind, completely finished. The case is the
same in painting ; for in the works of Zeuxis, Polygnotus^
Timanthes, and several other masters, who confined themselves
to the use of four colours, we commend the air and the sym-
metry of their figures ; but in Echion, Nicomachus, Proto-
genes, and Apelles, everything is finished to perfection. This,
I believe, will hold equally true in all the other arts ; for there
is not one of them which was invented and carried to perfec-
tion at the same time. I cannot doubt, for instance, that
there were many poets before Homer ; we may infer it from,
those very songs which he himself informs us were sung at
the feasts of the Phseacians, and of the profligate suitors of
Penelope. Nay, to go no farther, what is become of the
ancient poems of our own countrymen 1

Such as tlie fauna and rustic bards composed,
When none the rocks of poetry had cross'd,
Nor wish'd to form his style by rules of art,
Before this vent'rous man, &c.

" Old Enni-oa here speaks of himself; nor does ho carry hia
boast beyond tha bounds of truth ; the case being really as^

REMARKS ON EMINEXT ORATORS. 421

ne describes it. For we had only an Odyssey in Latin, which
i-esembled one of the rough and unfinished statues of Dsedalus ;
and some dramatic pieces of Livius, which will scai'cely bear
• a second reading. This Livius exhibited his first performance
at Rome in the consulship of Marcus Tuditanus, and Caius
■Clodius the son of Cescus, the year before Ennius was born,
and, according to the account of my friend Atticus, (whom
I choose to follow,) the five hundred and fourteenth from the
'building of the city. But historians are not agreed about the
date of the year. Attius informs us that Livius was taken
prisoner at Tarentum by Quintus Maximus in his fifth con-
sulship, about thirty years after he is said by Atticus, and
our ancient annals, to have introduced the drama. He adds,
that he exhibited his first dramatic piece about eleven years
after, in the consulship of Caius Cornelius and Quintus
Minucius, at the public games which Salinator had vowed to
the Goddess of Youth for his victory over the Senones. But
in this, Attius was so far mistaken, that Ennius, when the
persons above-mentioned were consuls, waa forty years old ;
so that if Livius was of the same age, as in this case he would
have been, the first dramatic author we had must have been
younger than Plautus and Naevius, who had exhibited a great
number of plays before the time he specifies.

XIX. " If these remarks, my Brutus, appear unsuitable to
the subject before us, you must throw the whole blame upon
Atticus, who has inspired me with a strange curiosity to
inquire into the age of illustrious men, and the respective
"times of their appearance." " On the contrary," said Brutus,
" I am highly pleased that you have carried your attention so
far; and I think your remarks well adapted to the curious
task you have undertaken, the giving us a history of the dif-
ferent classes of orators in their proper order." " You under-
stand me rightly," said I ; " and I heartily wish those venerable
Odes were still extant, which Cato informs us, in his Anti-
quities, used to be sung by eveiy guest in his turn at the
homely feasts of our ancestors, many ages before, to comme-
morate the feats of their heroes. But the Punic War of that
antiquated poet, whom Ennius so proudly ranks among the
fauns and rustic bards, affords me as exquisite a pleasure as
•the finest statue that was ever formed by Myron. Ennius,
I allow, was a more finished writer ; but if he had really
undervalued the other, as he pretends to do, he would scarcely

422 BRUTUS ; ob,

have omitted such a bloody war as the first Pun'.c, •when he
attempted professedly to describe all the wai-s of the RepubUt.
Nay, he himself assigns the reason:

Others (said he) that cruel war have sung.

Very true, and they have sung it with great order and pre-
cision, though not, indeed, in such elegant strains as yourself.
This you ought to have acknowledged, as you must certainly
be conscious that you have borrowed many ornaments from
Nsevius ; or if you refuse to own it, I shall tell you plainly
that you have pilfered them.

" Contemporary with the Cato above-mentioned (though
somewhat older) were Caius Flaminius, Caius Varro, Quintus
Maximus, Quintus Metellus, Publius Lentulus, and Publius
Crassus, who was joint consul with the elder Africanus. This
Scipio, we are told, was not destitute of the powers of elocu-
tion j but his son, who adopted the younger Scipio (the son
of Paulus iEmilius), would have stood foremost in the list of
orators, if he had possessed a firmer constitution. This is
evident from a few speeches, and a Greek History of his,
which are very agreeably written.

XX. " In the same class we may place Sextus ./Elius, who
was the best lawyer of his time, and a ready speaker. A little
after these, flourished Caius Sulpicius Gallus, who was better
acquainted with the Grecian litorature than all the rest of
the nobility, and to his reputation as a graceful orator, he
added the highest accomplishments in every other respect ;
for a more copious and splendid way of speaking began now
to prevail. When this Sulpicius, in quality of prsetor, was
celebrating the public shows in honour of Apollo, died the
poet Ennius, in the consulship of Quintus Marcius and
Cneius Servilius, after exhibiting his tragedy of Thyeste$. At
the same time lived Tiberius Gracchus, the son of Publius,
who was twice consul and censor ; a Greek oration of his to
the Rhodians is still extant, and he bore the character of a
worthy citizen and an eloquent speaker. We are likewise
told that Publius Scipio Nasica, sumamed Gorculum} as »
fikvourite of the people, and who also had the honour to bo

^ Hia name was Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica. From Cornelius,
as being a favourite of the people, he was called Corculum, the " little
heart " of the people. In our language, with nearer affinity to his real
name, he might have been styled " kernel " of the people.

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 423

twice chosen consul and censor, was esteemed aa able orator.
To him we may add Lucius Lentulus, who was joint consul
with Caius Figulus; Quintus Nobilior, the son of Marcus,
who was inclined to the study of literature by his father's
example, and presented Ennius (who had served under his
father in iEtolia) with the freedom of the city, when he
founded a colony in quality of triumvir ; and his colleague
Titus Annius Luscus, who is said to have been tolerably elo-
quent. We are likewise informed that Lucius Paulus, the
father of Africanus, defended the charactor of an eminent
citizen in a public speech ; and that Cato, who died in the
eighty-third year of his age, was then living, and actually
pleaded that veiy year against the defendant Servius Galba,
in the open forum, with great energy and spirit ; he has left
a copy of this oration behind him.

XXL " But when Cato was in the decline of life, a crowd
of orators, all younger than himself, made their appearance
at the same time ; for Aulus Albinus, who wrote a history in
Greek, and shared the consulship with Lucius Lucullus, was
greatly admired for his learning and elocution ; and nearly
ranked with him were Servius Fulvius and Servius Fabius
Pictor, the latter of whom was well acquainted with the laws
of his country, the belles lettres, and the histoiy of antiquity.
Quintus Fabius Labeo likewise excelled in the same accom-
plishments. But Quintus MeteUus, whose four sons attained
the consular dignity, was admired for his eloquence beyond
the rest ; he undertook the defence of Lucius Cotta, when
accused by Africanus, and composed many ether speeches,
particularly that against Tiberius Gracchus, of which we have
a full account in the annals of Caius Fannius. Lucius Cotta
himself was likewise reckoned a skilful speaker;^ but Caius
Lselius and Publius Africanus were allowed by all to be more
finished orators ; their orations are still extant, and may serve
as specimens of their respective abilities. But Servius Galba,
who somewhat preceded either of them in years, was indis-
putably the best speaker of the age. He was the first among
the Romans who displayed the proper and distinguishing
talents of an orator ; such as, digressing from his subject +d

' The original is veterator habitus. He was deemed " a veteran," i. e.
he possessed all the skill of long-continued practice. Sextus Pom-
peius interprets veteratores, " callidi dicti ^ miUta, rerum gesendaruin
vetustate."

424 BRtTus; OK,

embellish and diversify it, — soothing or alarming the passions,
exhibiting every circumstance in the strongest light, — im-
ploring the compassion of his audience, — and artfully en-
larging on those topics, or general principles of prudence or
morality, on which the stress of his argument depended : and
vet, I know not how, though he is allowed to have been the
greatest orator of his time, the orations he has left are more
inanimate, and have more the air of antiquity, than those of
Laelius, or Scipio, or even of Cato himself. Their beauties
have so decayed with age, that scarcely anything remains of
them but the bare skeleton. In the same manner, though
both Laelius and Scipio are greatly extolled for their abilities,
the preference was given to Lselius as a speaker ; and yet his
oration, in defence of the privileges of the Sacerdotal college,
has no greater merit than any one that might be named of
the numerous speeches of Scipio. Nothing, indeed, can be
sweeter and milder than that of Lselius, nor could anything
have been urged with greater dignity to support the honour
of religion ; but, of the two, Lselius appears to me to be
less polished, and to speak more of the mould of time than
Scipio j and, as different speakers have different tastes, he
had, in my mind, too strong a relish for antiquity, and was
too fond of using obsolete expressions. But such is the jea-
lousy of mankind, that they will not allow the same person to
be possessed of too many perfections. For, as in military
prowess they thought it impossible that any man could vie
with Scipio, though Lselius had not a little distinguished
liimself in the war with Viriathus ; so for learning, eloquence,
and wisdom, though each was allowed to be above the reach
of any other competitor, they adjudged the preference to
Lselius. Nor was this the opinion of the public only, but it
seems to have been allowed by mutual consent between
themselves ; for it was then a general custom, as candid in
this respect as it was fair and just in every other, to give his
due to each.

XXII. " I accordingly remember that Publius Rutilius Rufus
once told me at Smyrna, that when he was a young man, the
two consuls Publius Scipio and Decimus Brutus, by order of
the Senate, tried a capital cause of great consequence. For
several persons of note having been murdered in the Silan
Forest, and the domestics and some of the sons of a company
of gentlemen who farmed the taxes of the pitch-manufactory,

REMARKS OX EMINENT ORATORS. ' 425

being charged with the fact, the consuls were ordered to try
the cause in person. Lsehus, he said, spoke very sensibly and
elegantly, as indeed he always did, on the side of the farmers
of the customs. But the consuls, after hearing both sides,
judging it necessary to refer the matter to a second trial, the
Bame Lselius, a few days after, pleaded their cause again
with more accuracy, and much better than at first. The
affair, however, was once more put off for a further hearing.
Upon this, when his clients attended Lselius to his own house,
and, after thanking him for what he had already done, earn-
estly begged him not to be disheartened by the fatigue he
had suffered, he assured them he had exerted his utmost to
defend their reputation; but frankly added, that he thought
their cause would be more effectually supported by Servius
Galba, who possessed talents more powerful and penetrating
than his own. They, accordingly, by the advice of Lselius,
requested Galba to undertake it. To this he consented, but
with the greatest modesty and reluctance, out of respect to
the illustrious advocate he was going to succeed ; and as he
had only the next day to prepare himself, he spent the whole
of it in considering and digesting his cause. When the day
of trial was come, Rutilius himself, at the request of the
defendants, went early in the morning to Galba, to give him
notice of it, and conduct him to the court in proper time.
But till word was brought that the consuls were going to the
bench, he confined himself in his study, where he suffered
no one to be admitted ; and continued very busy in dictating
to his amanuenses, several of w'hom (as indeed he often used
to do) he kept fully employed at the same time. While he
was thus engaged, being informed that it was high time for
him to appear in court, he left his house with that animation
and glow of countenance, that you would have thought he had
not on\j prepared his cause, but actually carried it. Rutilius
added, as another circumstance worth noticing, that his
scribes, who attended him to the bar, appeared excessively
fatigued ; from whence he thought it probable that he was
equally warm and vigorous in the composition, as in the de-
livery of his speeches. But to conclude the story, Galba
pleaded his cause before Lselius himself, and a very numerous
and attentive audience, with such uncommon force and dig-
nity, that every part of his oration received the applause of
Axis hearers ; and so powerfully did he move the feelings and

426 BEUTUs; or,

ensure the sympathy of the judges, that his clients were im
mediately acquitted of the charge, to the satisfaction of the
whole court.

XXIII. "As, therefore, the two principal qualities required!
in an orator, are perspicuity in stating the subject, and dig-
nified ardour in moving the passions ; and as he who fires
and inflames his audience, will always effect more than he who
can barely inform and amuse them; we may conjecture from
the above narrative, with which I was favoured by Eutilius,
that Lselius was most admired for bis elegance, and Galba for
his pathetic force. But the energy peculiar to him was most
remarkably exerted, when, having in his prsetorship put to
death some Lusitanians, contrary, it was believed, to his pre-
vious and express engagement, Titus Libo, the tribune, exas-
perated the people against him, and preferred a bill which
was to operate against his conduct as a subsequent law.
Marcus Cato, as I have before mentioned, though extremely
old, spoke in support of the biU with great vehemence ; which,
speech he inserted in his book of Antiquities, a few days, or
at most only a month or two, before his death. On this occa-
sion, Galba not refusing to plead to the charge, and submitting
his fate to the generosity of the people, recommended his
children to their protection, with tears in his eyes; and par-
ticularly his young ward, the son of Cains Gallus Sulpicius,
his deceased friend, whose orphan state and piercing cries,
which were the more regarded for the sake of his illustrious-
father, excited their pity in a wonderful manner; and thus, as
Cato informs us in his History, he escaped the flames which
would otherwise have consumed him, by employing the children,
to move the compassion of the people. I likewise find (what
may be easily judged from his orations still extant) that his-
prosecutor, Libo, was a man of some eloquence." As I con-
cluded these remarks with a short pause, " What can be th&
reason," said Brutus, "if there was so much merit in the
oratory of Galba, that there is no trace of it to be seen in his
orations 1 a circumstance which I have no opportunity to bo
surprised at in others, who have left nothing behind them ia
writing."

XXIV. " The reasons," said I, "why some have not written:
anything, and others not so well as they spoke, are very-
different. Some of our orators, as being indolent, and un-
willing to add the fatigue of private to public business, d*

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 42T

not practise composition ; for most of the orations we are now
possessed of were written, not before they were spoken, but
some time aftei-wards. Others did not choose the trouble of
improving themselves, to which nothing more contributes-
than frequent writing ; and as to perpetuating the fame of
their eloquence, they thought it unnecessary; supposing that
their eminence in that respect was sufficiently established
already, and that it would be rather diminished than in-
creased by submitting any written specimen of it to the arbi-
trary test of criticism. Some also were sensible that they
Bpoke much better than they were able to wi'ite ; which is
generally the case of those who have a great genius, but little
learning, such as Servius Galba. When he spoke, he was
perhaps so much animated by the force of his abilities, and
the natural warmth and impetuosity of his temper, that his-
language was rapid, bold, and striking ; but afterwards, when,
he took up the pen in his leisure hours, and his passion had
sunk into a calm, his elocution became dull and languid.
This indeed can never happen to those whose only aim
is to be neat and polished ; because an orator may always be
master of that discretion which will enable him both to
speak and wiite in the same agreeable manner ; but no man
can revive at pleasure the ardour of his passions ; and when
that has once subsided, the fire and pathos of his language
will be extinguished. This is the reason why the calm and
easy spirit of Lselius seems still to breathe in his writings;
whereas the vigour of Galba is entirely withered away.

XXV. " We may also reckon in the number of middling,
orators, the two brothers Lucius and Spurius Mummius,.
both whose orations are still in being ; the style of Lucius is
plain and antiquated; but that of Spurius, though equally
unembellished, is more close and compact ; for he was well
versed in the doctrine of the Stoics. The orations of Spiirius
Alpinus, their contemporary, are very numerous; and we
have several by Lucius and Caius Aurelius Oresta, who were
esteemed indifferent speakers. Publius Popilius also was
a worthy citizen, and had a moderate share of elocution ; but
his son Caius was really eloquent. To these we may add
Caius Tuditanus, who was not only very polished and grace-
ful in his manners and appearance, but had an elegant turn
of expression ; and of the same class was Marcus Octavius, a
man of inflexible constancy in every just and laudable

428 BRUTUS; on,

measure ; and who, after being insulted aud disgraced in the
most pubHc mannei", defeated his rival Tiberius Gracchus by
the mere dint of his perseverance. But Marcus .^milius
Lepidus, who was suraamed Porcina, and flourished at the
Bame time as Galba, though he was indeed something
younger, was esteemed an orator of the first eminence ;
and really appears, from his orations which are still extant, to
have been a masterly writer. For he was the first speaker
among the Romans who gave us a specimen of the easy
gracefulness of the Greeks ; and who was distinguished by
the measured flow of his language, and a style regularly
polished and improved by art. His manner was carefully
studied by Caius Carbo and Tiberius Gracchus, two accom-
plished youths, who were nearly of an age : but we must
defer their character as public speakers, till we have finished
our account of their elders. For Quintus Pompeius, consider-
ing the time in which he lived, was no contemptible orator,
and actually raised himself to the highest honours of the
state by his own personal merit, and without being recom-
mended, as usual, by the quality of his ancestors. Lucius
Cassius too derived his influence, which was very considerable,
not indeed from the highest powers, yet from a tolerable
share of eloquence ; for it is remarkable that he made himself
popular, not as others did, by his complaisance and liberality,
but by the gloomy rigour and severity of his manners. His
law for collecting the votes of the people by way of ballot,
was strongly opposed by the tribune Marcus Antius Briso,
■who was supported by Marcus Lepidus, one of the consxils :
and it was afterwards objected to Africanus, that Briso
dropped the opposition by his advice. At this time the two
Csepios were very serviceable to a number of clients by their
superior judgment and eloquence ; but still more so by their
extensive interest and popularity. But the written speeches
of Pompeius (though it must be owned they have rather
an antiquated air) discover an amazing sagacity, and are very
fax from being dry and spiritless.

XXVI. " To these we must add Publius Crassus, an orator
of uncommon mei'it, who was qualified for the profession by
the united efforts of art and nature, and enjoyed some other
advantages which were almost peculiar to his family. For he
had contracted an affinity with that accomplished speaker
Servius Galba above-mentioned, by giving his daughter ia

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 425-

marriage to Galba's son ; and being likewise himself the sou
of Mucins and the brother of Publius Scsevola, he had a fine
opportunity at home (which he made the best use of) to gain.
a thorough knowledge of the civil law. He was a man of.
unusual application, and was much beloved by his fellow-
citizens; being constantly employed either in giving his
advice, or pleading causes in the forum. Contemporary with
the speakers I have mentioned were the two Caii Fannii,
the sons of Caius and Marcus, one of whom, (the son of
Caius,) who was joint consul with Domitius, has left us an ex-
cellent speech against Gracchus, who proposed the admission
of the Latin and Italian allies to the freedom of Rome." " Da
you really think, then," said Atticus, " that Fannius was the
author of that oration 1 For when we were young, there were
diiferent opinions about it. Some asserted it was written by
Caius Persius, a man of letters, and much extolled for hi8
learning by Lucilius ; and others believed it the joint pro-
duction of a number of noblemen, each of whom contributed
his best to complete it." " This I remember," said I ; " but I
could never persuade myself to coincide with either of them.
Their suspicion, I believe, was entirely founded on the cha-
racter of Fannius, who was only reckoned among the middling
orators ; whereas the speech in question is esteemed the best
which the time afforded. But, on the other hand, it is too
much of a piece to have been the mingled composition,
of many; for the flow of the periods, and the turn of the
language, are perfectly similar, throughout the whole of it.
And as to Persius, if he had composed it for Fannius to pro-
nounce, Gracchus would certainly have taken some notice of
it in his reply; because Fannius rallies Gracchus pretty
severely, in one part of it, for employing Menelaus of Maratho,
and several others, to compose his speeches. We may add,_
that Fannius himself was no contemptible orator; for he
pleaded a number of causes, and his tribuneship, which wasL
chiefly conducted under the management and direction of
Publius Africanus, exhibited much oratory. But the other
Caius Fannius (the son of Marcus and son-in-law of Caiu*
Lselius) was of a rougher cast, both in his temper and manner
of speaking. By the advice of his father-in-law, (of whom,
by the by, he was not remai*kably fond, because he had not
voted for his admission into the college of augura, but gave
the preference to his younger son-in-law, Quintus Sceevola ;

430 BRUTUS ; OR,

•thougli Lselius politely excused himself, ly saying that tha
preference was not given to the youngest sen, but to his wife
the eldest daughter,) by his advice, I say, he attended the
lectures of Panjetius. His abilities as a speaker may be
easily inferred from his history, which is neither destitute of
elegance, nor a perfect model of composition. As to hia
brother Mucins, the augur, -whenever he was called upon to
defend himself, he always pleaded his own cause ; as, for in-
stance, in the action which was brought against him for
bribery by Titus Albucius. But he was never ranked among
the orators; his chief merit being a critical knowledge
of the civil law, and an uncommon accuracy of judgment.
Lucius Cselius Antipater, likewise, (as you may see by his
works,) was an elegant and a perspicuous writer for the time
he lived in ; he was also an excellent lawyer, and taught the
principles of jurisprudence to many others, particularly to
Lucius Crassus.

XXVII. " As to Cains Carbo and Tiberius Gracchus, I
wish they had been as well inclined to maintain peace and
good order in the state, as they were qualified to support it
by their eloquence ; their glory would then have never been
■excelled. But the latter, for his turbulent tribuneship, which
he entered upon with a heart full of resentment against the
great and good, on account of the odium he had brought upon
himself by the treaty of Numantia, was slain by the hands of
the republic ; and the other, being impeached of a seditious
affectation of popularity, rescued himself from the severity of
the judges by a voluntary death. That both of them were
•excellent speakers, is very plain from the general testimony of
their contemporaries; for, as to their speeches now extant,
though I allow them to be very skilful and judicious, they are
■certainly defective in elocution. Gracchus had the advantage
of being carefully instructed by his mother Cornelia from his
very childhood, and his mind was enriched with all the stores
of Grecian literature ; for he •'<ras constantly attended by the
ablest masters from Greece, a: d particularly, in his youth, by
Diophanes of Mitylene, who was the most eloquent Grecian oi
his age ; but though he was a man of uncommon genius, ho
had but a short time to improve and display it. As to
'Carbo, his whole life was spent in trials, and forensic debates.
He is said, by very sensible men who heard him, and among
•others by our friend Lucius Gellius, who lived in his family

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 431

in the time of his consulship, to have been a sonorous, a
fluent, and a spirited speaker, and hkewise, upon occasion,
very pathetic, very engaging, and excessively humorous:
Cellius used to add, that he applied himself very closely
to his studies, and bestowed much of his time in writing and
private declamation. He was, therefore, esteemed the best
pleader of his time ; for no sooner had he begun to distin-
guish himself in the forum, but the depravity of the age gave
birth to a number of law-suits ; and it was first found neces-
sary, in the time of his youth, to settle the form of public
trials, which had never been done before. We accordingly
find that Lucius Piso, then a tribune of the people, was the
first who proposed a law against bribery ; which he did when
Censorinus and Manilius were consuls. This Piso too was
a professed pleader, who moved and opposed a great number
of laws ; he left some orations behind him, which are now
lost, and a book of annals very indifferently written. But in
the public trials, in which Carbo was concerned, the assistance
of an able advocate had become more necessary than ever, in
consequence of the law for voting by ballots, which was pro-
posed and carried by Lucius Cassius, in the consulship of
Lepidus and Mancinus.

XXVIII. " I have likewise been often assured by the poet
Attius, (an intimate friend of his,) that your ancestor Decimus
Brutus, the sou of Marcus, was no inelegant speaker; and
that, for the time he lived in, he was well versed both in the
Greek and Roman literature. He ascribed the same accom-
plishments to Quintus Maximus, the grandson of Lucius
Paulus ; and added that, a little prior to Maximus, the Scipio,
by whose instigation (though only in a private capacity)
Tiberius Gracchus was assassinated, was not only a man of
great ardour in all other respects, but very warm and spirited
in his manner of speaking. Publius Lentulus too, the father
of the senate, had a sufficient share of eloquence for an honest
and useful magistrate. About the same time Lucius Furius
Philus was thought to speak our language as elegantly and
more correctly than any other man ; Publius Scsevola to
be very acute and judicious, and rather more fluent than
Philiis ; Manius Manilius to possess almost an equal share of
judgment with the latter ; and Appius Claudius to be equally
fluent, but more warm and pathetic. Marcus Fulvius Flaccus,
»nd Caius Cato the nephew of Africanus, were likewise t ^lerable

432 BBUTDS; OR,

orators ; some of the writings of Flaccus are still in being
in which nothing, hDwever, is to be seen but the mere scholar.
Publius Decius was a professed rival of Flaccus ; he too was
not destitute of eloquence ; but his style was too bold, as his
temper was too violent. Marcus Drusus, the son of Claudius,
who, in his tribuneship, baffled^ his colleague Gracchus (then
raised to the same office a second time), was a nervoua
speaker, and a man of great popularity : and next to him was
his brother Caius Drusus. Your kinsman also, my Brutus,.
(Marcus Pennus,) successfully opposed the tribune Gracchus,
who was something younger than himself. For Gracchus
was quaestor, and Pennus (the son of that Marcus, who was
joint consul with Quintus ^lius) was tribune, in the consul-
ship of Marcus Lepidus and Lucius Orestes ; but after enjoy-
ing the sedileship, and a prospect of succeeding to the highest
honours, he was snatched off by an untimely death. As to
Titus Flamininus, whom I myself have seen, I can learn
nothing but that he spoke our language with great accuracy.
XXIX. " To these we may join Caius Curio, Marcus
Scaurus, Publius Rutilius, and Caius Gracchus. It will not
be amiss to give a short account of Scaurus and Eutilius \
neither of whom, indeed, had the reputation of being a first-
rate orator, though each of them pleaded a number of causes.
But some deserving men, who were not remarkable for their
genius, may be justly commended for their industry; not
that the persons I am speaking of were really destitute of
genius, but only of that particular kind of it which distin-
guishes the orator. For it is cf little consequence to discover
what is proper to be said, unless you are able to express it in
a free and agreeable manner ; and even that will be insuffi-
cient, if not recommended by the voice, the look, and the
gesture. It is needless to add, that much depends upon art ;
for though, even without this, it is possible, by the mere force
of nature, to say many striking things ; yet, as they will after
all be nothing more than so many lucky hits, we shall not be
able to repeat them at our pleasure. The style of Scaurus,,
who was a very sensible and an honest man, was remarkably

^ Baffled, In the original it rana, Caium Cfracchum collegam, itermn
Trihurmm, fedt: but this was undoubtedly a mistake of the tran-
scriber, as being contrary not only to the truth of history, but to Cicero' ;^
own account of the matter in lib. iv. De Finibus. Pighius therefore
h&a very properly recommended the vrordf regit instead oi fecit.

REMARKS ON EMINENT CBATORS. [ 433

grave, and commanded the respect of the hearer ; so that,
when he was speaking for his client, you would rather have
thought he was giving evidence iu his favour, than pleading
his cause. This manner of speaking, however, though but
indifferently adapted to the bar, was very much so to a calm
debate in the senate, of which Scaurus was then esteemed the
father ; for it not only bespoke his prudence, but, what was
still a more important recommendation, his credibility. This
advantage, which it is not easy to acquire by art, he derived
entirely from nature ; though you know that even here we
have some precepts to assist us. We have several of his
orations still extant, and three books inscribed to Lucius
Fufidius, containing the history of his own life, which, though
a very useful work, is scarcely read by anybody. But the
Institution of Cyrus, by Xenophon, is read by every one ;
which, though an excellent performance of the kind, is much
less adapted to our manners and form of government, and
not superior in merit to the honest simplicity of Scaurus.

XXX. " Fufidius himself was likewise a tolerable pleader ;
but Rutilius was distinguished by his solemn and austere
way of speaking; and both of them were naturally warm
and spirited. Accordingly, after they had rivalled each
other for the consulship, he who had lost his election, imme-
diately sued his competitor for bribery ; and Scaurus, the
defendant, being honourably acquitted of the charge, re-
turned the compliment to Rutilius, by commencing a similar
prosecution against him. Rutilius was a man of great indus-
try and application ; for which he was the more respected,
because, besides his pleadings, he undertook the ofiice (which
ivas a very troublesome one) of giving advice to all who
applied to him, in matters of law. His orations are very dry,
but his juridical remarks are excellent ; for he was a learned
man, and well versed in the Greek litei'ature, and was likewise
an attentive and constant hearer of Paneetius, and a thorough
proficient in the doctrine of the Stoics ; whose method of dis-
coursing, though very close and artful, is too precise, and not
at all adapted to engage the attention of common people.
That self-confidence, therefore, which is so peculiar to the
sect, was displayed by him with amazing firmness and resolu-
tion ; for though he was perfectly innocent of the charge, a
prosecution was commenced against him for bribery (a trial
whiuh raised a violent commotion iu the city), and yet

434 BRUTUS; OR,

though Lucius Crassus and Marcus Antonius, both of consu^
lar dignity, were at that time in very high repute for their
eloquence, he refused the assistance of either ; being deter-
mined to plead his cause himself, which he accordingly did.
Caius Cotta, indeed, who was his nephew, made a short
speech in his vindication, which he spoke in the true style of
an orator, though he was then but a youth. Quintus Mucius
too said much in his defence, with his usual accuracy and
elegance ; but not with that force and extension which the
mode of trial and the importance of the cause demanded.
Rutilius, therefore, was an orator of the Stoical, and Scaurus
of the Antique cast ; but they are both entitled to our com-
mendation ; because, in them, even this formal and unpromising
species of elocution has appeared among us with some degree
of merit, i For as in the theatre, so in the forum, I woiJd not
hove our applause confined to those alone who act the busy
and more important characters ; but reserve a share of it for
the quiet and unambitious performer, who is distinguished
by a simple truth of gesture, without any violence.

XXXI. " As I have mentioned the Stoics, I must take
some notice of Quintus ^Elius Tubero, the grandson of Lucius
PauUus, who made his appeamnce at the time we are speaking
o£ He was never esteemed an orator, but was a man of the
most rigid virtue, and strictly conformable to the doctrine
he professed ; but, in truth, he had not sufficient ease and
polish. In his Triumvirate, he declared, contrary to the
opinion of Publius Africanus his uncle, that the augurs had
no right of exemption from sitting in the courts of justice ; and
as in his temper, so in his manner of speaking, he was harsh,
unpolished, and austere ; on which account, he could never
raise himself to the honourable posts which were enjoyed by
his ancestors. But he was a brave and steady citizen, and
a warm opposer of Gracchus, as appears from Gracchus's
oration against him ; we have likewise some of Tubero's
speeches against Gracchus. He was not indeed a shining-
orator : but he was a learned and very skilful disputant."
** I find," said Brutus, " that the case is much the same among
us, as with the Greeks ; and that the Stoics, in general, are
very judicious at an argument, which they conduct by cer-
tain rules of art, and are likewise very neat and exact in thein
language ; but if we take them from this, to speak in pubhc,.
khey make a poor appearance. Cato, however, must be ex

nEMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 435

cepted ; in whom, though as rigid a Stoic as ever existed, I
eould not wish for a more consummate degree of eloquence.
I can likewise discover a moderate share of it in Fannius, —
not so much in Rutilius ; but none at all in Tubero."
" True," said I ; " and we may easily account for it ; their
whole attention was so closely confined to the study of logic,
that they never troubled themselves to acquire the free, dif-
fusive, and variegated style which is so necessary for a public
speaker. But your uncle, you doubtless know, was wise
enough to borrow only that from the Stoics which they were
able to furnish for his purpose (the art of reasoning) ; but for
the art of speaking, he had recourse to the masters of rhetoric,
and exercised himself in the manner they directed. If, how-
ever, we must be indebted for everything to the philosophers,
the Peripatetic discipline is, in my mind, much the most proper
to form our language. For which reason, my Brutus, I the
more approve your choice, in attaching yourself to a sect,
(I mean the philosophers of the old Academy,) in whose
system a just and accurate way of reasoning is enlivened by
a perpetual sweetness and fluency of expression ; but even the
delicate and flowing style of the Peripatetics and Academics
is not BuflBcient to complete an orator ; nor yet can he be
complete without it. For as the language of the Stoics is too
close and contracted to suit the ears of common people, so
that of the latter is too diffusive and luxuriant for a spirited
contest in the forum, or a pleading at the bar. Who had
a richer style than Plato ? The philosophers tell us, that if
Jupiter himself was to converse in Greek, he would speak like
him. Who also was more nervous than Aristotle] Who
sweeter than Theophrastus 1 We are told that even Demo-
sthenes attended the lectures of Plato, and was fond of reading
what he published ; which, indeed, is sufficiently evident
from the turn and majesty of his language ; and he himself
has expressly mentioned it in one of his letters. But the style
of this excellent orator is, notwithstanding, much too violent
for the academy ; as that of the philosophers is too mild and
placid for the forum,

XXXII. " I shall now, with your leave, proceed to the age
and merits of the rest of the Roman orators." " Nothing," said
Atticus — " for I can safely answer for my friend Brutus —
would please us better." " Curio, then," said I, " was nearly oi
the age I have just mentioned ; a celebrated speaker, whoso

F ¥ 2

43o BRUTUS; OR,

genius may be easily ascertained from his orations. For^
among several others, we have a noble speech cf his for Ser-
vius Fulvius, in a prosecution for incest. When we were
children, it was esteemed the best then extant ; but now it ia
almost overlooked among the numerous performances of the
same kind which have been lately published." " I am very
sensible," replied Brutus, " to whom we are obliged for the
numerous performances you speak of." " And I am equally
sensible," said I, " who is the person you intend ; for I have
at least done a service to my young countrymen, by intro-
ducing a loftier and more embellished way of speaking than
was used before ; and, perhaps, I have also done some
harm, because after mine appeared, the speeches of our pre-
decessors began to be neglected by most people ; though
never by me, for I can assure you, I always prefer them to
my own." " But you must reckon me," said Brutus, " among
the most people; though I now see, from your recommenda-
tion, that I have a great many books to read, of which before
I had very little opinion." " But this celebrated oration,"
said I, " in the prosecution for incest, is in some places exces-
sively puerile ; and what is said in it of the passion of love,
the inefl&cacy of questioning by tortures, and the danger of
trusting to common hearsay, is indeed pretty enough, but
would be insufferable to the chastened ears cf the modems,
and to a people who are justly distinguished for the solidity
of theu' knowledge. He likewise wrote several other pieces,
spoke a number of good orations, and was certainly an emi-
nent pleader ; so that I much wonder, considering how long
he lived and the character he bore, that he was never preferred
to the consulship.

XXXIII. " But I have a man here,^ (Caius Gracchus,) who
had an amazing genius, and the most ardent application ;
and was a scholar from his very childhood ; for you must not
imagine, my Brutus, that we have ever yet had a speaker
whose language was richer and more copious than his." '•' I
really think so," answered Brutus ; " and he is almost the
only author we have, among the ancients, that I take the
trouble to read." " And he well deserves it," said I ; '• for the
Roman name and literature were great losers by his untimely

* He refers, perhaps, to the works of Gracchus, which he might theu
have in his hand ; or, more probably, to a statue of him, which stood
aear the place where he and his friends were sitting.

BEMARKS ON F.MI^^:NT ORATORS. 437

fate. I wish he had transferred his affection for his brother
to his country ! How easily, if he had thus prolonged hia
life, would he have rivalled the glory of his father and grand-
father ! In eloquence, I scarcely know whether we should
yet have had his equal. His language was noble ; his senti-
ments manly and judicious ; and his whole manner great
and striking. He wanted nothing but the finishing tovich :
for though his first attempts were as excellent as they were
numerous, he did not live to complete them. In short, my
Brutus, he, if any one, should be carefully studied by the
Roman youth ; for he is able, not only to sharpen, but to
enrich and ripen their talents. After him appeared Caius
Galba, the son of the eloquent Servius, and the son-in-law of
Publius Crassus, who was both an eminent speaker and
a skilful civilian. He was much commended by our fathers,
who respected him for the sake of hu; but he had the mis-
fortune to be stopped in his career. For being tried by the
Mamilian law, as a party concerned in the conspiracy to sup-
port Jugurtha, though he exerted all his abilities to defend
himself, he was unhappily condemned. His peroration, or,
as it is often called, his epilogue, is still extant ; and was so
much in repute ; when we were schoolboys, that we used to
learn it by heart ; he was the first member of the Sacerdotal
College, since the building of Rome, who was publicly tried
and condemned.

XXXIV. " As to Publius Scipio, who died in his consul-
ship, he neither spoke much, nor often ; but he was inferior
to no one in purity of language, and superior to all in wit
and pleasantry. His colleague, Lucius Bestia, who began his
tribuneship very successfully, (for, by a law which he preferred
for the purpose, he procured the recal of Popillius, who
had been exiled by the influence of Caius Gracchus,) was a
man of spirit, and a tolerable speaker; but he did not finish
his consulship equally happily. For, in consequence of the
invidious law of Mamilius above-mentioned, Caius Galba, one
of the priests, and the four consular gentlemen, Lucius
Bestia, Caius Cato, Spurius Albinus, and that excellent citizen
Lucius Opimius, who killed Gracchus, of which he was ac-
quitted by the people, though he had constantly sided against
them, were all condemned by their judges, who were of the
Gracchan party. Very unlike him in his tribuneship, and
Ladeed in every other part of his life, was that infamoua

438 BRUTUS ; or,

citizen Caius Licinius Nerva; but he was not destitute of
eloquence. Nearly at the same time (though, indeed he was
somewhat older) flourished Caius Fimbria, who was rather
rough and abusive, and much too warm and hasty ; but his
•application, and his great integrity and firmness, made him a
serviceable speaker in the senate. He was likewise a tolerable
pleader and civilian, and distinguished by the same rigid
freedom in the turn of his language, as in that of his vir-
tues. When we were boys, we used to think his orations worth
reading ; though they are now scarcely to be met with. But
Caius Sextius Calvinus was equally elegant, both in his
taste and his language, though, unhappily, of a very infirm
constitution; when the pain in his feet intermitted, he did
not decline the trouble of pleading, but he did not attempt it
very often. His fellow-citizens, therefore, made use of his
advice, whenever they had occasion for it ; but of his patron-
age, only when his health permitted. Contemporary with
these, my good friend, was your namesake Marcus Brutus,
the disgrace of your noble family ; who, though he bore that
honourable name, and had the best of men and an eminent
civilian for his father, confined his practice to accusations, as
Lycurgus is said to have done at Athens. He never sued for
any of our magistracies ; but was a severe and a troublesome
prosecutor; so that we easily see that, in him, the natural
goodness of the stock was corrupted by the vicious inclina-
tions of the man. At the same time lived Lucius Caesulenus,
a man of plebeian rank, and a professed accuser, like the
former; I myself heard him in his old age, when he endea-
voured, by the Aquilian law, to subject Lucius Sabellius to a
fine, for a breach of justice. But I should not have taken
any notice of such a low-born wretch, if I had not thought
that no person I ever heard, could give a more suspicious
turn to the cause of the defendant, or exaggerate it to a
higher degree of criminality.

XXXV. " Titus Albucius, who lived in the same age,
was well versed in the Grecian literature, or, rather, was
ulmost a Greek himself. I speak of him as I think ; but
^uy person who pleases may judge what he was by his
orations. In his youth, he studied at Athens, and retm-ned
from thence a thorough proficient in the doctrine of Epicurus ;
which, of all others, is the least adapted to form an orator.
His contemporary, Quintus Catulus, was an accomplished

REMARKS OK EMINrj^H' ORATORS. 439

speaker, not in the ancient taste, but (unless anything more
perfect canie exhibited) in the finished style of the moderns.
He had copious stores of learning ; an easy, winning elegance,
not only in his manners and disposition, but in his very lan-
guage; and an unblemished purity and correctness of style.
This may be easily seen by his orations ; and particularly by
the History of his Consulship, and of his subsequent trans-
acthDns, which he composed in the soft and agreeable manner
of Xenophon, and made a present of to the poet Aulus Furius,
an intimate acquaintance of his. But this performance is as
little known as the three books of Scaurus before-mentioned."
" Indeed, I must confess," said Brutus, " that both the one and
the other are perfectly unknown to me ; but that is entirely
my own fault. I shall now, therefore, request a sight of them
from you; and am resolved, in future, to be more careful iu
collecting such valuable curiosities." " This Catulus," said I,
" as I have just observed, was distinguished by the purity of
his language; which, though a material accomplishment,
is too much neglected by most of the Roman orators ; for as
to the elegant tone of his voice, and the sweetness of his
accent, as you knew his son, it wiU be needless to take
any notice of them. His son, indeed, was not in the list
of orators ; but whenever he had occasion to deliver his sen-
timents in public, he neither wanted judgment, nor a neat
and liberal turn of expression. Nay, even the father himself
was not reckoned the foremost in the rank of orators; but
still he had that kind of merit, that notwithstanding after
you had heard two or three speakers who were particularly
eminent in their profession, you might judge him inferior;
yet, whenever you hear him alone, and without an immediate
opportunity of making a comparison, you would not only be
satisfied with him, but scarcely wish for a better advocate.
As to Quintus Metellus Numidicus, and his colleague Marcus
Silanus, they spoke, on matters of government, with as much
eloquence as was really necessary for men of their illustrious
character, and of consular dignity. But Marcus Aurelius
Scaurus, though he spoke in public but seldom, always spoke
very neatly, and he had a more elegant command of the
Roman language than most men. Aulus Albinus waa a
speaker of the same kind; but Albincs the flam an was
esteemed an orator. Quintus Caepio, too, had a great deal of
spirit, and was a brave citizen; but the unlucky chance of

440 BRUTUS; OK,

war was imputed to him as a crime, and the general odium
of the people proved his ruin.

XXXVI. " Caius and Lucius Memmius were likewise iu-
diflferent orators, and distinguished by the bitterness and
asperity of their accusations ; for they prosecuted many, but
seldom spoke for the defendant. Spurius Thorius, on the
other hand, was distinguished by his popular way of speak-
ing ; the very same man who, by his corrupt and frivolous
law, diminished^ the taxes which were levied on the public
lands. Marcus Marcellus, the father of -^serninus, though
not reckoned a professed pleader, was a prompt, and, in some
degree, a practised speaker; as was also his son Publius Len-
tulus. Lucius Cotta likewise, a man of praetorian rank, waa
esteemed a tolerable orator ; but he never made any great
progress ; on the contrary, he purposely endeavoured, both in
the choice of his words and the rusticity of his pronunciation,
to imitate the manner of the ancients. I am indeed sensible
that in this instance of Cotta, and in many others, I have and
shall again insert in the list of orators those who, in reality^
had but little claim to the chai-acter. For it was, professedly
my design to collect an account of all the Eomans, without
exception, who made it their business to excel in the profes-
sion of eloquence ; and it may be easily seen from this account
by what slow gradations they advanced, and how excessively
difficult it is in everything to rise to the summit of perfec-
tion. As a proof of this, how many orators have been already
recounted, and how much time have we bestowed upon them,,
before we could ascend, after infinite fatigue and drudgery,
as, among the Greeks, to Demosthenes and Hyperides, so
now, among our own countrymen, to Antonius and Crassusl
For, in my mind, these were consummate orators, and the
first among the Eomans whose diffusive eloquence rivalled tlie
glory of the Greeks.

XXXVII. "Antonius comprehended everything which could
be of service to his cause, and he arranged his materials in
the most advantageous order; and as a skilful general posts
the cavalry, the infantry, and the light troops, where each of
them can act to most advantage, so Antonius drew up hia
arguments in those parts of his discourse, where they were,
likely to have the best effect. He had a quick and retentive
memory, and a frankness of manner which precluded any

* By tlividing gtuafc pai-t of them among the people.

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 441

Buspiiion of artifice. All his speeches -werej in appearance,
the unpremeditated eflfusions of an honest heart ; and yet, in
reality, they were preconcerted with so much skill, that the
judges were sometimes not so well prepared as they, should
have been, to withstand the force of them. His langxiage,.
indeed, was not so refined as to pass for the standard of ele-
gance ; for which reason he was thought to be rather a care-
less speaker; and yet, on the other hand, it was ueitheK
vulgar nor incorrect, but of that solid and judicious turn,
which constitutes the real merit of an orator, as to the choice
of his words. For, though a purity of style is certainly, as.
has been observed, a very commendable quality, it is not so
much so for its intrinsic consequence, as because it is too gene-
rally neglected. In short, it is not so meritorious to speak our
native tongue correctly, as it is disgraceful to speak it other-
wise; nor is it so much the characteristic of a good orator as
of a well-bred citizen. But in the choice of his words (ia.
which he had more regard to their weight than their bril-
liance), and likewise in the structure of his language and the
compass of his periods, Antoniua conformed himself to the
dictates of reason, and, in a great measure, to the nicer rules.
of art; though his chief excellence was a judicious manage-
ment of the figures and decorations of sentiment. This was
likewise the distinguishing excellence of Demosthenes; in
which he was so far superior to all others, as to be allowed,
in the opinion of the best judges, to be the prince of orators.
For the figures (as they are called by the Greeks) are the
principal ornaments of an able speaker ; — I mean those which.
contribute not so much to paint and embellish our language,
as to give a lustre to our sentiments.

XXXVIII. "But besides these, of which Antonius had a
great command, he had a peculiar excellence in his manner of
delivery, both as to his voice and gesture ; for the latter was
such as to correspond to the meaning of every sentence,
without beating time to the words. His hands, his shoulders,
the turn of his body, the stamp of his foot, his posture, his-
air, and, in short, all his motions, were adapted to his language
and sentiments ; and his voice was strong and firm, though,
naturally hoarse, — a defect which he alone was capable ol
improving to his advantage; for in capital causes, it had
a mournful dignity of accent, which was exceedingly proper
both to win the assent of the judges, and excite their cone

442 BKUTUS ; OR,

passion for a suffering client ; so that in him the observation
of Demosthenes was eminently verified; who, being asked
what was the jirst quality of a good orator, what the second,
and what the third, constantly replied, ' A good enunciation.'
But many thought that he was equalled, and others that he
was even excelled, by Lucius Crassus. All, however, were
Agreed in this, that whoever had either of them for his advo-
cate, had no cause to wish for a better. For my own part,
notwithstanding the uncommon merit I have ascribed to
Antonius, I must also acknowledge, that there cannot be
a more finished character than that of Crassus. He pos-
sessed a wonderful dignity of elocution, with an agreeable
mixture of wit and pleasantry, which was perfectly polished,
and without the smallest tincture of scurrility. His style
was correct and elegant, without stiffness or affectation ; his
method of reasoning was remarkably clear and distinct ; and
when his cause turned upon any point of law or equity, he
had an inexhaustible fund of arguments and comparative
illustrations.

XXXIX. " For as Antonius had an admirable tiu*n for sug-
gesting apposite hints, and either suppressing or exciting the
«uspicions of the hearer, so ho man could explain and define,
or discuss a point of equity, with a more copious facility
than Crassus ; as sufficiently appeared upon many other
occasions, but particularly in the cause of Manius Curius,
which was ti-ied before the Centumviri. For he urged a great
variety of arguments in the defence of right and equity,
against the literal Jubet of the law; and supported them by
■such a numerous series of precedents, that he overpowered
•Quintus Scsevola (a man of uncommon penetration, and the
ablest civilian of his time), though the case before them was
■only a matter of legal right. But the cause was so ably
managed by the two advocates, who were nearly of an age,
and both of consular rank, that while each endeavoured to
interpret the law in favour of his client, Crassus was univer-
€ally allowed to be the best lawyer among the orators, and
■Scaevola to be the most eloquent civilian of the age ; for the
latter could not only discover with the nicest precision what
was agreeable to law and equity, but had likewise a concise-
ness and propriety of expression, which was admirably adapted
to his purpose. In short, he had such a wonderful vein of
oratory in commenting, explaining, and discussing, that I

BEMARKS ON EMINKNT ORATOR& 44S

never beheld his equal; though in amplifying, embellishing,
and refuting, he was rather to be dreaded as a formidable
critic, than admired as an eloquent speaker."

XL. "Indeed," said Brutue, "though I always thought I
BufEiciently understood the character of Scsevola, by the
account I had heard of him from Caius Rutilius, whose
company I frequented for the sake of his acquaintance with
him, I had not the least idea of his merit as an orator. I
am now, therefore, not a little pleased to be informed, that
our republic has had the honour of producing so accom-
plished a man, and such an excellent genius." " Really, my
Brutus," said I, " you may take it from me, that the Roman
state had never been adorned with two finer characters than
these. For, as I have before observed that the one was the
best lawyer among the orators, and the other the best speaker
among the civilians of his time; so the difference between
them, in all other respects, was of such a nature, that it
would almost be impossible for you to determine which of
the two you would rather choose to resemble. For, as
Orassus was the closest of all our elegant speakers, so Scaevola
was the most elegant among those who were distinguished
by the concise accuracy of their language; and as Crassus
tempered his affability with a proper share of severity, so
the rigid air- of Scsevola was not destitute of the milder
graces of an affable condescension. Though this was really
their character, it is very possible that I may be thought to
have embellished it beyond the bounds of truth, to give an
agreeable air to my narrative; but as your favourite sect,
my Brutus, the old Academy, has defined all virtue to be
a just mediocrity, it was the constant endeavour of these two
eminent men to pursue this golden mean ; and yet it so hap-
pened, that while each of them shared a part of the other's
excellence, he preserved his own entire." " To speak what
I think," replied Brutus, " I have not only acquired a proper
acquaintance with their characters from your account of
them, but I can likewise discover, that the same comparison
might bo drawn between you and Servius Sulpicius, which
you have just been making between Crassus and Scaevola."
"In what manner?" said I. "Because you," replied Brutus,
" have taken the pains to acquire as extensive a knowledge of
the law as is necessary for an orator ; and Sulpicius, on the
other hand, took care to famish himself with sufficient

444: fiRUTXTBj OR,

eloquence to support the character of an able civilian.
Besides, your age con-esponded as nearly to his, as the age of
Crassus did to that of Scaevola."

XLI. " As to my own abilities," said I, " the rules of
decency forbid me to speak of them; but your character of
Servius is a very just one, and I may freely tell you what I
think of him. There are few, I believe, who have applied
themselves more assiduously to the art of speaking than he
did, or indeed to the study of every useful science. In our
youth, we both of us followed the same liberal exercises ; and
he afterwards accompanied me to Rhodes, to pursue those
studies which might equally improve him as a man and a.
scholar; but when he re^-rrned from thence, he appears to
me to have been rather ambitious of being the foremost
man in a secondary profession, than the second in that which
claims the highest dignity. I will not pretend to say, that
he could not have ranked himself among the first in the
latter profession ; but he rather chose to be, what he actually
made himself, the first lawyer of his time." " Indeed ! "
said Brutus : " and do you really prefer Servius to Quintus
Scaevola?" "My opinion," said I, "Brutus, is, that Quintus
Sc39vola and many others had a thorough practical know-
ledge of the law; but that Servius alone understood it as
a science; which he could never have done by the mere study
of the law, and without a previous acquaintance with the
art, which teaches us to divide a whole into its subordinate
parts, to explain an indeterminate idea by an accurate defini-
tion ; to illustrate what is obscure by a clear interpretation ;
and first to discover what things are of a doubtful nature,^
then to distinguish them by their different degrees of proba-
bility; and, lastly, to be provided with a certain rule or
measure by which we may judge what is true, and what
false, and what inferences fairly may or may not be deduced
from any given premises. This important art he applied to
those subjects which, for want of it, were necessarily managed
by others without due order and precision."

XLII. "You mean, I suppose," said Brutus, "the art of.
logic." " You suppose very rightly," answered I ; " but hu
added to it an extensive acquaintance with polite literature^.
and an elegant manner of expressing himself; as is suffi-
ciently evident from the incomparable writings he has lef^
behind him. And as he attached himself, for the impx'ovo*

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 445

tnent of his eloquence, to Lucius Li: cilius Balbus and Caiu8
Aquilius Gallus, two very able speakers, he effectually thwarted
the prompt celerity of the latter (though a keen, experienced
man) both in supporting and refuting a charge, by his ac-
curacy and precision, and overpowered the deliberate formality
of Balbus (a man of great learning and erudition) by his
adroit and dexterous method of arguing ; so that he equally
possessed the good qualities of both, without their defects.
As Crassus, therefore, in my mind, acted more prudently
than Sc88vola; (for the latter was very fond of pleading
causes, in which he was certainly inferior to Crassus; whereas
ihe former never engaged himself in an unequal competition
with Scsevola, by assuming the character of a civilian ;) so
Servius pursued a plan which sufficiently discovered his
wisdom ; for as the profession of a pleader and a lawyer are
both of them held in great esteem, and give those who are
masters of them the most extensive influence among their
feUow- citizens, he acquired an undisputed superiority in the
one, and improved himself as much in the other as was
necessary to support the authority of the civil law, and
promote him to the dignity of consul." " This is precisely
the opinion I had formed of him," said Brutus. " For a few
years ago I heard him often, and very attentively, at Samos,
when I wanted to be instructed by him in the pontifical
law, as far as it is connected with the civil ; and I am now
greatly confirmed in my opinion of him, by finding that it
coincides so exactly with yours. I am likewise not a little
pleased to observe, that the equality of your ages, your
sharing the same honours and preferments, and the affinity
of your respective studies and professions, has been so fai*
from precipitating either of you into that envious detraction
of the other's merit, which most people are tormented with,
that, instead of interrupting your mutual friendship, it has
only served to increase and strengthen it; for, to my own
knowledge, he had the same affection for, and the same
favourable sentiments of you, which I now discover in you
towards him. I cannot, therefore, help regretting very sin-
cerely, that the Roman state has so long been deprived of
the benefit of his advice and of your eloquence ; a circum-
stance which is indeed calamitous enough in itself, but must
appear much more so to him who considers into what hands
that once respectable authority has been of late, I will not

446 BRUTUS j OB,

Bay transferred, but forcibly wrested." " You certainly <
forget," said Atticus, " that I proposed, when we began the^
conversation, to drop all matters of state ; by all means,
therefore, let us keep to our plan ; for if we once begin to
repeat our grievances, there will be no end, I need not say
to our inquiries, but to our sighs and lamentations."

XLIII. " Let us proceed, then," asdd I, " without any
farther digression, and pursue the plan we set out upon,
Crassus (for he is the orator we were just speaking of) alwaya
came into the forum ready prepared for the combat. He
was expected with impatience, and heard with pleasure.
When he first began his oration (which he always did in
a very accurate style), he seemed worthy of the great ex-
pectations he had raised. He was very moderate in the
movements of his body, had no remarkable variation of
voice, never advanced from the ground he stood upon, and
seldom stamped his foot ; his language was forcible, and
sometimes warm and pathetic; he had many strokes of
humour, which were always tempered with a becoming
dignity; and, what is difficult to attain, he was at once very-
florid and veiy concise. In a close contest, he never met
with his equal ; and there was scarcely any kind of causes in
which he had not signalised his abilities ; so that he enrolled;
himself very early among the first orators of the time. He
accused Caius Carbo, though a man of great eloquence, when
he was but a youth; and displayed his talents in such a
manner, that they were not only applauded, but admired by
everybody. He afterwards defended the virgin Licinia,
when he was only twenty-seven years of age; on which,
occasion he discovered an uncommon share of eloquence, as
is evident fi:om those parts of his oration which he left
behind him in writing. As he was then desirous to have the
honour of settling the colony of Narbonne (as he afterwards
did), he thought it advisable to recommend himself by under-
taking the management of some popular cause. His oration
in support of the act which was proposed for that purpose, is
still extant ; and discovers a greater maturity of genius than
might have been expected at that time of life. He afterwards
pleaded many other causes; but his tribuneship was so re-
markably silent, that if he had not supped with Granius the
beadle when he enjoyed that office (a circumstance which,
has been twice mentioned by Lucilius), we should scarcely

EEMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 44T

have known that a tribune of that name had existed.** " I
believe so," replied Brutus ; " but I have heard as little of
the tribuneship of Scsevola, though I must naturally suppose
that he was the colleague of Crassus." " He was so," said I,
"in all his other preferments; but he was not tribune till
the year after him ; and when he sat in the rostrum in that
capacity, Crassus spoke in support of the Servihan law. I
must observe, however, that Crassus had not Scsevola for his
colleague in the censorship; for none of the Scsevolas ever
solicited that office. But when the last-mentioned oration of
Crassus was published (which I dare say you have frequently
read), he was thirty-four years of age, which was exactly the
difference between his age and mine. For he supported the
law I have just been speaking of, in the very consulship-
imder which I was bom; whereas he himself was born in;
the consulship of Quintus Csepio and Caius Lgelius, about
three years later than Antonius. I have particularly noticed*
this circumstance, to specify the time when the Roman
eloquence attained its first maturity; and was actually car-
ried to such a degree of perfection, as to leave no room for
any one to carry it higher, unless by the assistance of a more
complete and extensive knowledge of philosophy, jurispru-
dence, and history."

XLIV, " But does there," said Brutus, " or will there ever
exist a man, who is furnished with all the united accomplish-
ments you require?" " I really do not know," said I ; " but
we have a speech made by Crassus in his consulship, in praise-
of Quintus Csepio, intermingled with a defence of his conduct,
which, though a short one if we consider it as an oration, is
not so as a panegyric; and another, which was his last,
and which he spoke in the forty-eighth year of his age, at
the time he was censor. In these we have the genuine com-
plexion of eloquence, without any painting or disguise ; but
his periods (I mean those of Crassus) were generally short
and concise; and he was fond of expressing himself in those
minuter sentences, or members, which the Greeks call colons^
" As you have spoken so largely," said Brutus, " in praise of
the two last-mentioned orators, I heartily wish that Antonius.
had left us some other specimen of his abilities than hia;
trifling essay on the art of speaking, and Crassus more than
he has; by so doing, thsy would have transmitted their fame
to posterity, and to us a valuable system of eloquence. For a*-

448 BRUTUS; ob,

to the elegant language of Scsevola, we have fcrufficient proofc
of it in the orations he has left behind him." " For my
part," said I, "the oration I was speaking of, on Caepio'a
case, has been a model which served to instruct me from my
very childhood. It supports the dignity of the senate, which
was deeply interested in the debate ; and excites the jealousy
of the audience against the party of the judges and accusers,
whose powers it was necessary to expose in the most popular
terms. Many parts of it are very strong and nervous ; many
others very cool and composed ; and some are distinguished
by the asperity of their language, and not a few by their wit
and pleasantry : but much more was said than was committed
to writing, as is sufficiently evident from several heads of
the oration, which are merely proposed without any enlarge-
ment or explanation. But the oration in his censorship
■ against his colleague Cneius Domitius, is not so much an
oration as an analysis of the subject, or a general sketch of
what he had said, with here and there a few ornamental
touches, by way of specimen; for no contest was ever con-
ducted with greater spirit than this. Crassus, however, was
eminently distinguished by the popular turn of his language ;
but that of Antonius was better adapted to judicial trials
than to a public debate.

XLV. " As we have had occasion to mention him, Domitius
himself must not be left unnoticed; for though he is not
enrolled in the list of oratoi-s, he had a sufficient share, both
of utterance and genius, to support his character as a magis-
trate, and his dignity as a consul. I might likewise observe
of Cains Cselius, that he was a man of great application and
inany eminent qualities, and had eloquence enough to support
the private interests of his friends, and his own dignity in
the state. At the same time lived Marcus Herennius, who
was reckoned among the middling oratoi-s, whose principal
merit was the purity and correctness of their language ; and
yet, in a suit for the consulship, he got the better of Lucius
Philippus, a man of the first rank and family, and of the
most extensive connexions, and who was likewise a member
of the college, and a veiy eloquent speaker. Then also lived
Caius Clodius, who, besides his consequence as a nobleman oi
the first distinction and a man of the most powerful influence,
was likewise possessed cf a moderate share of eloquence,
Nearly of the same age was Caius Titius, a Roman kuigh%

REMARKS ON EMINENT OEATOKS. 44i

who, in my judgment, arrived at as high a degree of per-
tection as a lloman orator was able to do, without the assist*
anco of the Grecian literature, and a good share of practice.
His orations have so many delicate turns, such a number of
well-chosen examples, and such an agreeable vein of polite-
ness, that they almost seem to have been composed in the
true Attic style. He likewise transferred his delicacies into
his tragedies, with ingenuity enough, I confess, but not in
the tragic taste. But the poet Lucius Afranius, whom he
studiously imitated, was a very lively writer, and, as you
well know, possessed great dramatic eloquence. Quintus
ilubrius Varro, who with Cains Marius was declared an
enemy by the senate, was likewise a warm and very spirited
prosecutor. My relation, Marcus Gratidius, was a plausible
speaker of the same kind, well versed in Grecian literature,
formed by nature for the profession of eloquence, and an
intimate acquaintance of Marcus Antonius; he commanded
under him in Cilicia, where he lost his life; and he once
commenced a prosecution against Cains Fimbria, the father
of Marcus Marius Gratidianus.

XLVI. " There have likewise been several among the
allies, and the Latins, who were esteemed good orators; as,
for instance, Quintus Vettius of Vettium, one of the Marsi,
whom I myself was acquainted with, a man of sense, and
a concise speaker ; the Valerii, Quintus and Decimus, of Sora,
my neighbours and acquaintances, who were not so remark-
able for their talent in speaking, as for their skill both in
Greek and Roman literature ; and Caius Rusticellus of
Bononia, an experieilced orator, and a man of great natural
volubility. But the most eloquent of all those who were not
citizens of Borne, was Tiberius Betucius Barrus of Asculum,
some of whose orations, which were spoken in that city, are
still extant ; that which he made at Rome against Csepio, is
really excellent; the speech which Csepio delivered in aiiswer
to it, was made by .^lius, who composed a number of orations,
but pronounced none himself. But among those of a re-
moter date, Lucius Papirius of Fregellse in Latium, who was
almost contemporary with Tiberius Gracchus, was universally
esteemed the most eloquent ; we have a speech of his in vin-
dication of the Fregellans, and the Latin colonies, which was
delivered before the senate." " And what then is the merit,"
said Brutus, " which you mean to ascribe to these provincial

rt a

450 BRUTUS; OR,

orators?" "What else," replied I, " but the veiy siwae which
I have ascribed to the city orators ; excepting that their lan-
guage is not tinctured with the same fashionable delicacy.'*
"What fashionable delicacy do you mean?" said he. "I
cannot," said I, " pretend to define it ; I only know that
there is such a quality existing. When you go to your pro-
vince in Gaul, you will be convinced of it. You will thei-e
find many expressions which are not current iu Rome ; but
these may be easily changed, and corrected. But what is of
greater importance, our orators have a particular accent in
their manner of pronouncing, which is more elegant, and has
a more agreeable effect than any other. This, however, is
not peculiar to the orators, but is equally common to every
well-bred citizen. I myself remember that Titus Tineas, of
Placentia, who was a very facetious man, once engaged in
raillery with my old friend Quintus Granius, the public
crier." " Do you mean that Granius," said Brutus, " of whom
Lucilius has related such a number of stories ? " " The very
same," said I ; " but though Tineas said as many smart
things as the other, Granius at last ovei3)Owered him by a
certain vernacular goiit, which gave an additional relish to liis
humour ; so that I am no longer surprised at what is said to
have happened to Theophrastus, when he inquired of an old
woman who kept a stall, what was the price of something
which he wanted to purchase. After telling him the value of
it, * Honest stranger,' said she, * I cannot afiford it for less;' an
answer which nettled him not a little, to think that lie who
had resided almost all his life at Athens, and spoke the lan-
guage very correctly, should be taken at last for a foreigner.
In the same manner, there is, in my opinion, a certain accent
as peculiar to the native citizens of Rome, as tke other was to
those of Athens. But it is time for us to return home ; I
mean, to the orators of our own growth.

XL VII. " Next, therefore, to the two capital speakers
above-mentioned, (that is, Crassus andAntonius,) came Lucius
Philippus, — not indeed till a considerable time afterwards;
tut still he must be reckoned the next. I do not mean,
however, though nobody appeared in the interim who could
dispute the prize with him, that he was entitled to the
second, or even the third post of honour. For as in a chariot-
race I cannot properly consider him as either the second or
third winner, who has scarcely got clear of iha etarting-post.

REJIABKS OH EMINENT ORATORS. 451

f'efore the first has reached the goal ; so. among orators, I
can scarcely honour him with the name of a competitor, who
lias been so far distanced by the foremost as hardly to appear
on the same ground with him. But yet there were certainly
Kome talents to be observed in Philippus, which any person
who considers them, without subjecting them to a comparison
with the superior merits of the two before-mentioned, must
allow to have been respectable. He had an uncommon free-
dom of address, a large fund of humour, gi-eat faciUty in the
invention of his sentiments, and a ready and easy manner of
expressing them. He was likewise, for the time he lived in,
a great adept in the literature of the Greeks; and, in the heat
of a debate, he could sting, and lash, as well as ridicule his
opponents. Almost contemporary with these was Lucius
Gellius, who was not so much to be valued for his positive,
as for his negative merits ; for he was neither destitute of
learning, nor invention, nor unacquainted with the history
and the laws of his country ; besides which, he had a tolerable
fr«)edom of expression. But he happened to live at a time
when many excellent orators made their appearance ; and yet
he served his friends upon many occasions to good purpose ^
in short, his life was so long, that he was successively con-
temporary with a variety of orators of difierent periods, and
had an extensive series of practice in judicial causes. Nearly
at the same time lived Decimus Brutus, who was fellow-
consul with Mamercus ; and was equally skilled both in the
Grecian and Roman literature. Lucius Scipio likewise was
not an unskilful speaker ; and Cnseus Pompeius, the son of
Sextus, had some reputation as an orator ; for his brother
Sextus applied the excellent genius he was possessed of, to
acquire a thorough knowledge of the civil law, and a complete
acquaintance with geometry and the doctrine of the Stoics.
A little before these, Marcus Brutus, and very soon after
him Cains Bilienus, who was a man of great natural capacity,
made themselves, by nearly the same application, equally
eminent in the profession of the law ; the latter would have
been chosen consul, if he had not been thwarted by the
repeated promotion of Marius, and some other collateral em-
barrassments which attended his suit. But the eloquence of
Cneeus Octavius, which was wholly iinknown before hig
elevation to the consulship, was effectually displayed, after his
preferment to that office, in a great variety of speeches. It is^

Q<i2

ITtSt BRUTUS ; on,

however, time for us to drop those vho were only classed in
the number of good speakers, and turn our attention to such
as were really orators."

" I think so too," replied Atticus ; " for I understood that
you meant to give us an account, not of tliose who took great
pains to be eloquent, but of those who were so in reality."

XLVIII. " Caius Julius then," said I, " (the son of Lucius,)
was certainly superior, not only to his pi'edecessors, but to all
his contemporaries, in wit and humour; he was not, indeed,
a nervous and striking orator, but, in the elegance, the plea-
santry, and the agreeableness of his manner, he has not been
excelled by any man. There are some orations of his still
extant, in which, as well as in his tragedies, we may discover
a pleasing tranquillity of expression with very little energy.
Publius Cethegus, his equal in age, had always enough to say
on matters of civil regulation ; for he had studied and com-
prehended them with the minutest accuracy ; by which
means he acquired an equal authority in the senate with those
who had served the ofl&ce of consul, and though he made no
figure in a public debate, he was a serviceable veteran in any
suit of a private nature. Quintus Lucretius Vispillo was an
acute speaker, and a good civilian in the same kind of
causes ; but Osella was better qualified for a public harangue
than to conduct a judicial process. Titus Annius Velina
was likewise a man of sense, and a tolerable pleader ; and
Titus Juventius had a great deal of practice in the same
way : the latter indeed was rather too heavy and inani-
mate, but at the same time was keen and artful, and
knew how to seize every advantage which was offered by his
antagonist; to which we may add, that he was far from
being a man of no literature, but had an extensive knowledge
of the civil law. His scholar, Publius Orbius, who was almost
contemporary with me, had no great practice as a pleader ;
but his skill in the civil law was in no respect inferior to his
master's. As to Titus Aufidius, who lived to a great age, he
was a professed imitetor of both ; and was indeed a worthy
inoffensive man; but he seldom spoke at the bar. Hia
brother, Marcus Virgilius, who, when he was a tribune of the
people, commenced a prosecution against Lucius Sylla, then
advanced to the rank of general, had as little practice as Aufi-
dius. Virgilius's colleague, Publius Magius, was more copious
and difiusive. But of all the orators, or rather ranters, I evei

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORSi. 453

knew who were totally illiterate and unpolished, and (I might
have added) absolutely coarse and rustic, the readiest and
keenest were Quintus Sertorius, and Caius Gorgonius, the
one of consular, and the other of equestrian rank. Titua
Junius (the son of Lucius), who had served the office cf tri-
bune, and prosecuted and convicted Publius Sextius of bribery,
when he was praetor elect, was a prompt and an easy speaker ;
he lived in great splendour, and had a very promising genius;
and, if he had not been of a weak, and indeed a sickly cou^
stitution, he would have advanced much further than he did
in the road to preferment.

XLIX. " I am sensible, however, that in the account I
have been giving, I have included many who were neither
real, nor reputed orators ; and that I have omitted others,
among those of a remoter date, who well deserved not only to
have been mentioned, but to be recorded with honour. But
this I was forced to do, for want of better information; for
what could I say concerning men of a distant age, none of
whose productions are now remaining, and of whom no
mention is made in the writings of other people 1 But I have
omitted none of those who have fallen within the compass of
my own knowledge, or that I myself remember to have
heard. For I wish to make it appear, that in such a powerful
and ancient republic as ours, in which the greatest rewards
have been proposed to eloquence, though all have desired to
be good speakers, not many have attempted the task, and but
very few have succeeded. But I shall give my opinion of
every one in such explicit terms, that it may be easily undei'-
stood whom I consider as a mere declaimer, and whom as an
orator. About the same time, or rather something later than
the above-mentioned Julius, but almost contemporary with
each other, were Caius Cotta, Publius Sulpicius, Quintua
Varius, Cnseus Pomponius, Caius Curio, Lucius Fufius, Mar-
cus Drusus, and Publius Antistius ; for no age whatsoever
has been distinguished by a more numerous progeny of
orators. Of these, Cotta and Sulpicius, both in my opinion
and in that of the public at large, had an evident claim to the
preference." " But wherefore," interrupted Atticus, " do you
say, in your own opinion, and in that of the public at large f
In deciding the merits of an orator, does the opinion of the
vulgar, think you, always comcide with that of the learned 1
Or rather, does not one receive the approbation of the populace,

454 BRUTUS ; OR,

vhile another of a quite opposite character is prefen-ed by
those who arc better qualified to give their judgment? " " You
have started a very pertinent question," said I ; " but, perhaps,
the public at large wiW not approve my answer to it." "And
what concern need that give you," replied Atticus, " if it meets
the approbation of Bi-utus 1" " Very true," said I ; " for I had
rather my sentiments on the qualifications of an orator should
please you and Brutus, than all the world besides ; but as to
my eloquence, I should wish this to please every one. For he
who speaks in such a manner as to please the people, must
inevitably receive the approbation of the learned. As to the
truth and propriety of what I hear, I am indeed to judge of
this for myself, as well as I am able ; but the general merit
of an orator must and will be decided by the efifects whicLLis
eloquence produces. For (in ray opinion at least) there are
three things which an orator should be able to effiect ; viz.
to inform his hearers, to please them, and to move their
passions. By what qualities in the speaker each of these
effects may be produced, or by what deficiencies they are
■either lost, or but imperfectly performed, is an inquiry which
none but an artist can resolve; but whether an audience is
really so affected by an orator as shall best answer his pur-
pose, must be left to their own feelings, and the decision
of the public. The learned therefore, and the people at large,
have never disagreed about who was a good orator, and who
was otherwise.

L. " For do you suppose, that while the speakers above-
mentioned were in being, they had not the same degree of
reputation among the learned as among the populace? If you
had inquired of one of the latter, who was the most eloquent
man in the city, he might have hesitated whether to say
Antonius or Crassus; or this man, perhaps, would have men-
tioned the one, and that the other. But would any one have
given the preference to Fhilippus. though otherwise a smooth,
a sensible, and a facetious speaker 1 — that Fhilippus whom
we, who form our judgment upon these matters by rules of
art, have decided to have been the next in merit ? Nobody
would, I am certain. For it is the invariable prerogative of
an accomplished orator, to be reckoned such in the opinion
of the people. Though Antigenidas, therefore, the musician,
might say to his scholar, who was but coldly received by the
public, Play on, to please me and the Muses; 1 shall say tc

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATCU.S, 465

my friend Brutus, when he mounts the i-ostra. as he frequently
does, Flay to me and the people; tlmt those wlio hear him
may be sensible of the effect of his eloquence, while I can
likewise amuse myself with remarking the causes which pro-
duce it. When a citizen hears an able orator, he readily
credits what is said ; he imagines everything to be true, he
believes and relishes the force of it ; and, in short, the per-
suasive language of the speaker wins his absolute, his hearty
assent. You, who are possessed of a critical knowledge of the
art, what more will you require 1 The listening multitude is
charmed and captivated by the force of his eloquence, and
feels a pleasure which is not to be resisted. What here can
you find to censure 1 The whole audience is either flushed
with joy, or overwhelmed with grief; it smiles or weeps,
it loves or hates, it scorns or envies, and, in short, is
alternately seized with tlie various emotions of pity, shame,
remorse, resentment, wonder, hope, and fear, according as it
is influenced by the language, the sentiments, and the action
of the speaker. In this case, what necessity is there to await
the sanction of a critic 1 For here, whatever is approved by
the feelings of the people, must be equally so by men of
taste and erudition ; and, in this instance of public decision,
there can be no disagreement between the opinion of the
vulgar, and that of the learned. For though many good
speakers have appeared in every species of oratory, which of
them who was thought to excel the rest in the judgment
of the populace, was not approved as such by every man of
learning? or which of our ancestors, when the choice of
a pleader was left to his own option, did not immediately fix
it either upon Crassus or Antonius ? There were certainly
many othei's to be had ; but though any person might have
hesitated to which of the above two he should give the pre-
ference, there was nobody, I believe, who would have made
choice of a third. And in the time of my youth, when Cotta
and Hortensius were in such high reputation, who, that had
liberty to choose for himself, would have employed any other?"
LI. " But what occasion is there," said Brutus, " to quote
the example of other speakers to support your assertion?
have we not seen what has always been the wish of the de-
fendant, and what the judgment of Hortensius, concerning
yourself? for whenever the latter shared a cause with ycu,
(and I was often present on those occasions,) the peroration.

456 BRUTUS ; or,

which requires the greatest exertion of tlie powers of elo-
quence, was constantly left to you.'' " It wa^" said I ; " and
Hortensius (induced, I suppose, by the warmth of his friend-
ship) always resigned the post of honour to me. But, as to
myself, what rank I hold in the opinion of the people I am
unable to determine ; as to others, however, I may safely
assert, that such of them as were reckoned most eloquent in
the judgment of the vulgar, were equally high in the esti-
mation of the learned. For even Demosthenes himself could
not have said what is related of Antiraachus, a poet of Claros,
who, when he was rehearsing to an audience, assembled for
the purpose, that voluminous piece of his which you are well
acquainted with, and was deserted by all his hearers except
Plato, in the midst of his performance, cried out, I shall pro-
ceed notwithstanding ; for Plato alone is of more consequence
to me than many thousands. The remark was very just. For
an abstruse poem, such as his, only requires the approbation
of the judicious few ; but a discourse intended for the people
should be perfectly suited to their taste. If Demosthenes,
therefore, after being deserted by the rest of his audience,
had even Plato left to hear him, and no one else, I will
answer for it, he could not have uttered another syllable. Nor
could you youi'self, my Brutus, if the whole assembly were to
leave you, as it once did Curio ?" " To open my whole mind
to you," replied he, " I must confess that even in such causes
as fall under the cognisance of a few select judges, and not of
the people at large, if I were to be deserted by the casual
crowd who came to hear the trial, I should not be able to
proceed." " The case, then, is plainly this," said I : "as a
flute, which will not return its proper sound when it is applied
to the lips, would be laid aside by the musician as useless ;
so, the ears of the people are the instrument upon which an
orator is to play ; and if these refuse to admit the breath he
bestows upon them, or if the hearer, like a restive horse, will
not obey the spur, the speaker must cease to exert himself
any further.

LIT. " There is, however, this exception to be made ; the
people sometimes give their approbation to an orator who
does not deserve it. But even here they approve what they
have had no opportunity of comparing with something better;
OS, for instance, when they are pleased with an indifterent or,
perhaps, a bad speaker. His abilities satisfy their expectation ;

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 457

they have seen nothing preferable ; and, therefoie, the merit
^f the day, whatever it may happen to be, meets their full
applause. For even a middling orator, if he is possessed of
any degree of eloquence, will always captivate the ear ; and
the order and beauty of a good discourse has an astonishing
eifect upon the human mind. Accordingly, what common
hearer who was present when Quintus Scsovola pleaded fol
Mucins Copouius, in the cause above-mentioned, would
have wished for, or indeed thought it possible to find any-
thing which was more correct, more elegant, or more com-
plete 1 When he attempted to prove, that, as Mucins Curius
was left heir to the estate only in case of the death of his
future ward before he came of age, he could not possibly be
a legal heir, when the expected ward was never bom ; what
did he leave unsaid of the scrupulous regard which should be
paid to the literal meaning of every testament 1 what of the
accuracy and preciseness of the old and established forms of
law ■? and how carefully did he specify the manner in which
the will would have been expressed, if it had intended that
Curius should be the heir in case of a total default of issue 1
in what a masterly manner did he represent the ill conse-
quences to the public, if the letter of a will should be dis-
regarded, its intention decided by arbiti-ary conjectures, and
the written bequests of plain illiterate men left to the artful
interpretation of a pleader 1 how often did he urge the autho-
rity of his father, who bad always been an advocate for a
strict adherence to the letter of a testament 1 and with what
emphasis did he enlarge upon the necessity of supporting the
common forms of law 1 All which particulars he discussed
not only with great art and ingenuity ; but in such a neat,
such a close, and, I may add, in so florid and so elegant
a style, that there was not a single person among the common
part of the audience, who could expect anything more com-
plete, or even think it possible to exist.

LI II. " But when Crassus, who spoke on the opposite side,
began with the story of a notable youth, who, having found
an oar-niche of a boat as he was rambling along the shore,
took it into his head that he would build a boat to it ; and
when he applied the tale to Scsevola, who, from the oar-niche
of an argument [which he had deduced from certain imagi-
nary ill consequences to the public], represented the decision
of a private will to be a matter of such importance as to

458 BRHTUS; OR,

deserve the attention of the Centumviri ; -^rhen Crassus, I aaj,
in the beginning of his discourse, had thus taken off the edge
of the strongest plea of his antagonist, he entertained hia
hearers with many other turns of a similar kind ; and, in a
short time, changed the serious apprehensions of all who were
present into open mirth and good-humour ; which is one of
those three effects which I have just observed an orator should
be able to produce. He then pi'oceeded to remark that it was
evidently the intention and the will of the testator, that in
case, either by death, or default of issue, there should happen
CO be no son to fall to his charge, the inheritance should
devolve to Curius ; that most people in a similar case would
express themselves in the same manner, and that it would
certainly stand good in law, and always had. By these, and
many other observations of the same kind, he gained the
assent of his hearers ; which is another of the three duties of
an orator. Lastly, he supported, at all events, the true mean-
ing and spirit of a will, against the literal construction; justly
observing, that there would be an endless cavilling about
words, not only in wills, but in all other legal deeds, if the
real intention of the party were to be disregarded ; and hint-
ing very smartly, that his friend Scsevola had assumed a most
unwarrantable degree of importance, if no person must after-
wards presume to indite a legacy, but in the musty form
which he himself might please to prescribe. As he enlarged
on each of these arguments with great force and propriety,
supported them by a number of precedents, exhibited them
in a variety of views, and enlivened them with many occa-
sional turns of wit and pleasantry, he gained so much applause,
and gave such general satisfaction, that it was scarcely remem-
bered that anything had been said on the contrary side of the
question. This was the third, and the most important duty
we assigned to an orator. Here, if one of the people were to
be judge, the same person who had heard the first speaker
with a degree of admiration, would, on hearing the second,
despise himself for his former want of judgment ; whereas
a man of taste and erudition, on hearing Scaevola, would have
observed that he was really master of a rich and ornamental
style ; but if, on comparing the manner in which each ot
them concluded his cause, it was to be inquired which of the
two was the best orator, the decision of the man of learning
would not have differed from that of the vulgar.

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 459

LIV. " What advantage, then, it will be said, has the
skilful critic over tho illiterate hearer? A great and very
important advantage ; if it is indeed a matter of any conse-
quence, to be able to discover by what means that which is
the true and real end of speaking, is either obtained or lost.
He has likewise this additional superiority, that when two or
more orators, as has frequently happened, have shared the
applauses of the public, he can judge, on a careful observation
of the principal merits of each, what is the most perfect cha-
racter of eloquence ; since whatever does not meet the appro-
bation of the people, must be equally condemned by a more
intelligent hearer. For as it is easily understood by the
sound of a harp, whether the strings are skilfully touched ;
so it may likewise be discovered from the manner in which
the passions of an audience are affected, how far the speaker
is able to command them. A man, therefore, who is a real
connoisseur in the art, can sometimes by a single glance, as
he passes through the forum, and without stopping to listen
attentively to what is said, form a tolerable judgment of the
ability of the speaker. When he observes any of the bench
either yawning, or speaking to the person who is next to him,
or looking carelessly about him, or sending to inquire the
time of day, or teazing the qusesitor to dismiss the court ; he
concludes very naturally that the cause upon trial is not
pleaded by an orator who understands how to apply the
powers of language to the passions of the judges, as a skilful
musician applies his fingers to the harp. On the other hand,
if, as he passes by, he beholds the judges looking attentively
before them, as if they were either receiving some material
information, or visibly approved what they had already heard ;
if he sees them listening to the voice of the pleader with
a kind of ecstasy, like a fond bird to some melodious tune ;
and, above all, if he discovers in their looks any strong indi-
cations of pity, abhorrence, or any other emotion of the
mind ; th'jugh he should not be near enough to hear a single
word, he immediately discovers that the cause is managed
by a real orator, who is either performing, or has already
played his part to good purpose."

LV. After I had concluded these digressive remarks, my
two friends were kind enough to signify their approbation,
and I resumed my subjoDt. " As this digression," said I, " took
its rise from Cotta and Sulpicius, whom I mentioned as th«

460 BBUTUS; OR,

two most approved orators of the age they lived in, I shall
first return to them, and afterwards notice the rest in their
proper order, according to the plan we began upon. I have
already observed that there are two classes of good orators
(for we have no concern with any others), of which the former
are distinguished by the simple neatness and brevity of their
language, and the latter by their copious dignity and eleva-
tion ; but although the preference must always be given to
that which is great and striking ; yet, in speakers of real
merit, whatever is most perfect of the kind, is justly entitled
to our commendation. It must, however, be observed, that
the close and simple orator should be careful not to sink into
a dryness and poverty of expression ; while, on the other
hand, the copious and more stately speaker should be equally
on his guard against a swelling and empty parade of words.
To begin with Cotta, he had a ready, quick invention, and
spoke correctly and freely ; and as he very prudently avoided
every forcible exertion of his voice, on account of the weak-
ness of his lungs, so his language was equally adapted to the
delicacy of his constitution. There was nothing in his style
but what was neat, compact, and healthy ; and (what may
justly be considered as his greatest excellence) though he was
scarcely able, and therefore never attempted to force the
passions of the judges by a strong and spirited elocution, yet
he managed them so artfully, that the gentle emotions he
raised in them, answered exactly the same purpose, and pro-
duced the same effect, as the violent ones which were excited
by Sulpicius. For Sulpicius was really the most striking, and,
if I may be allowed the expression, the most tragical oratot
I ever heard : his voice was strong and sonorous, and yet sweet
and flowing ; his gesture and his deportment were graceful
and ornamental, but in such a style as to appear to have been
formed for the forum, and not for the stage ; and his language,
though rapid and voluble, was neither loose nor exuberant.
He was a professed imitator of Crassus, while Cotta chose
Antonius for his model ; but the latter wanted the force of
Antonius, and the former the agreeable humour of Crassus."

" How extremely difficult, then," said Brutus, " must be
the art of speaking, when such consummate orators as these
were each of them destitute of one of its principal beauties !"
LVI. "We may likewise observe," said I, "in th3 present
instance, that two orators may have the highest degree of

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 461

merit, •who are totally unlike each other ; for none could be
more so than Cotta and Sulpicius, and yet both of them were
far superior to any of their contemporaries. It is therefore
the business of every intelligent master to notice what is the
natural bent of his pupil's capacity ; and taking that for his
guide, to imitate the conduct of Isocrates with his two scho-
lars Theopompus and Ephorus, who, after remarking the lively
genius of the former, and the mild and timid bashfulness of
the latter, is reported to have said, that he applied a spur to
the one, and a curb to the other. The orations now extant,
which bear the name of Sulpicius, are supposed to have been
written after his decease by my contemporary Publius Ca-
nutius, a man indeed of inferior rank, but who, in my mind,
had a great command of language. But we have not a single
speech of Sulpicius that was really his own ; for I have often
heard him say, that he neither had, nor ever could commit
anything of the kind to writing. And as to Cotta's speech
in defence of himself, called a vindication of the Varian law,
it was composed, at his own request, by Lucius ^lius. This
^lius was a man of merit, and a very worthy Roman knight,
who was thoroughly versed in Greek and Roman literature.
He had likewise a critical knowledge of the antiquities
of his country, both as to the date and particulars of every
new improvement, and every memorable transaction, and
was perfectly well read in the ancient writers ; a branch of
learning in which he was succeeded by our friend Varro, a
man of genius, and of the most extensive erudition, who after-
wards enlarged the plan by many valuable collections of his
own, and gave a much fuller and more elegant system of it to
the public. For ^lius himself chose to assume the character
of a Stoic, and neither aimed to be, nor ever was an orator ;
but he composed several orations for other people to pro-
nounce ; as, for Quintus Metellus, Fabius Quintus Csepio, and
Quintus Pompeius Rufus ; though the latter composed those
speeches himself whijh he spoke in his own defence, but not
without the assistance of .^lius. For I myself was present
at the writing of them, in the younger part of my life, when I
used to attend -^lius for the benefit of his instructions. But
I am surprised that Cctta, who was really an excellent orator,
and a man of good learning, should be willing that the trifling
speeches of JElius should be published to the world w his.
LVII. " To the two above-mentioned, ao third person of

462 BRUTUS; or,

the same age was esteemed an equal ; Pomponius, howevei
wa? a speaker much to my taste ; or, at least, I have very
little fault to find with him. But there was no employment
for any in capital causes, excepting for those I have already
mentioned ; because Antonius, who was always cotirted on
these occasions, was very ready to give his service ; and
Crassus, though not so compilable, generally consented, on
any pressing solicitation, to give his. Those who had not
interest enough to engage either of these, commonly applied
to Philippus or Caesar ; but when Cotta and Sulpicius were at
liberty, they generally had the preference ; so that all the
caiises in which any honour was to be acquired, were pleaded
by these six orators. We may add, that trials were not so
frequent then as they are at present ; neither did people
employ, as they do now, several pleaders on the same side of
the question ; a practice which is attended with many dis-
advantages. For hereby we are often obliged to speak in
reply to those whom we had not an opportunity of hearing ;
in which case, what has been alleged on the opposite side, is
often represented to us either falsely or imperfectly ; and
besides, it is a very material circumstance, that I myself
should be present to see with what countenance my antago-
nist supports his allegations, and, still more so, to observe
the effect of every part of his discourse upon the audience.
And as every defence should be conducted upon one uniform
plan, nothing can be more improperly contrived, than to
recommence it by assigning the peroration, or pathetical part
of it, to a second advocate. For every cause can have but
one natural introduction and conclusion ; and all the other
parts of it, like the members of an animal body, will best
retain their proper strength and beauty, when they are regu-
larly disposed and connected. We may add, that, as it is
very difficult in a single oration of any length, to avoid saying
something which does not comport with the rest of it so well
as it ought to do, how much more difficult must it be to con-
trive that nothing shall be said, which does not tally exactly
with the speech of another person who has spoken before you ?
But as it certainly requires more labour to plead a whole
cause, than only a part of it, and as many advantageous con-
nexions are formed by assisting in a suit in which several
persons are interested, the custom, however preposterous in
itself, lias been readily adopted.

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 463

LVIII. "There were some, however, who esteemed Curie
the third best orator of the age ; perhaps, because his lan-
guage was briUiant and pompous, and because he had a habit
(for which I suppose he was indebted to his domestic educa-
tion) of expressing himself with tolerable correctness ; for he
was a man of very little learning. But it is a circumstance
of great importance, what sort of people we ai-e used to con-
verse with at home, especially in the more early part of life;
and what sort of language we have been accustomed to hear
from our tutoi*s and parents, not excepting the mother. We
have all read the letters of Cornelia, the mother of the
Gracchi ; and are satisfied, that her sons were not so much
nurtured in their mother's lap, as in the elegance and
purity of her language. I have often too enjoyed the agree-
able conversation of Lselia, the daughter of Caius, and ob-
served in her a strong tincture of her father's elegance. I
have likewise conversed with his two daughters, the Muciae,
and his grand-daughters, the two Licinise, with one of whom
(the wife of Scipio) you, my Brutus, I believe, have some-
times been in company." " I have," replied he, " and was
much pleased with her conversation ; and the more so,
because she was the daughter of Crassus." " And what think
you," said I, " of Crassus the son of that Licinia, who was
adopted by Crassus in his will?" "He is said," replied he,
" to have been a man of great genius ; and the Scipio you
have mentioned, who was my colleague, likewise appears to
me to have been a good speaker, and an elegant companion."
" Your opinion, my Brutus," said I, " is very just. For this
family, if I may be allowed the expression, seems to have
been the offspring of wisdom. As to their two grandfathers,
Scipio and Crassus, we have taken notice of them already ; aa
we also have of their gi-eat grandfathers, Quintus Metellus, who
had four sons ; Publius Scipio, who, when a private citizen,
rescued the republic from the arbitrary influence of Tiberius
Gracchus ; and Quintus Scsevola, the augur, who was the
ablest and most affable civilian of his time. And lastly, how
illustrious are the names of their next immediate progenitors,
Publius Scipio, who was twice consul, and was called the
darling of the people ; and Caius Lselius, who was esteemed
the wisest of men." "A generous stock indeed!" cried
Brutus, " into which the wisdom of many has been succes-
Bively ingrafted, like a number of pcions on the same tree !"

464' BRUTUS; 0&,

LIX. " I have likewise a suspicion," replied I, " (if w«
may compare small things with great,) that Curios family,
though he himself was left an orphan, vas indebted to his
father's instruction, and good example, for the habitual
purity of their language ; and so much the more, because,
of all those who were held in any estim£.tion for their elo-
quence, I never knew one who was so totally uninformed and
unskilled in every branch of liberal science. He had not
read a single poet, or studied a single orator ; and he knew
little or nothing either of public, civil, or common law. We
might say almost the same, indeed, of several others, and
Bome of them very able orators, who (we know) were but
little acquainted with these useful parts of knowledge ; as,
for instance, of Sulpicius and Antonius. But this deficiency
was supplied in them by an elaborate knowledge of the
art of speaking ; and there was not one of them who was
totally unqualified in any of the five^ principal parts of
which it is composed ; for whenever this is the case, (and it
matters not in which of those parts it happens,) it entirely
incapacitates a man to shine as an oratoi*. Some, however,
excelled in one part, and some in another. Thus Antonius
could readily invent such arguments as were most in point,
and afterwards digest and methodize them to the best advan-
tage; and he could likewise retain the plan he had formed
with great exactness ; but his chief merit was the goodness
of his delivery, in which he was justly allowed to excel. In
some of these qualifications he was upon an equal footing with
Crassus, and in others he was superior; but then the lan-
guage of Crassus was indisputably preferable to his. In the
same manner, it cannot be said that either Sulpicius or Cotta,
or any other speaker of repute, was absolutely deficient in
any one of the five parts of oratory. But we may justly infei
from the example of Curio, that nothing will more recommend
an orator, than a brilliant and ready flow of expression ; for
he was remarkably dull in the invention, and very loose and
unconnected in the disposition, of his arguments.

LX. " The two remaining parts are, pronunciation and
memory ; in each of which he was so miserably defective, as
to excite the laughter and the ridicule of his hearers. Hia
gesture was really such as Caius Julius represented it, in
a severe sarcasm, that will never be forgotten ; for as he was

' Invention, disposition, elocution, memory, and pronunciation.

REMAEKS ON ElIINENT ORATOr.?, 4G5

Rwayiug and reeling his whole body from side to side, Julius
facetiously inquired who it was that was speaking from a
boat ? To the same purpose was the jest of Cneeus Sicinius, a
man very vulgar, but exceedingly humorous, which wa^ the
omy qualification he had to recommend him as an orator.
When this man, as tribune of the people, had summoned
Curio and Octavius, who were then consuls, into the forum,
and Curio had delivered a tedious harangue, while Octavius
sat silently by him, wrapt up in flannels, and besmeared with
ointments, to ease the pain of tha gout ; Octavius, said he,
you are infinitely obliged to your colleague; for if he had
not tossed and flung himself about to-day, in the manner he
did, you would certainly have been devoured by the flies. As
to his memory, it was so extremely treacherous, that after
he had divided his subject into three general heads, he would
sometimes, in the course of speaking, either add a fourth, or
omit the third. In a capital trial, in which I had pleaded for
Titinia, the daughter of Cotta, when he attempted to reply to
me in defence of Servius Najvius, he suddenly forgot every-
thing he intended to say, and attributed it to the pretended
witchcraft and magic artifices of Titinia. These were un-
doubted proofs of the weakness of his memory. But, what is
still more inexcusable, hte sometimes forgot, even in his
written treatises, what he had mentioned but a little before.
Thus, in a book of his, in which he introduces himself as en-
tering into conversation with our friend Pansa, and his son
Curio, when he was walking home from the senate-house ;
the senate is supposed to have been summoned by Csesar iu
his first consulship ; and the whole conversation arises from
the son's inquiry, what the house had resolved upon. Curio
launches out into a long invective against the conduct of
Csesar, and as is generally the custom in dialogues, the parties
are engaged in a close dispute on the subject; but very un-
happily, though the conversation commences at the breaking
up of the senate which Csesar held when he was first consul,
the author censures those very actions of the same Csesar,
which did not happen till the next, and several other suc-
ceeding years of his government in Gaul,"

LXI. " Is it possible then," said Brutus, with an air of
surprise, " that any man (and especially in a written per-
formnnce) could be so forgetful as not to discover, upon a
subsequent perusal of his own wox*k, what au egregi^ui

ttW T5RUTUS ; OR,

blunder he had committed?" " Very true," said I ; " for if
he wrcte with a design to discredit the measures which he
represents in such an odious light, nothing could be more
Atupid than not to commence his dialogue at a period which
was subsequent to those measures. But he so entirely forgets
himself, as to tell us, that he did not choose to attend a
senate which was held in one of Csesar's future consulships,
in the very same dialogue in which he introduces himself ai
returning home from a senate which was held in his first
consulship. It cannot, therefore, be wondered at, that he
who was so remarkably defective in a faculty which is the
handmaid of our other intellectual powers, as to forget, even
iri a written treatise, a material circumstance which he had
•mentioned but a little before, should find his memory fail him,
ns it generally did, in a sudden and unpremeditated harangue.
It accordingly happened, though he had many connexions,
and was fond of speaking in public, that few causes were
intrusted to his management. But, among his contem-
poraries, he was esteemed next in merit to the first orators of
the age; and that merely, as I said before, for his good
choice of words, and his uncommon readiness, and great
fluency of expression. His orations, therefore, may deserve a
cursory perusal. It is true, indeed, they are much too lan-
guid and spiritless ; but they may yet be of service to enlarge
and improve an accomplishment, of which he certainly had
a moderate share ; and which has so much force and efficacy,
that it gave Curio the appearance and reputation of an orator
without the assistance of any other good quality.

LXII. " But to return to our subject ; Caius Carbo, of
the same age, was likewise reckoned an orator of the second
class ; he was the son, indeed, of the truly eloquent man
before mentioned, but was far from being an acute speaker
himself; he was, however, esteemed an orator. His lan-
guage was tolerably nervous, he spoke with ease ; and there
■was an air of authority in his address that was perfectly
natural. But Quintus Varius was a man of quicker inven-
tion, and, at the same time, had an equal freedom of expres-
sion ; besides which, he had a bold and spirited delivery, and a
vein of elocution which was neither poor, nor coarse ano
vulgar ; in short, you need not hesitate to pronounce him an
orator. Cnseus Pomponius was a vehement, a rousing, and
a fierce and eager speaker, and more inclined to act the part ol

«EMAEKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 467

a prosecutor, than of an advocate. But far inferior to these waa
Lucius Fufius ; though his application was, in some measure,
rewarded by the success of his prosecution against Manius
Aquilius. For as to Marcus Drusus, your great uncle, who
spoke like an orator only upon matters of government ; Lucius
LucuUus, who was indeed an artful speaker, and your father,
my Brutus, who was well acquainted with the common and civil
law; Marcus Lucullus, and Marcus Octavius, the son of Cnseus,
■who was a man of so much authority and address, as to pro-
cure the repeal of Sempronius's corn-act, by the suiFrages of
a full assembly of the people ; Cnseus Octavius, the son of
Marcus; and Marcus Cato, the father, and Quintus Catulus,
the son ; we must excuse these (if I may so express myself)
from the fatigues and dangers of the field, — that is, from the
management of judicial causes, and place them in garrison
over the general interests of the republic, a duty to which
they seem to have been sufficiently adequate. I should have
assigned the same post to Quintus Csepio, if he had not been
so violently attached to the equestrian order, as to set him-
self at variance with the senate, I have also remarked, that
Cneeus Carbo, Marcus Marius, and several others of the same
stamp, who would not have merited the attention of an
audience that had any taste for elegance, were extremely well
suited to address a tumultuous crowd. In the same class
(if I may be allowed to interrupt the series of my narrative)
Lucius Quintius lately made his appearance; though Pali-
canus, it must be owned, was still better adapted to please
the ears of the populace. But, as I have mentioned this in-
ferior kind of speakers, I must be so just to Lucius Apuleius
Saturninus, as to observe that, of all the factious declaimere
since the time of the Gracchi, he was generally esteemed the
ablest; and yet he caught the attention of the public more
by his appearance, his gesture, and his dress, than by any
real fluency of expression, or even a tolerable share cf good
sense. But Caius Servilius Glaucia, though the most aban-
doned wretch that ever existed, was very keen and artful,
and excessively humorous; and notwithstanding the mean-
ness of his birth, and the depravity of his life, he would have
been advanced to the dignity of a consul in his pristorship, if
it had been judged lawful to admit his suit ; for the populace
were entirely at his devotion, and he had secured the interest
of the knights by an act he had procured in their favour.
hh2

468 BRUTUS ; oa,

He was slain in the open forum, while ne was praetor, on the
same day as the tribune Saturninus, in the consulship of
Marius and Flaccus : and bore a near resemblance to Hyper-
bolus, the Athenian, whose profligacy was so severely stigma-
tized in the old Attic comedies. These were succeeded by
Sextus Titius, who was indeed a voluble speaker, and pos
sessed a ready comprehension ; but he was so loose and effe-
minate in his gesture, as to furnish room for the invention of
a dance, which was called the Titian jig ; so careful should
we be to avoid every peculiarity in our manner of speaking,
which may afterwards be exposed to ridicule by a ludicrous
imitation.

LXIII. " But we have rambled back insensibly to a period
which has been already examined: let us, therefore, return
to that which we were reviewing a little before. Contemporary
with Sulpicius was Publius Antistius, a plausible declaimer,
who, after being silent for several years, and exposed (as he
often was) not only to the contempt, but the derision of his
hearers, first spoke with applause in his tribuneship, in a real
and very interesting protest against the illegal application of
Caius Julius for the consulship ; and that so much the more,
because, though Sulpicius himself, who then happened to be
his colleague, spoke on the same side of the debate, Antistius
argued more copiously, and to better purpose. This raised
his reputation so high, that many, and (soon afterwards)
every cause of importance, was eagerly recommended to his
patronage. To speak the truth, he had a quick conception,
a methodical judgment, and a retentive memory ; and though
his language was not much embellished, it was very far from
being low. In short, his style was easy and flowing, and his
appearance rather gentlemanly than otherwise ; but his action
was a little defective, partly through the disagreeable tone or
his voice, and partly by a few ridiculous gestures, of which
he could not entirely break himself He flourished in the
time between the flight and the return of Sylla, when the
republic was deprived of a regular administration of justice,
and of its former dignity and splendour. But the reception
which he met with was the more favourabh, as the forum
was in a measure destitute of good orators. For Sulpicius
was dead ; Cotta and Curio were abroad ; and no pleaders
of eminence were left but Carbo and Pomponius, from each
of whom he easily carried ofi" the palm.

REMARKS OS EMIXENT ORATORS. 46S

LXIV. " His nearest successor in the following age wan
Lucius Sisenna, who was a man of learning, had a taste for
the liberal sciences, spoke the Roman language with accuracy»
was well acquainted with the laws and constitution of hi&
country, and had a tolerable share of wit ; but he was not a
speaker of any great application, or extensive practice ; and
as he happened to live in the intermediate time between the
appeai-ance of Sulpicius and Hortensius, he was unable to equal
the furmer, and forced to yield to the superior talents of the
latter. We may easily form a judgment of his abilities from
the historical works he has left behind him ; which, though
evidently preferable to anything of the kind which had
appeared before, may serve as a proof that he was far below
the standard of perfection, and that this species of composi-
tion had not then been improved to any great degree of
excellence among the Romans. But the genius of Quintus
Hortensius, even in his early youth, like one of Phidias's sta-
tues, was no sooner beheld than it was universally admired !
He spoke his first oration in the forum in the consulship of Lu-
cius Crassus and Quintus Sceevola, to whom it was personally
addressed ; and though he was then only nineteen years old,
he descended ft'om the rostra with the hearty approbation
not only of the audience in general, but of the two consuls
themselves, who were the most intelligent judges in the
whole city. He died in the consulship of Lucius Paulus and
Caius Marcellus; from which it appears that he was four-
and-forty years a pleader. We shall review his character
more at large in the sequel ; but in this part of my history,
I chose to include him in the number of orators who were
rather of an earlier date. This indeed must necessarily
happen to all whose lives are of any considerable length ; for
they are equally liable to a comparison with their elders and
their juniors; as in the case of the poet Attius, who says
that both he and Pacuvius applied themselves to the cultiva-
tion of the drama under the same sediles; though, at the
tirae, the one was eighty, and the other only thirty years old.
Thus Hortensius may be compared not only with those who
vere properly his contemporaries, but with me, and you, my
Brutus, and with others of a prior date. For he began to speak
in public while Crassus was living ; but his fame increased
when he appeared as a joint advocate with Antonius and
Philippus (at that time ia the decline of life) in defence of

470 BRUTUS ; OR,

Cnteus Pompeius, — ^a cause in which (though a mere youth)
he di3tinguish(>d himself above the rest. He may therefore ba
included in the list of those whom I have placed in the time
of Sulpicius ; but among his proper coevals, such as Marcus
Piso, Marcus Crassus, Cnseus Lentulus, and Publius Lentulus
Sura, he excelled beyond the reach of competition ; and after
these he liappened upon me, in the early part of my life (for
I was eight years younger than himself), and spent a number
of years with me in pursuit of the same forensic glory ; and
at last, (a little before his death,) he once pleaded with you,
in defence of Appius Claudius, as I have frequently done for
others.

LXV. " Thus you see, my Brutus, I am come insensibly to
yourself, though there was undoubtedly a great variety of
orators between my first appearance in the forum, and yours.
But as I determined, when we began the conversation, to
make no mention of those among them who are still living,
to prevent your inquiring too minutely what is my opinion
concerning each ; I shall confine myself to such as are now no
more." " That is not the true reason," said Brutus, " wliy
you choose to be silent about the living." " What then do
you suppose it to be ?" said I. " You are only fearful,"
replied he, " that your remarks should afterwards be men-
tioned by us in other company, and that, by this means, you
should expose yourself to the resentment of those whom you
may not think it worth your while to notice." " Indeed,"
answered I, " I have not the least doubt of your secrecy."
" Neither have you any reason," said he ; " but after all, I
suppose, you had rather be silent yourself, than rely upon
our taciturnity." " To confess the truth," replied I, " when I
first entered upon the subject, I never imagined that I should
have extended it to the age now before us ; whereas I have
been drawn by a continued series of history among the
moderns of latest date." " Introduce, then," said he, " those
intermediate orators you may think worthy of our notice ;
and afterwards let us return to yourself, and Hortensius."
" To Hortensius," replied I, " with all my heart ; but as to
my own character, I shall leave it to other people to examine,
if they choose to take the trouble." " I can by no means
agree to that," said he ; " for though every part of the
account you have favoured us with, ha« entertained me very
agreeably, it now begins to seem, tedious, because I am

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 471

Imi.atient to hear something of ycurself; I do not meau the
wonderful qualities, but the progressive steps, and the advances
of your eloquence; for the former are sufficiently known
already both to me, and the whole world." " As you do not
require me," said I, " to sound the praises of my own genius,
but only to describe my labour and application to improve it,
your request shall be complied with. But to preserve the
order of my narrative, I shall first introduce such other
speakers as I think ought to be previously noticed.

" And I shall begin with Marcus Crassus, who was con-
■^-emporary with Hortensius. LXVI. With a tolerable share
of learning, and a very moderate capacity, his application,
assiduity, and interest, procured him a place among the
ablest pleadei-s of the time for several years. His language
was pure, his expression neither low nor vulgar, and his ideas
Avell digested ; but he had nothing in him that was florid
and ornamental ; and the real ardour of his mind was not
si» ported by any vigorous exertion oi his voice, so that he
pronounced almost everything in the same uniform tone.
His equal, and professed antagonist, Caius Fimbria, was not
able to maintain his character so long ; and though he always
spoke with a strong and elevated voice, and poured forth
a rapid torrent of well-chosen expressions, he was so im-
moderately vehement that you might justly be surprised that
the people should have been so absent and inattentive as
to admit a madman, like him. into the list of orators. As to
Cnseus Lentulus, his action acquired him a reputation for his
eloquence very far beyond his real abilities j for though he
was not a man of any great penetration (notwithstanding he
carried the appearance of it in his countenance), nor possessed
any real fluency of expression (though he was equally specious
in this respect as in the former), yet by his sudden breaks,
and exclamations, he affected such an ironical air of surprise,
with a sweet and sonorous tone of voice, and h\?. wliole
action was so warm and lively, that his defects were scarcely
noticed. For as Curio acquired the reputation of an orator
with no other quality than a tolerable freedom of elocution,
BO Cnajiis Lentulus concealed the mediocrity of his other
accomplishments by his action, which was really excellent.
Much the same might be said of Publius Lentulus, whose
poverty of invention and expression was secured from notice
by the mere dig^iity of his presence, lub correct and graceful

472 BRUTUS ; or,

gesture, and the sti-ength and sweetness of his voice ; and his
merit depended so entirely upon his action, that he was more
deficient in every other quality than his namesake.

LXVII. " But Marcus Piso derived all his talents from
his erudition ; for he was much better versed in Grecian
literatux'e than any of his predecessors. He had, however, a
natural keenness of discernment, which he greatly improved
by art, and exerted with great address and dexterity, though
in very indiflFerent language ; but he was frequently warm
and choleric, sometimes cold and insipid, and now and then
rather smart and humorous. He did not long support the
fatigue aud emulous contention of the forum ; partly on
account of the weakness of his constitution ; and partly,
because he could not submit to the follies and impertinences
of the common people (which we orators are forced to
swallow), either, as it was generally supposed, from a peculiar
moroseness of temper, or from a liberal and ingenuous pride
of heart. After acquiring, therefore, in his youth, a tolerable
degree of reputation, his character began to sink ; but in the
trial of the Vestals, he again recovered it with some additional
lustre, and being thus recalled to the theatre of eloquence, he
kept his rank, as long as he was able to support the fatigue
of it; after which his credit declined, in proportion as he
remitted his application. Publius Murena had a moderate
genius, but was passionately fond of the study of antiquity;
he applied himself with equal diligence to the belles lettres,
in which he was tolerably vei'sed ; in short, he was a man of
great industry, and took the utmost pains to distinguish
himself. Caius Censorinus had a good stock of Grecian
literature, explained whatever he advanced with great neat-
ness and perspicuity, and had a graceful action, but was too
cold and inanimate for the forum. Lucius Turius, with
a very indifferent genius, but the most indefatigable applica-
tion, spoke in public very often, in the best manner he was
able ; and, accordingly, ho only wanted the votes of a few
centuries to promote him to the consulship. Caius Mtcer
was never a man of much interest or authority, but was one
of the most active pleaders of his time ; and if his life, his
manners, and his very looks, had not ruined the credit of his
genius, he would have ranked higher in the list of oratora.
He was neither copio'is, nor dry and ban-en ; neither neat
and embellished, nor wholly inelegant ; and his voice, his

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORA.TOR8. 473

gest.ure, and every part of his action, was without any grace j
but in inventing and digesting his ideas, he had a won-
derful accuracy, such as no man I ever saw either possessed
or exerted in a more eminent degree ; and yet, somehow, he
displayed it rather with the air of a quibbler, than of an
orator. Though he had acquired some reputation in public
causes, he appeared to most advantage and was most courted
and employed in private ones.

LXVIII. " Caius Piso, who comes next in order, had
scarcely any exertion, but he was a speaker who adopted
a very familiar style ; and though, in fact, he was far from
being slow of invention, he had more penetration in his look
and appearance than he really possessed. His contemporary,
Marcus Glabrio, though carefully instructed by his grandfather
Scjevola, was prevented from distinguishing himself by his
natural indolence and want of attention. Lucius Torquatus,
on the contrary, had an elegant turn of expression, and a clear
comprehension, and was perfectly polite and well-bred in his
whole manner. But Cnseus Pompeius, my coeval, a man who
was born to excel in everything, would have acquired a more
distinguished reputation for his eloquence, if he had not
been diverted from the pursuit of it by the more dazzling
charms of military fame. His language was naturally bold
and elevated, and he was always master of his subject ; and
as to his powers of enunciation, his voice was sonorous and
manly, and his gesture noble and full of dignity. Decimus
Silanus, another of my contemporaries, and your father-in-
law, was not a man of much application, but he had a very
competent share of discernment and elocution. Quintus
Pompeius, the son of Aulus, who had the title of Bithynicus,
and was about two years older than myself, was, to my own
knowledge, remarkably fond of the study of eloquence, had an
uncommon stock of learning, and was a man of indefatigable
industry and perseverance ; for he was connected with Marcus
Piso and me, not only as an intimate acquaintance, but
as an associate in our studies and private exercises. His
elocution was but ill recommended by his action ; for though
the former was sufficiently copious and diffusive, there was
nothing graceful in the latter. His contemporary, Publiua
Autronius, had a very clear and strong voice ; but ho waa
distinguished by no other accomplishment. Lucius Octxvim
Reatinus died in his youth, while he was in full practice ; but

474 BRUTUS ; or,

he ascended the lostra with more assurance than abihty,
Caius Staienus, who changed his name :*»to ^EHns by a kind
of self-adoption, was a warm, an abusive, and indeed a furious
speaker; which was so agreeable to the taste of many, that
he would have risen to some rank in the state, if it had not
been for a crime of which he was clearly convicted, and for
which he afterwards suffered.

LXIX. " At the same time were the two brothci-s CViius
and Lucius Caspasius, who, though men cf an obscure family
and little previous consequence, were yet, by mere dint of
application, suddenly promoted to the quaestorship, with no
other recommendation than a provincial and unpolished kind
of oratory. That I may not seem wilfully to omit any de-
claimer, I must also notice Caius Cosconius Calidianus, who,
without any discernment, amused the people with a rapidity
of language (if such it might be called) which he attended
with a perpetual hurry of action, and a most violent exertion
of his voice. Of much the same cast was Quintus Arrius,
who may be considered as a second-hand Maixus Crassus.
He is a striking proof of what consequence it is in such a
city as ours to devote oneself to the interests of the many,
and to be as active as possible in promoting their safety, or
their honour. For by these means, though of the lowest
parentage, having raised himself to offices of rank, and to
considerable wealth and influence, he likewise acquired the
reputation of a tolerable patron, without either learning or
abilities. But as inexperienced champions, who, from a pas-
sionate desire to distinguish themselves in the circus, can bear
the blows of their opponents without shrinking, are often
overpowered by the heat of the sun, when it is increased by
the reflection of the sand ; so he, who had hitherto supported
even the sharpest encounters with good success, could not
stand the severity of that year of judicial contest, which
blazed upon him like a summer's sun."

" Upon my word," cried Atticus, " you are now treating us
with the very dregi of oratory, and you have entertained us
in this manner for some time ; but I did not offer to inter-
rupt you, because I never dreamed you would have descended
BO low as to mention the Staieni and Autronii !" " As I hav6
been speaking of the dead, you will not imagine, I suppose,*
Baid I, " that I have done Xi to court their favour ; but in
pursuing the order '>f history, I was necessarily led by degreei

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 475

to a period of time which falls within the compass of our own
knowledge. But I wish it to be noticed, that after recount-
ing all who ever ventured to speak in public, we find but
few (very few indeed !) whose names are worth recording ;
and not many who had even the repute of being orators. Let
us, however, return to our subject.

LXX. " Titus Torquatus, then, the son of Titus, was a
man of learning, (which he first acquired in the school of
Molo in Rhodes,) and of a free and easy elocution which he
received from nature. If he had lived to a proper age, he
would have been chosen consul, without any solicitation ;
but he had more ability for speaking, than inclination ; so
that, in fact, he did not do justice to the art he professed ;
and yet he was never wanting to his duty, either in the pri-
vate causes of his friends and dependents, or in his senatorial
capacity. My townsman, too, Marcus Pontidius, pleaded a
number of private causes. He had a rapidity of expression,
and a tolerable quickness of comprehension ; but he was very
warm, and indeed rather too choleric and irascible ; so that
he often wrangled, not only with his antagonist, but (what
appears very strange) with the judge himself, whom it was
rather his business to sooth and gratify. Marcus Messala,
who was something younger than myself, was far from being
a poor and abject pleader, and yet he was not a very ele-
gant one. He was judicious, penetrating, and wary, very
exact in digesting and methodizing his subject, and a man of
uncommon diligence and application, and of very extensive
practice. As to the two Metelli, (Celer and Nepos,) these also
had a moderate share of employment at the bar ; but being
destitute neither of learning nor abilities, they chiefly applied
themselves (and with some success) to debates of a more
popular kind. But Cnseus Lentulus Marcellinus, who was
never reckoned a bad speaker, was esteemed a very eloquent
one in his consulship. He wanted neither sentiment nor
expression ; his voice was sweet and sonorous ; and he had a
sufficient stock of humour. Caius Memmius, the son of Lucius,
was a perfect adept in the learning of the Greeks ; for he had
an insuperable disgust to the literature of the Romans. He
was a neat and polished speaker, and had a sweet and harmo-
nious turn of expression ; but as he was equally averse to
every laborious effort either of the mind or the tongue, hia
eloquence declined in proportion as he lessened his application."

476 BRUTUS ; or,

LXXI. " But I heartily wish," said Brutus, " that you
would give us your opinion of those orators who are still
living ; or, if you are determined to say nothing of the rest,
there are two at least, (that is, Csesar and Marcellus, whom
I have often heard you speak of with the highest approba-
tion,) whose characters would give me as much entertainment
as any of those you have already specified." " But why,"
answered I, " sb^uld you expect that I should give you my
opinion of men who are as well known to yourself as to me f '
" Marcellus, indeed," replied he, " I am very well acquainted
with ; but as to Ceesar, I know little of him. For I have
heard the former very often ; but by the time I was able to
hidge for myself, the latter had set out for his province."
" But what," said I, " think you of him whom you have heard
so often? " "What else can I think," replied he, "but that you
will soon have an orator, who will very nearly resemble your-
self? " " If that is the case," answered I, " pray think of him as
favourably as you can." " I do," said he ; " for he pleases
me very highly ; and not without reason. He is absolutely
master of his profession, and, neglecting every other, has
applied himself solely to this ; and, foi that purpose, has
persevered in the rigorous task of composing a daily essay in
writing. His words are well chosen ; his language is full
and copious ; and everything he says receives an additional
ornament from the graceful tone of his voice, and the dignity
of his action. In short, he is so complete an orator, that
there is no quality I know of, in which I can think him defi-
cient. But he is still more to be admii-ed, for being able, in
these unhappy times, (which are marked with a distress that,
by some cruel fatality, has overwhelmed us all,) to cou.«ole
himself, as opportunity offers, with the consciousness of his
own integrity, and by the frequent renewal of his literary
pursuits. I saw him lately at Mitylene ; and then (as I have
already hinted) I saw him a thorough man. For though 1
had before discovered in him a strong resemblance of your-
self, the likeness was much improved after he was enriched
by the instructions of your learned and very intimate friend
Cratippus." " Though I acknowledge," said I, " that T have
listened with pleasure to your eulogies on a very worthy
aaan, for whom I have the warmest esteem, they have led
me insensibly to the recollection of our common miseries,
which our present convensation was intended to suspend.

BKMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 477

But I would willingly hear what is Atticus's opimon of
Cffisar."

liXXII. " Upon my word," replied Atticus, "you are
wonderfully consistent with your plan, to say nothing yonr~
telf of the living ; and indeed, if you were to deal with thmi,
as you already have with the dead, and say something of
every paltry fellow that occurs to your rcemory, you would
plague us with Autronii and Staieni without end. But though
you might possibly have it in view not to encumber yourself
with such a numerous crowd of insignificant wretches; or
perhaps, to avoid giving any one room to complain that he
was either unnoticed, or not extolled according to his ima-
ginary merit ; yet, certainly, you might have said something
of Csesar ; especially, as your opinion of his abilities is well
known to everybody, and his concerning yours is very far
from being a secret. But, however," said he, (addressing
himself to Brutus,) " T really think of Csesar, and everybody
else says the same of this accurate master in the art of speak-
ing, that he has the purest and the most elegant command of
the Roman language of all the orators that have yet appeared ;
and that not merely by domestic habit, as we have lately heard
it observed of the families of the Lselii and the Mucii, (though
even here, I believe, this might partly have been the case,) but
he chiefly acquired and brought it to its present perfection, by a
studious application to the most intricate and refined branches
of literature, and by a careful and constant attention to the
purity of his style. But that he, who, involved as he was in
a perpetual hurry of business, could dedicate to you, my
Cicero, a laboured treatise on the art of speaking con^ectly ;
that he, who, in the first book of it, laid it down as an axiom,
that an accurate choice of words is the foundation of elo-
quence ; and who has bestowed," said he, (addressing himself
again to Brutus,) " the highest encomiums on this friend of
ours, who yet chooses to leave CtBsar's character to me; — that
he should be a perfect master of the language of polite con-
versation, is a circumstance which is almost too obvious to be
mentioned. I said, the highest encomiums, ^^ pursued Atticus,
" because he says in so many words, when he addresses himself
to Cicero, ' If others have bestowed all their time and atten-
tion to acquire a habit of expressing themselves with ease and
correctness, how much is the name and dignity of the Romau
people indebted to you, who are the highest pattern, au<J

478 BRUTUS ; on,

indeed the first inventor of that rich fertility of language
which distinguishes your performances.'"

LXXIII. "Indeed," said Brutus, " I think he has extolled
your merit in a very friendly and a very magnificent style ;
for you are not only the highest pattern, and even the first
inventor of all our fertility of language, which alone is praise
enough to content any reasonable man, but you have added
fresh honours to the name and dignity of the Roman people ;
for the very excellence in which we had hitherto been con-
quered by the vanquished Greeks, has now been either wrested
from their hands, or equally shared, at least, between us and
them. So that I prefer this honourable testimony of Caesar, I
will not say to the public thanksgiving which was decreed
for your ovm military services, but to the triumphs of many
heroes." " Very true," replied I, " provided this honourable
testimony was really the voice of Caesar's judgment, and
not of his friendship ; for he certainly has added more to the
dignity of the Roman people, whoever he may be, (if indeed
any such man has yet existed,) who has not only exemplified
and enlarged, but first produced this rich fertility of expres-
sion, than the doughty warriors who have stormed a few paltry
castles of the Ligurians, which have furnished us, you know,
with many repeated triumphs. In reality, if we can submit
to hear the truth, it may be asserted (to say nothing of those
godlike plans, which, supported by the wisdom of our generals,
have frequently saved the sinking state both abroad and at
home) that an orator is justly entitled to the preference
to any commander in a petty war. But the general, you
will say, is the more serviceable man to the public. Nobody
denies it : and yet (for I am not afraid of provoking your
censure, in a conversation which leaves each of us at liberty
to say what he thinks) I had rather be the author of the
single oration of Crassus, in defence of Curius, than be
honoured with two Ligurian triumphs. You will, perhaps,
reply, that the storming a castle of the Ligurians was a thing
of more consequence to the state, than that the claim of
Curius should be ably supported. This I own to be true.
But it was also of more consequence to the Athenians, that
their houses should be securely roofed, than to have their
city graced with a most beautiful statue of Minerva ; and yet,
notwithstanding this, I would much rather have been a
Phidias, than the most skilful joiner in Athens. In the

1

REXAUES ON EMINENT OFiATORC. 479

present case therefore, we are not to consider a man's useful-
ness but tne strength of his abilities; especially as the
number of painters and statuaries who have excelled in their
profession, is very small; whereas there can never be any
want of joiners and mechanical labourers. LXXIV. But
proceed, my Atticus, with Csesar ; and oblige us with the
remainder of his character." " We see then," said he, " from
what has just been mentioned, that a pure and coirect style
is the groundwork, and the very basis and foundation, upon
which an orator must build his other accomplishments ;
though it is true, that those who had hitherto possessed it,
derived it more from early habit, than from any principles of
art. It is needless to refer you to the instances of Lselius
and Scipio ; for a purity of language, as well as of manners,
was the characteristic of the age they lived in. It could not,
indeed, be applied to every one ; for their two contemporaries,
Csecilius and Pacuvius, spoke very incorrectly ; but yet people
in general who had not resided out of the city nor been cor-
inipted by any domestic barbarisms, spoke the Roman lan-
guage with purity. Time, however, as well at Eome as in
Greece, soon altered matters for the worse ; for this city (as
had formerly been the case at Athens) was resorted to by a
crowd of adventurers from different parts, who spoke very
corruptly; which shows the necessity of reforming our lan-
guage, and reducing it to a certain standard, which shall not
be liable to vary like the capricious laws of custom. Though
we were then very young, we can easily remember Titus
Flamininus, who was joint-consul with Quintus Metelhis ; he
was supposed to speak his native language with correctness,
but was a man of no literature. As to Catulus, he was far
indeed from being destitute ci learning, as you have already
observed; but his reputed purity of diction was chiefly
owing to the sweetness of his voice and the delicacy of his
accent. Cotta, who, by his broad pronunciation, lost all
resemblance of the elegant tone of the Greeks, and affected a
harsh and nistic utterance, quite opposite to that of Catulus,
acquired the same reputation of correctness, by pursuing a
wild and unfrequented path. But Sisenna, -ffho had the am-
bition to think of reforming our phraseology, could not be
lashed out of his whimsical and new-fangled turns of expres-
sion, by all the raillery of Caius Rusius." " Wliat do you refer
to ?" said Brutus ; " and who was the Caius. Eusms you ara

4Sd BRUTUS ; OR,

speaking of?" "He was a noted prosecutor," repiied he^
*' some years ago. When this man had supported an indict-
ment against one Caius Rutilius, Sisenna, who was counsel
for the defendant, told him, that several parts of his accu-
sation were spitatical} LXXV. My lords, cried Rusius
to the judges, / shall he cruelly over-reached, unless you
give me your assistance. His charge overpowers my com'
prehension; and I am afraid he has some unfair design
upon me. What, in the name of heaven, can he intend hy
SPITATICAL 1 / hnow the meaning of spit, or spittle ; but this
horrid atical, at the end of it, absolutely puzzles me. The
whole bench laughed very heartily at the singular oddity of
the expression ; my old friend, however, was still of opinion,
that to speak correctly, was to speak diflferently from other
people.

" But Caesar, who was guided by the principles of art, has
corrected the imperfections of a vicious custom, by adopting
the rules and improvements of a good one, as he found them
occasionally displayed in the course of polite conversation.
Accordingly, to the purest elegance of expression, (which is
equally necessary to every well-bred citizen, as to an orator,)
he has added all the various ornaments of elocution ; so that
he seems to exhibit the finest painting in the most advan-
tageous point of view. As he has such extraordinary merit
even in the tenor of his language, I must confess that there
is no person I know of, to whom he should yield the prefer-
ence. Besides, his manner of speaking, both as to his voiee
and gesture, is splendid and noble, without the least appear-
ance of artifice or afiectation ; and there is a dignity in his
very presence, which bespeaks a great and elevated mind."
" Indeed," said Brutus, " his orations please me highly ; for
I have had the satisfaction to read several of them. He has
likewise written some commentaries, or short memoirs, of
his own transactions." " And such," said I, " as merit the
highest approbation ; for they are plain, correct, and graceful,
and divested of all the ornaments of language, so as to appear
(if I may be allowed the expression) in a kind of undress.
But while he pretended only to furnish the loose materials,
for such as might be inclined to compose a regular history,

• 111 the original tputatilica, worthy to be spit upon. It ippeara,
from the connexion, to have been a word whimsically derived by thi
author of 't from ymta, spittle.

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 481

he may, perhaps, have gratified the vanity of a few literary
frisseurs; but he has certainly prevented all sensible men
from attempting any improvement on his plan. For, in his-
tory, nothing is more pleasing than a correct and elegant
brevity of expression. With your leave, however, it is high
time to return to those orators who have quitted the stage
of life.

LXXVI. " Caius Sicinius, then, who was a grandson of the
censor Quintus Pompey, by one of his daughters, died after
his advancement to the qusestorship. He was a speaker of
some merit and reputation, which he derived from the system
of Hermagoras ; who, though he furnished but little assist-
ance for acquiring an ornamental style, gave many useful
precepts to expedite and improve the invention of an orator.
For in this system we have a collection of fixed and determi-
nate rules for public speaking ; which are delivered indeed
without any show or parade, (and I might have added, in
a trivial and homely form,) but yet are so plain and me-
thodical, that it is almost impossible to mistake the road.
By keeping close to these, and always digesting his subject
before he ventured to speak upon it, (to which we may add,
that he had a tolerable fluency of expression,) he so far suc-
ceeded, without any other assistance, as to be ranked among
the pleaders of the day. As to Caius Visellius Varro, who
was my cousin, and a contemporary of Sicinius, he was a man
of great learning. He died while he was a member of the
court of inquests, into which he had been admitted after the
expiration of his cedileship. The public, I confess, had not the
same opinion of his abilities that I have : for he never passed
as a man of sterling eloquence among the people. His speech
was excessively quick and rapid, and consequently indistinct ;
for, in fact, it was embarrassed and obsctured by the celerity
of its course ; and yet, after all, you will scarcely find a man
who had a better choice >f words, or a richer vein of sen-
timent. He had besides, a complete fund of polite literature,
and a thorough knowledge of the principles of jurisprudence,
which he learned from his father Aculeo. To proceed in
our account of the dead, the next that presents himself is
Lucius Torquatus, whom you will not so readily pronounce
a proficient in the art of speaking (though he was by no
means destitute of elocution), as what is called by the
Greeks, a political adept. He had a plentiful stock of

482 BRUTUS ; on,

learning, not indeed of the common sort, but of a more
abstruse and curious nature ; he had likewise an admirable
memory, and a very sensible and elegant turn of expression ;
aU which qualities derived an additional grace from the
dignity of his deportment, and the integrity of his manners.
I was also highly pleased with the style of his contemporary
Triai'ius, which expressed to perfection the character of a
worthy old gentleman, who had been thoroughly polished by
the refinements of literature. What a venemble severity
was there in his look ! what forcible solemnity in his lan-
guage ! and how thoughtful and deliberate every word he
spoke !" At the mention of Torquatus and Triarius, for each
of whom he had the most afiectionate veneration, " It fills
my heart with anguish," said Brutus, " (to omit a thousand
other circumstances,) when I reflect, as I cannot help doing,
on your mentioning the names of these worthy men, that
your long-respected authority was insufficient to procure
an accommodation of our differences. The republic woiild
not otherwise have been deprived of these, and many other
excellent citizens." " Not a word more," said I, " on this
melancholy subject, which can only aggravate our sorrow ;
for as the remembrance of what is already past is painful
enough, the prospect of what is yet to come is still more
afflicting. Let us, therefore, drop our unavailing complaints,
and (agreeably to our plan) confine our attention to the
forensic merits of our deceased friends.

LXXVII. " Among those, then, who lost their lives in this
unhappy war, was Marcus Bibulus, who, though not a pro-
fessed orator, was a very accurate writer, and a solid and
experienced advocate ; and Appius Claudius, your father-in-
law, and my colleague and intimate acquaintance, who was
not only a hard student, and a man of leai-ning, but a prac-
tised orator, a skilful augurist and civilian, and a thorough
adept in the Roman history. As to Lucius Domitius, he
was totally unacquainted with any rules of art ; but he spoke
his native language with purity, and had a great freedom of
address. We had likewise the two Lentuli, men of consular
dignity ; one of whom, (I mean Publius,) the avenger of my
wrongs, and the author of my restoration, derived all his
powers and accomplishments from the assistance of art, and
not from the bounty of nature ; but he had such a great and
noble disposition, that he claimed all the honours of the most

REMARKS ON EaiNENT ORATORS. 483

illustrious citizens, and supported them with the utmost
dignity of character. The other (Lucius Lentulus) was an
animated speaker, for it would be saying too much, perhaps,
to call him an orator ; but, unhappily, he had an utter aver-
sion to the trouble of thinking. His voice was sonorous ; and
his language, though not absolutely harsh and forbidding,
was warm and vigorous, and carried in it a kind of terror.
In a judicial trial, you would probably have wished for a
more agreeable and a keener advocate ; but in a debate on
matters of government, you would have thought his abilities
sufficient. Even Titus Postumius had such powers of utter-
ance as were not to be despised ; but in political matters; he
spoke with the same unbridled ardour he fought with ; in
short, he was much too warm ; though it must be owned he
possessed an extensive knowledge of the laws and constitution
of his country."

" Upon my word," cried Atticus, " if the persons you have
mentioned were still living, I should be apt to imagine that
you were endeavouring to solicit their favour. For you intro-
duce everybody who had the courage to stand up and speak
his mind ; so that I almost begin to wonder how Marcus
Servilius has escaped your notice." LXXVIII. " I am,
indeed, very sensible," replied I, "that there have been
many who never spoke in public, that were much better
qualified for the task, than those orators I have taken the
pains to enumerate;^ but I have, at least, answered one pur-
pose by it, which is to show you, that in this populous city we
have not had very many who had the resolution to speak at
all ; and that even among these, there have been few who were
entitled to our applause. I cannot, therefore, neglect to take
some notice of those worthy knights, and my intimate friends,
very lately deceased, Publius Cominius Spoletinus, against
whom I pleaded in defence of Caius Cornelius, and who was
a methodical, spirited, and ready speaker; and Tiberius
Accius, of Pisaurum, to whom I replied in behalf of Aulus
Cluentius, and who was an accurate, and a tolerably copious
advocate : he was also well instructed in the precepts of Her-
magoras, which, though of little service to embellish and
enrich our elocution, furnish a variety of arguments, which,
like the weapons of the light infantry, may be readily
managed, and are adapted to every subject of debate. I must

* This waa probably intended as an indirect compliment to Attlcu%
II 2

484 BEUTUS ; OE,

»dd, that I never knew a man of greater industry and appli-
cation. As to Caius Piso, my son-in-law, it is scarcely possible
to mention any one who was blessed with a finer capacity.
He was constantly employed either in public speaking, and
private declamatory exercises, or, at least, in writing and
thinking : and, consequently, he made such a rapid progress,
that he rather seemed to fly than to run. He had an elegani
choice of expression, and the structure of his periods was
^>erfectly neat and harmonious ; he had an astonishing variety
and strength of argument, and a lively and agreeable turn of
thought; and his gesture was naturally so graceful, that it
appeared to have been formed (which it really was not) by
the nicest rules of art. I am rather fearful, indeed, that
I should be thought to have been prompted by my affection
for him to have given him a greater character than he
deserved ; but this is so far from being the case, that I might
justly have ascribed to him many qualities of a different and
more valuable nature ; for in continence, social ardour, and
every other kind of virtue, there was scarcely any of his
contemporaries who was worthy to be compared with him.

LXXIX. " Marcus Caelius too must not pass unnoticed^
notwithstanding the unhappy change, either of his fortune oi
disposition, which marked the latter part of his life. As long
as he was directed by my influence, he behaved himself so
well as a tribune of the people, that no man supported the
Interests of the senate, and of all the good and virtuous, in
opposition to the factious and unruly madness of a set of
abandoned citizens, with more firmness than he did ; a part
in which he was enabled to exert himself to great advantage,
by the force and dignity of his language, and his lively
humour and polite address. He spoke several harangues in
a very sensible style, and three spirited invectives, which
originated from our political disputes; and his defensive
speeches, though not equal to the former, were yet tolerably
good, and had a degree of merit which was far from being
contemptible. After he had been advanced to the sedileship,
by the hearty approbation of all the better sort of citizens, as
he had lost my company (for I was then abroad in Cilicia) ha
likewise lost himself; and entirely sunk his credit, by imitat-
ing the conduct of those very men, whom he had before s»
successfully opposed. But Marciis Calidius has a more parti
cxusx claim to our notice for the singularity of his character

REMAKES ON BKINENT OBATOR& 485

irhich cannot so properly be said to have entitled him
to a place among our other orators, as to distinguish him
from the whole fraternity; for in him we beheld the most
uncommon and the most delicate sentiments, arrayed in the
softest and finest language imaginable. Nothing could be
so easy as the turn and compass of his periods ; nothing so
ductile ; nothing more pliable and obsequious to his will ; so
that he had a greater command of words than any orator what-
ever. In short, the flow of his language was so pure and
limpid, that nothing could be clearer; and so free, that it
was never clogged or obstructed. Every word was exactly
in the place where it should be, and disposed (as Lucilius
expresses it) with as much nicety as in a curious piece of
mosaic work. We may add, that he had not a single expres-
sion which was either harsh, unnatural, abject, or far-fetched;
and yet he was so far from confining himself to the plain and
ordinary mode of speaking, that he abounded greatly in the
metaphor, — ^but such metaphors as did not appear to usurp a
post that belonged to another, but only to occupy their own.
These delicacies were displayed, not in a loose and effeminate
style, but in such a one as was strictly numerous, without
either appearing to be so, or running on with a dull uni-
formity of sound. He was likewise master of the various
ornaments of language and thought which the Greeks call
£gures, whereby he enlivened and embellished his style as
with so many forensic decorations. We may add that he
readily discovered, upon all occasions, what was the real
point of debate, and where the stress of the argument lay ;
and that his method of ranging his ideas was extremely artful,
his action gentlemanly, and his whole manner very engaging
and very sensible. LXXX. In short, if to speak agreeably is
the chief merit of an orator, you will find no one who was
better qualified than Calidius.

" But as we have observed a little before, that it is the
business of an orator to instruct, to please, and to move the
passions; he was, indeed, perfectly master of the first two ; for
no one could better elucidate his subject, or charm the atten-
tion of his audience. But as to the third qualification, the
moving and alarming the passions, which is of much greater
efficacy than the former, he was wholly destitute of it. He
had no force, no exertion ; either by his own choice, and
from an opinion that those who had a loftier turn of expre»«

486 BRUTUS ; OR,

won, and a more warm and spirited action, were little bettei
than madmen; or because it was contrary to his natural
temper and habitual practice; or, lastly, because it was
beyond the strength of his abilities. If, indeed, it is a useless
quality, his want of it was a real excellence ; but if otherwise,
it was certainly a defect. I particularly remember, that
when he prosecuted Quintus Gallius for an attempt to poison
him, and pretended that he had the plainest proofs of it, and
could produce many letters, witnesses, informations, and
other evidences to put the truth of his charge beyond a
doubt, interspersing many sensible and ingenious remarks on
the nature of the crime ; — I remember, I say, that when it
tame to my turn to reply to him, after urging every argu-
ment which the case itself suggested, I insisted upon it as a
material circumstance in favour of my client, that the prose-
cutor, while he charged him with a design against his life, and
assured us that he had the most indubitable proofs of it then
in his hands, related his story with as much ease, and as
much calmness and indifference, as if nothing had happened.

* Would it have been possible,' said I, (addressing myself to
Calidius,) ' that you should speak with this air of unconcern,
unless the charge was purely an invention of your own 1 And,
above all, that you, whose eloquence has often vindicated the
wi'ongs of other people with so much spirit, should speak so
coolly of a crime which threatened your life? Where was
that expression of resentment which is so natural to the in-
jured 1 Where that ardour, that eagerness, which extorts the
most pathetic language even from men of the dullest capa-
cities ? There was no visible disorder in your mind, no
emotion in your looks and gesture, no smiting of the thigh or
the forehead, nor even a single stamp of the foot. You were,
therefore, so far from interesting our feelings in your favour,
that we could scarcely keep our eyes open, while you were
relating the dangers you had so narrowly escaped.' Thus we
»mployed the natural defect, or, if you please, the sensible
talmness of an excellent orator, as an argument to invalidate
ais charge," " But is it possible to doubt," cried Brutus,

* whether this was a sensible quality, or a defect 1 For as the
greatest merit of au orator is to be able to inflame the
passions, and give them such a bias as shall best answer hia
purpose; he who is destitute of this must certainly be de-
ficient iu the most capital part of his profession "

I

EEMAUKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 487

LXXXl. " I am of the same opinion," said I ; "but let va
aow proceed to him (Hortensius) who is the only remdSnini.
orator worth noticing; after which, as you seem to insis?
upon it, I shall say something of myself. I must first, how
ever, do justice to the memory of two promising youths,
who, if they had lived to a riper age, would have acquired the
highest reputation for their eloquence." " You mean, I
suppose," said Brutus, " Caius Curio, and Caius Licinius
Calvus." " The very same," replied I. " One of them, besides
his plausible manner, had such an easy and voluble flow
of expression, and such an inexhaustible variety, and some-
times accuracy of sentiment, that he was one of the most
ready and ornamental speakers of his time. Though he had
received but little instruction from the professed masters
of the art, nature had furnished him with an admirable capa-
city for the practice of it. I never, indeed, discovered in him
any great degree of application ; but he was certainly very
ambitious to distinguish himself ; and if he had continued to
listen to my advice, as he had begun to do, he would have
preferred the acquisition of real honour to that of untimely
grandeur." " What do you mean T said Brutus ; " or in what
manner are these two objects to be distinguished?" " I dis-
tinguish them thus," replied I : " as honour is the reward of
virtue, conferred upon a man by the choice and afiection of
his fellow-citizens, he who obtains it by their free votes and
suffrages is to be considered, in my opinion, as an honourable
member of the community. But he who acquires his power
and authority by taking advantage of every unhappy incident,
and without the consent of his fellow-citizens, as Curio aimed
to do, acquires only the name of honour, without the sub-
stance. Whereas, if he had hearkened to me, he would have
risen to the highest dignity, in an honourable manner, and
with the hearty approbation of all men, by a gradual advance-
ment to public offices, as his father and many other eminent
citizens had done before. I often gave the same advice to
Publius Crassus, the son of Marcus, who courted my friend-
ship in the early part of his life ; and recommended it to him
very warmly, to consider that as the truest path to honour
which had been already marked out to him by the example
of his ancestors. For he had been extremely well educated,
and was perfectly versed in eveiy branch of polite literature ;
he had likewise a penetrating genius, and an elegant variety

488 BRUTUS ; or,

of expression; and appeared grave and sententious leithout
arrogance, and modest and diffident without dejection. But,
like many other young men, he was carried away by the tide
of ambition ; and after serving a short time with reputation
as a volunteer, nothing could satisfy him but to try his for-
tune as a general, an employment which was confined by the
wisdom of our ancestors to men who had arrived at a certain
age, and who, even then, were obliged to submit their pre-
tensions to the uncertain issue of a public decision. Thus, by
exposing himself to a fatal catastrophe, while he was endea-
vouring to rival the fame of Cyrus and Alexander, who lived to
finish their desperate career, he lost all resemblance of Lucius
Crassus, and his other worthy progenitors. LXXXII. But
let us return to Calvus, whom we have just mentioned, an
orator who had received more literary impi-ovements than
Curio, and had a more accurate and delicate manner of speak-
ing, which he conducted with great taste and elegance ; but,
(by being too minute and nice a critic upon himself,) while
he was labouring to correct and refine his language, he suf-
fered all the force and spirit of it to evaporate. In short, it
was so exquisitely polished, as to charm the eye of every skilfiu
observer ; but it was little noticed by the common people in
a crowded forum, which is the proper theatre of eloquence."
" His aim," said Brutus, " was to be admired as an Attic
orator ; and to this we must attribute that accurate exility of
style, which he constantly affected." " This, indeed, was his
professed character," replied I ; " but he was deceived him-
self, and led others into the same mistake. It is true, who-
ever supposes that to speak in the Attic taste, is to avoid every
awkward, every harsh, every vicious expression, has, in this
sense, an undoubted right to refuse his approbation to every-
thing which is not strictly Attic. For he must naturally
detest whatever is insipid, disgusting, or incorrect ; while
he considers correctness and propriety of language as the
religion and good-manners of an orator ; and every one who
pretends to speak in public should adopt the same opinion.
But if he bestows the name of Atticism on a meagre, a dry,
and a niggardly turn of expression, provided it is neat, correct,
and polished, I cannot say, indeed, that he bestows it im-
properly ; as the Attic orators, however, had many qualities
of a more important nature, I would advise him to be careful
that he does not overlook their different kinds and degrees of

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 489

merit, and their great extent and variety of character. The
Attic speakers, he will tell me, are the models upon which he
wishes to form his eloquence. But which of them does he
mean to fix upon ? for they are not all of the same cast.
Who, for instance, could be more unlike each other than
Demosthenes and Lysias? or than Demosthenes and Hy-
peridesl Or who more different from either of them, than
^schines? Which of them, then, do you propose to imitate?
If only one, this will be a tacit implication, that none of the
rest were true masters of Atticism ; if all, how can you
possibly succeed, when their characters are so opposite 1 Let
me further ask you, whether Demetrius Phalereus spoke in
the Attic style ? In my opinion, his orations have the very
taste of Athens. But he is certainly more florid than either
Hyperides or Lysias ; partly from the natural turn of his
genius, and partly by choice.

LXXXIII. " There were likewise two others at the time
we are speaking of, whose characters were equally dissimilar ;
and yet both of them were truly Attic. The first (Charisius)
was the author of a number of speeches, which he composed
for his friends, professedly in imitation of Lysias ; and the
other (Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes) wrote several
orations, and a regular history of what was transacted in
Athens under his own observation ; not so much, indeed, in
the style of an historian, as of an orator. Hegesias took the
former for his model, and was so vain of his own taste for
Atticism, that he considered his predecessors, who were really
masters of it, as mere rustics in comparison of himself But
what can be more insipid, more frivolous, or more puerile,
than that very concinnity of expression which he actually
acquired "i ' But still we wish to resemble the Attic speakers.'
Do so by all means. But were not those, then, true Attio
^eakers, we have just been mentioning ? * Nobody denies
it ; and these are the men we imitate.' But how 1 when
they are so very different, not only from each other, but from
all the rest of their contemporaries 1 ' True ; but Thucydides
is our leading pattern.' This, too, I can allow, if you design
to compose histories, instead of pleading causes. For Thu-
cydides was both an exact and a stately historian ; but he
never intended to write models for conducting a judicial pro-
cess. I will even go so far as to add, that I have often com-
mended the speeches which he has inserted in his history

490 BRUTUS; on,

in great numbers ; though I must frankly own, that I neither
could imitate them, if I would, nor indeed would, if I could ,
like a man who would neither choose his wine -so new as to
have been tunned off in the preceding vintage, nor so exces-
sively old as to date its age from the consulship of Opimius
or Anicius. ' The latter,' you will say, 'bears the highest price,'
Very probably ; but when it has too much age, it has lost
that delicious flavour which pleases the palate, and, in my
opinion, is scarcely tolerable. ' Would you choose, then,
when you have a mind to regale yourself, to apply to a fresh,
luiripened cask V By no i^ieans ; but still there is a certain
age, when good wine arrives at its utmost perfection. In the
same manner, I would recommend neither a raw, unmeUowed
style, which (if I may so express myself) has been newly
drawn off from the vat ; nor the rough and antiquated lan-
guage of the grave and manly Thucydides. For even he, if
he had lived a few years later, would have acquired a much
softer and mellower turn of expression.

*' ' Let us, then, imitate Demosthenes.' LXXXIV. Good
Gods ! to what else do 1 direct all my endeavours, and my
wishes ! But it is, perhaps, my misfortune not to succeed.
These Atticisers, however, acquire with ease the paltry cha-
racter they aim at ; not once recollecting that it is not only
recorded in history, but must have been the natural con-
sequence of his superior fame, that when Demosthenes was to
speak in public, all Greece flocked in crowds to hear him.
But when our Attic orators venture to speak, they are pre-
sently deserted, not only by the little throng ai-ound them
who have no interest in tlie dispute, (which alone is a morti-
fying proof of their insignificance,) but even by their associates
and fellow-advocates. If to speak, therefore, in a dry and
lifeless manner, is the true criterion of Atticism, they are
heartily welcome to enjoy the credit of it ; but if they wish
to put their abilities to the trial, let them attend the Comitia,
or a judicial process of real importance. The open forum
demands a fuller and more elevated tone ; and he is the
orator for me, who is so universally admired, that when he
is to plead an interesting cause^ all the benches are filled
beforehand, the tribunal crowded, the clerks and notaries
busy in adjusting tlieir seats, the populace thronging about
the rostra, and the judge brisk and vigilant ; he, who has
such a commanding air, that when he rises up to speak, the

BEM arks' on eminent ORATORS. 491

whole audience is hushed into a profound silence, which ifl
Boon interrupted by their repeated plaudits and acclamations,
or by those successive bursts of laughter, or violent transports
of passion, which he knows how to excite at his pleasure ; sc
that even a distant observer, though unacquainted with the
subject he is speaking upon, can easily discover that hia
hearers are pleased with him, and that a Boscius is perform-
ing his part on the stage. Whoever has the happiness to be
thus followed and applauded, is, beyond dispute, an Attic
speaker ; for such was Pericles, such was Hyperides, and
./Eschines, and such, in the most eminent degree, was the
great Demosthenes ! If, indeed, these connoisseurs, who have
so much dislike to everything bold and ornamental, only
mean to say that an accurate, a judicious, and a neat and
compact, but unembellished style, is really an Attic one, they
are not mistaken. For in an art of such wonderful extent
and variety as that of speaking, even this subtile and confined
character may claim a place ; so that the conclusion will be,
that it is very possible to speak in the Attic taste without
deserving the name of an orator ; but that all, in general,
who are truly eloquent, are likewise Attic speakers.

" It is time, however, to return to Hortensius." LXXXV
"Indeed, I think so," cried Brutus; "though I must acknow-
ledge that this long digi'ession of yours has entertained me
very agreeably." " But I made some remarks," said Atticus,
** which I was several times inclined to mention ; only I was
loth to interrupt you. As your discourse, however, seems
to be drawing towards an end, I think I may venture to state
them." " By all means," replied I. " I readily grant, then,"
said he, " that there is something very humorous and elegant
in that continued irony, which Socrates employs to so much
advantage in the dialogues of Plato, Xenophoii, and ^Eschines.
For when a dispute commences on the nature of wisdom, he
professes, with a great deal of humour and ingenuity, to have
no pretensions to it himself ; while, with a kind of concealed
raillery, he ascribes the highest degree of it to those who had
the arrogance to lay an open claim to it. Thus, in Plato, he
extols Protagoras, Hippias, Prodicus, Gorgias and several
others, to the skies ; but represents himself as quite ignorant.
This in him was peculiarly becoming; nor can I agree with
Epicurus, who thinks it censurable. But in a professed
history, (for such, in fact, is the account you have been giving

492 BRUTUS; OR,

ps of the Roman orators,) I shall leave you to judge, whethei
an application of the irony is not equally reprehensible, as
it would be in giving judicial evidence," " Pray, what are
you driving at ? " said I ; " for I cannot comprehend you."
" I mean," replied he, " in the first place, that the commen-
dations which you have bestowed upon some of our orators,
have a tendency to mislead the opinion of those who are
unacquainted with their true characters. There were like-
wise several parts of your account, at which I could scarcely
forbear laughing ; as, for instance, when you compared old
Cato to Lysias. He was, indeed, a great, and a very extra-
ordinary man. Nobody, I believe, will say to the contrary.
But shall we call him an orator ? Shall we pronounce him
the rival of Lysias, who was the most finished character of the
kind? If we mean to jest, this comparison of yours would
form a pretty irony ; but if we are talking in real earnest,
we should pay the same scrupulous regard to truth, as if we
were giving evidence upon oath. As a citizen, a senator,
a general, and, in short, a man who was distinguished by his
prudence, his activity, and every other virtue, your favourite
Cato has my highest approbation. I can likewise applaud
his speeches, considering the time he lived in. They exhibit
the outlines of a great genius ; but such, however, as are
evidently rude and imperfect. In the same manner, when
you represented his Antiquities as replete with all the graces
of oratory, and compared Cato with Philistus and Thucydides,
did you really imagine, that you could persuade Brutus
and me to believe you ? or would you seriously degrade those,
whom none of the Greeks themselves have been able to equal,
into a comparison with a stiff country gentleman, who scarcely
suspected that there was any such thing in being as a copious
and ornamental style %

LXXXVI. " You have likewise said much in commenda-
tion of Galba ; — if as the best speaker of his age, I can so far
agree with you, for such was the character he bore ; — but
if you meant to recommend him as an orator, produce his
orations (for they are still extant), and then tell me honestly,
whether you would wish your friend Brutus here to speak as
he did ? Lepidus, too, was the author of several speeches,
which have received your approbation ; in which I can
partly join with you, if you consider them only as specimens
of our ancient eloquence. The same might be said of Afri-

REMARKS ON EMINENT 0KAT0R8. 493

canus and Lselius, than whose language (you tell xis) nothing
in the world can be sweeter ; nay, you have mentioned it
with a kind of veneration, and endeavoured to dazzle our
judgment by the great character they bore, and the uncom-
mon elegance of their manners. Divest it of these adven-
titious graces, and this sweet language of theirs will appear
so homely, as to be scarcely worth noticing. Carbo, too,
was mentioned as one of our capital orators ; and for this
only reason, — that in speaking, as in all other professions,
whatever is the best of its kind, for the time being, how
deficient soever in reality, is always admired and applauded.
What I have said of Carbo, is equally true of the Gracchi ;
though, in some particulars, the character you have given
them was no more than they deserved. But to say nothing
of the rest of your orators, let us proceed to Antonius and
Crassus, your two paragons of eloquence, whom I have heard
myself, and who were certainly very able speakers. To the
extraordinaiy commendation you have bestowed upon them,
I can readily give my assent ; but not, however, in such au
unlimited manner as to persuade myself that you have
received as much improvement from the speech in support of
the Servilian law, as Lysippus said he had done by studying
the famous statue^ of Polycletus. What you have said on
this occasion I consider as absolute ironi/ ; but I shall not
inform you why I think so, lest you should imagine I design
to flatter you. I shall therefore pass over the many fine
encomiums you have bestowed upon these; and what you
have said of Cotta and Sulpicius, and but very lately of your
pupil Cselius. I acknowledge, however, tiiat we may call
them orators ; but as to the nature and extent of their merit,
let your own judgment decide. It is scarcely worth observing,
that you have had the additional good-nature to crowd so
many daubers into your list, that there are some, I believe,
who will be ready to wish they had died long ago, that you
might have had an opportunity to insert their names among
the rest." LXXXVII. " You have opened a wide field of in-
quiry," said I, " and started a subject which deserves a separate
discussion ; but we must defer it to a more convenient time.
For, to settle it, a great variety of authors must be examined,
and especially Cato ; which could not fail to convince you, that
nothing was wanting to complete his pieces, but those rich
' Doryphorus. A spearmait.

494 BltL'TUB ; OKj

and glowing colours which had not then been invented. Aa
to the above oration of Crassus, he himself, perhaps, could
have written better, if he had been willing to take the
trouble ; but nobody else, I believe, could have mended it.
You have no reason, therefore, to think I spoke ironically,
when I mentioned it as the guide and tutoress of my eloquence ;
for though you seem to have a higher opinion of my capacity,
in its present state, you must remember that, in our youth,
we could find nothing better to imitate among the Romans.
And as to my admitting so many into my list of oratoi*s,
I only did it (as I have already observed) to show how few
have succeeded in a profession, in which all were desirous to
excel. I therefore insist upon it that you do not consider me
in the present case as a practiser of irony; though we are in-
formed by Caius Fannius, in his history, that Africanus was a
very excellent one." "As you please about that," cried Atticus ;
" though, by the bye, I did not imagine it would have been
any disgrace to you, to be what Africanus and Socrates have
been before you." " We may settle this another time," in-
terrupted Brutus ; " but will you be so obliging," said he,
(addressing himself to me,) " as to give us a critical analysis
of some of the old speeches you have mentioned V " Very
wiUingly," replied I ; " but it must be at Cuma, or Tusculum,
when opportunity offers : for we are near neighbours, you
know, in both places. LXXXVIII. At present, let us
return to ffortensitis, from whom we have digressed a second
time.

" Hortensius, then, who began to speak in public when he
was very young, was soon employed even in causes of the
greatest moment ; and though he first appeared in the time of
Cotta and Sulpicius, (who were only ten years older,) and when
Crassus and Antonius, and afterwards Philippus and Julius,
were in the height of their reputation, he was thought worthy
to be compared with either of them in point of eloquence.
He had such an excellent memory as I never knew in any
person ; so that what he had composed in private, he was
able to repeat, without notes, in the very same words he had
made use of at first. He employed this natural advantage
with so much readiness, that he not only recollected whatever
he had written or premeditated himself, but remembered
everything that had been said by his opponents, without the
help of a prompter. He was likewise inflamed with such

REMAEKB ON EMINENT ORATORS. 495

* passionate fondness for the profession, that I never saw any
one who took more pains to improve himself; for he ■would
not suffer a day to elapse without either speaking in the
forum, or composing something at home ; and very often he
did both in the same day. He had, besides, a turn of expres-
sion which was very far from being low and unelevated ; and
possessed two other accomplishments, in which no one could
equal him, — an uncommon clearness and accuracy in stating
the points he was to discuss ; and a neat and easy manner of
collecting the substance of what had been said by his anta-
gonist, and by himself. He had likewise an elegant choice
of words, an agreeable flow in his periods, and a copious
elocution, for which he was partly indebted to a fine natural
capacity, and which was partly acquired by the most laborious
rhetorical exercises. In short, he had a most retentive view of
his subject, and always divided and distributed it into distinct
parts with the greatest exactness ; and he very seldom over-
looked anything which the case could suggest, that was proper
either to support his own allegations, or to refute those of his
opponent. Lastly, he had a sweet and sonorous voice ; but
his gesture had rather more art in it, and was managed with
more precision than is requisite in an orator.

" While he was in the height of his glory, Crassus died,
Cotta was banished, our public trials were intermitted by the
Mai-sic war, and I myself made my first appearance in the
forum. LXXXIX. Hortensius joined the army, and served
the first campaign as a volunteer, and the second as a military
tribune ; Sulpicius was made a lieutenant-general ; and An-
tonius was absent on a similar account. The only trial we
had, was that upon the Varian law ; the rest, as I have just
observed, having been intermitted by the war. We had
scarcely anybody left at the bar but Lucius Memmius and
Quintus Pompeius, who spoke mostly on their own affairs ;
and, though far from being orators of the first distinction,
were yet tolerable ones, (if we may credit Philippus, who was
himself a man of some eloquence,) and, in supporting
evidence, displayed all the poignancy of a prosecutor, with a
moderate freedom of elocution. The rest, who were esteemed
our capital speakers, were then in the magistracy, and I had
the benefit of hearing their harangues almost every day.
Caius Curio was chosen a tribune of the people, though he
left off speaking after being once deserted by his whole

49G BRUTC8 ; OR,

audience. To him I may add Quintus Metellus Celer, wh(\
though certainly no orator, was far from being destitute of
utterance ; but Quintus Varius, Caius Carbo, and Cnseua
Pomponius, were men of real elocution, and might almost be
Baid to have lived upon the rostra. Caius Julius too, who was
then a curule sedile, was daily employed in making speeches
to the people, which were composed with great neatness and
accuracy. But while I attended the forum with this eager
curiosity, my first disappointment was the banishment of
Cotta ; after which I continued to hear the rest with the
same assiduity as before ; and though I daily spent the re-
mainder of my time in reading, writing, and private decla-
mation, I cannot say that I much relished my confinement to
these preparatory exercises. The next year Quintus Varius
was condemned, and banished by his own law ; and I, that I
might acquire a competent knowledge of the principles of
jurisprudence, then attached myself to Quintus Scsevola, the
son of Publius, who, though he did not choose to undertake
the charge of a pupil, yet, by freely giving his advice to those
who consulted him, answered every purpose of instruction
to such as took the trouble to apply to him. In the suc-
ceeding year, in which Sylla and Pompey were consuls, as
Sulpicius, who was elected a tribune of the people, had
occasion to speak in public almost every day, I had oppor-
tunity to acquaint myself thoroughly with his manner of
speaking. At this time Philo, a philosopher of the first
name in the Academy, with many of the principal Athenians,
having deserted their native home, and fled to Rome, from
the fury of Mithridates, I immediately became his scholar,
and was exceedingly taken with his philosoph}'^ ; and, besides
the pleasure I received from the great variety and sublimity
of his matter, I was still more inclined to confine my atten-
tion to that study; because there was reason to apprehend
that our laws and judicial proceedings would be wholly over-
turned by the continuance of the public disorders. In the
same year Sulpicius lost his life; and Quintus Catulus,
Marcus Antonius, and Caius Julius, three orators who were
partly contemporary with each other, were most inhumanly
put to death. Then also I attended the lectures of Molo the
Rhodian, who was newly come to Rome, and was both au
excellent pleader, and an able teacher of the art.

XC. " I have mentioned these p^ticulars, which, perhaps

REMAKES OX EMINENT ORATOBa 497

may appear foreign, to our purpose, that you, my Brutus, (for
Atticus is already acquainted with them,) may be able to
mark my progress, and observe how closely I trod upon the
heels of Hortensius. The three following years the city was
free from the tumult of arms; but either by the death, the
voluntary retirement, or the flight of our ablest orators, (for
even Marcus Crassus, and the two Lentuli, who were then in
the bloom of youth, had all left us,) Hortensius, of course,
was the first speaker in the forum. Antistius, too, was daily
rising into reputation ; Piso pleaded pretty often ; Pomponius,
■ot so frequently ; Carbo, very seldom ; and Philippus, only
once or twice. In the meanwhile I pursued my studies of every
kind, day and night, with unremitting application. I lodged
and boarded at my own house (where he lately died) Diodotus
the Stoic; whom I employed as my preceptor in various other
parts of learning, but particularly in logic, which may be con-
sidered as a close and contracted species of eloquence ; and
without which, you yourself have declared it impossible to
acquire that full and perfect eloquence, which they suppose
to be an open and dilated kind of logic. Yet with all my atten-
tion to Diodotus, and the various arts he was master of, I
never suffered even a single day to escape me, without some
exercise of the oratorical kind. I constantly declaimed in
private with Marcus Piso, Quintus Pompeius, or some other
of my acquaintance ; pretty often in Latin, but much oftener
in Greek; because the Greek furnishes a greater variety of
ornaments, and an opportunity of imitating and introducing
them into the Latin ; and because the Greek masters, who
were far the best, could not correct and improve us, unless we
declaimed in that language. This time was distinguished by
a violent struggle to restore the liberty of the republic ; the
barbarous slaughter of the three orators, Scrovola, Carbo, and
Antistius; the return of Gotta, Curio, Crassus, Pompey, and
the Lentuli ; the re-establishment of the laws and courts of
judicature, and the entire restoration of the commonwealth ;
but we lost Pomponius, Censorinus, and Murena, from the
roll of orators. I now began, for the Jirst time, to under-
take the management of causes, both private and public ; not,
as most did, with a view to learn my profession, but to make
a trial of the abilities which I had taken so much pains to
acquire. I had then a second opportunity of attending the
in8tru:;tions of Molo, who came to Borne while Sylla was

KK

498 BRUTUS; OS,

dictator, to solicit the payment of what was due to his
countrymen for their services in the Mithridatic war. My
defence of Sextus Roscius, which was the first cause I pleaded,
met with such a favourable reception, that, from that moment^
I was looked upon as an advocate of the first class, and equal
to the greatest and most important causes ; and after this I
pleaded many others, which I precomposed with all the care
and accuracy I was master of.

XCI. " But as you seem desirous not so much to be ac-
quainted with any incidental marks of my character, or
the first sallies of my youth, as to know me thoroughly,
I shall mention some particulars, which otherwise might
have seemed unnecessary. At this time my body was ex-
ceedingly weak and emaciated; my neck long and slender;
a shape and habit which I thought to be liable to great risk
of life, if engaged in any violent fatigue, or labour of the
lungs. And it gave the greater alarm to those who had
a regard for me, that I used to speak without any remission
or variation, with the utmost stretch of my voice, and a
total agitation of my body. When my friends, therefore, and
physicians, advised me to meddle no more with forensic
causes, I resolved to run any hazard rather than quit the
hopes of glory which I had proposed to myself from plead-
ing; but when I considered, that by managing my voice,
and changing my way of speaking, I might both avoid all
future danger of that kind and speak with greater ease,
I took a resolution of travelling into Asia, merely for an op-
portunity to correct my manner of speaking ; so that after
I had been two years at the bar, and acquired some reputa-
tion in the forum, I left Rome. When I came to Athens, I
spent six months with Antiochus, the principal and most
j udicious philosopher of the old Academy ; and under this able
master, I renewed those philosophical studies which I had
laboriously cultivated and improved from my earliest youth.
At the same time, however, I continued my rhetorical exer-
cises under Demetrius the Syrian, an experienced and re-
putable master of the art of speaking. After leaving Athens,
I traversed every part of Asia, where I was voluntarily at-
tended by the principal orators of the country, with whom I re-
newed my rhetorical exercises. The chief of them was Menippua
of Stratonica, the most eloquent of all the Asiatics; and
if to be neither tedious nor impertinent is the characteriistio

REMARKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 49S

of ail Attic orator, lie may be justly ranked in that class.
Dionysius also of Magnesia, ^schylus of Cnidos, and Xenocles
of Adramyttium, who were esteemed the first rhetoricians
of Asia, were continually with me. Not contented with these,
I went to Rhodes, and applied myself again to Molo, whom
I had heard before at Rome ; and who was both an expe-
rienced pleader and a fine writer, and particularly judicious in
remarking the faults of his scholars, as well as in his method
of teaching and improving them. His principal trouble with
me was to restrain the luxuriancy of a juvenile imagination,
always ready to overflow its banks, within its due and proper
channel. Thus, after an excursion of two years, I returned to
Italy, not only much improved, but almost changed into
a new man. The vehemence of my voice and action was
considerably abated ; the excessive ardour of my language
was corrected ; my lungs were strengthened j and my whole
constitution confirmed and settled.

XCII. " Two orators then reigned in the forum (I mean
Cotta and Hortensius), whose glory fired my emulation.
Cotta's way of speaking was calm and easy, and distinguished
by the flowing elegance and propriety of his language. The
other was splendid, warm, and animated ; not such as you,
my Brutus, have seen him, when he had shed the blossom of
his eloquence, but far more lively and pathetic both in
his style and action. As Hortensius, therefore, was nearer to
me in age, and his manner more agreeable to the natural
ardour of my temper, I considered him as the proper object
of my competition. For I observed that when they were
both engaged in the same cause, (as, for instance, when they
defended Marcus Canuleius, and Cneius Dolabella, a man of
consular dignity,) though Cotta was generally employed to
open the defence, the most important parts of it were left to
the management of Hortensius. For a crowded audience
and a clamorous forum require an orator who is lively, ani-
mated, full of action, and able to exert his voice to the
highest pitch. The first year, therefore, after my return
from Asia, I undertook several capital causes ; and in the
interim I put up as a candidate for the qusestorship, Cotta
for the consulate, and Hortensius for the BBdileship. After
I was chosen quaestor, I passed a year in Sicily, the prcvinc*
assigned to me by lot ; Cotta went as consul into Gaul ; and
Hortensius, whose new ofiice required his presence at Rom^

KK.2

, BOO BRUTUS ; OB,

was left of course the undisputed sovereign of the forum. In
the succeeding year, when I returned from Sicily, my ora-
torical talents, such as they were, displayed themselves in
their full perfection and maturity.

" I have been saying too much, perhaps, concerning myself ;
but my design in it was not to make a parade of my
eloquence and ability, which I have no temptation to do, but
only to specify the pains and labour which I have taken
to improve it. After spending the five succeeding years in
pleading a variety of causes, and with the ablest advocates of
the time, I was declared an sedile, and undertook the patronage
of the Sicilians against Hortensius, who was then one of the
consuls elect. XCIII. But as the subject of our conversation
not only requires an historical detail of orators, but such
preceptive remarks as may be necessary to elucidate their
characters ; it will not be improper to make some observations
of this kind upon that of Hortensius. After his appointment
to the consulship (very probably, because he saw none of
consular dignity who were able to rival him, and despised the
competition of others of inferior rank) he began to remit that
intense application which he had hitherto persevered in from
his childhood ; and having settled himself in very affluent
circumstances, he chose to live for the future what he thought
an easy life, but which, in truth, was rather an indolent one.
In the three succeeding years, the beauty of his colouring
was so much impaired as to be very perceptible to a skilful
connoisseur, though not to a common observer. After that,
he grew every day more unlike himself than before, not only
in other parts of eloquence, but by a gradual decay of the
former celerity and elegant texture of his language. I, at the
same time, spared no pains to improve and enlarge my
talents, such as they were, by every exercise that was proper
for the purpose, but particularly by that of writing. Not to
mention several other advantages I derived from it, I shall
only observe, that about this time, and but a very few years
after my sedileship, I was declared the first praetor, by the
unanimous suflfrages of my fellow-citizens. For, by my
diligence and assiduity as a pleader, and my accurate way of
speaking, which was rather superior to the ordinary style of
the bar, the novelty of my eloquence had engaged the atten-
tion and secured the good wishes of the public. But I will
say nothing of myself; I will confine my discourse to our

KEMARK3 ON EMINENT ORATORS. 501

other speakers, among whom there is not one who has gained
more than a common acquamtance with those parts of litera-
ture which feed the springs of eloquence ; not one who has
been thoroughly nurtured at the breast of Philosophy, which
is the mother of every excellence either in deed or speech ;
not one who has acquired an accurate knowledge of the civil
law, which is so necessary for the management even of
private causes, and to direct the judgment of an orator ; not
one who is a complete master of the Eoman history, which
would enable us, on many occasions, to appeal to the venerable
evidence of the dead ; not one who can entangle his opponent
in such a neat and humorous manner, as to relax the severity
of the judges into a smile or an open laugh ; not one who
knows how to dilate and expand his subject, by reducing
it from the limited considerations of time and person, to
some general and indefinite topic ; not one who knows how to
enliven it by an agreeable digression ; not one who can rouse
the indignation of the judge, or extort from him the tear of
compassion ; or who can influence and bend his soul (which
is confessedly the capital perfection of an orator), in such a
manner as shall best suit his purpose.

XCIV. " When Hortensius, therefore, the once eloquent
and admired Hortensius, had almost vanished from tho forum,
my appointment to the consulship, which happened about six
years after his own promotion to that ofiice, revived his dying
emulation ; for he was unwilling that, after I had equalled
him in rank and dignity, I should become his superior in
any other respect. But in the twelve succeeding years, by
a mutual deference to each other's abilities, we united our
efforts at the bar in the most amicable manner ; and my con-
sulship, which had at first given a short alarm to his jealousy,
afterwards cemented our friendship, by the generous candour
with which he applauded my conduct. But our emxiloua
efforts were exerted in the most conspicuous manner, just
before the commencement of that unhappy period, when
Eloquence herself was confounded and terrified by the din of
arms into a sudden and total silence ; for after Pompey had
proposed and carried a law, which allowed even the party
accused but three hours to make his defence, I appeared
(though comparatively as a mere noviciate by this new regu-
lation) in a number of causes which, in fact, were become per-
fectly the same, or very nearly so; most of which, my Brutus,

S0*2 BRUTUS ; OR,

you "were present to hear, as having been my partner and
fellow-advocate in many of them, though you pleaded several
by yourself; and Hortensius, though he died a short Mme
afterwards, bore his share in these limited efforts. He began
to plead about ten years before the time of your birth ; and
in his sixty-fourth year, but a very few days before his death,
he was engaged with you in the defence of Appius, your
father-in-law. As to our respective talents, the orations we
have published will enable posterity to form a proper judg-
ment of them.

XCV. " But if we mean to inquire, why Hortensius^ was
moi*e admired for his eloquence in the younger part of his
life than in his latter years, we shall find it owing to the fol-
lowing causes. The first was, that an Asiatic style is more
allowable in a young man than in an old one. Of this there
are two different kinds. The former is sententious and
sprightly, and abounds in those turns of thought which are
not so much distinguished by their weight and solidity as
by their neatness and elegance ; of this cast was Timseus
the historian, and the two orators so much talked of in
our younger days, Hierocles of Alabanda, and his brother
Menecles, but particularly the latter ; both whose orations
may be reckoned master-pieces of this kind. The other sort
is not so remarkable for the plenitude and richness of its
thoughts, as for its rapid volubility of expression, which at
present is the ruling taste in Asia ; but, besides its uncom-
mon fluency, it is recommended by a choice of words which
are peculiarly delicate and ornamental ; of this kind were
^schylus the Cnidian, and my contemporary ^Eschines.the
Milesian ; for they had an admirable command of language,
with very little elegance of sentiment. These showy kinds
of eloquence are agreeable enough in young people ; but they
are entirely destitute of that gravity and composure which
befits a riper age. As Hortensius therefore excelled in both,
he was heard with applause in the earlier part of his Hfe. For
he had all that fertility and graceful variety of sentiment
which distinguished the character of Menecles : but, as in
Menecles, so in him, there were many turns of thought which
were more delicate and entertaining than really useful,
or indeed sometimes convenient. His language also was
brilliant and rapid, and yet perfectly neat and accurate ;
but by no means agreeable to men cf riper years. I have

IIBMA3ES ON EMINENT ORaTORS. 50S

often seen it received by Philippus with the utmost derision,
and, upon some occasions, with a contemptuous indignation ;
but the younger part of the audience admired it, and the
populace were highly pleased with it. In his youth, there-
fore, he met the warmest approbation of the public, and
maintained his post with ease as the first orator in the forum.
For the style he chose to speak in, though it has little weight
or authority, appeared very suitable to his age ; and as it
discovered in him the most visible marks of genius and appli-
cation, and was recommended by the numerous cadence of
his periods, he was heard with universal applause. But
when the honours he afterwards rose to, and the dignity of
his years, required something more serious and composed, he
still continued to appear in the same character, though it no
longer became him ; and as he had, for some considerable
time, intermitted those exercises, and relaxed that laborious
attention which had once distinguished him, though his
former neatness of expression and luxuriancy of conception
still remained, they were stripped of those brilliant ornaments
they had been used to wear. For this reason, perhaps, my
Brutus, he appeared less pleasing to you than he would have
done, if you had been old enough to hear him, when he was
fired with emulation, and flourished in the full bloom of his
eloquence."

XCVI. " I am perfectly sensible," said Brutus, " of the
justice of your remarks ; and yet I have always looked upon
Hortensius as a great orator, but especially when he pleaded
for Megsala, in the time of your absence." " I have often heard
of it," replied I ; " and his oration, which was afterwards pub-
lished, they say, in the very same words in which he delivered
it, is no way inferior to the character you give it. Upon the
whole, then, his reputation flourished from the time of Crassua
and Scaevola (reckoning from the consulship of the former),
to the consulship of Paullus and Marcellus ; and I held out
in the same career of glory from the dictatorship of Sylla, to
the period I have last mentioned. Thus the eloquence of
Hortensius was extinguished by his own death, and mine by
that of the commonwealth." " Presage more favourably,
I beg of you," cried Brutu*. " As favourably as you please,"
said I, " and that, not so much upon my own account as
yours. But his death was truly fortunate, who did not live
to behold the miseries which he had long foreseen ; for we

i504 BRUTUS ; OR,

often lamented, between ourselves, the misfortunes whick
hung over the state, when we discovered the seeds of a civil
war in the insatiable ambition of a few private citizens, and
saw every hope of an accommodation excluded by the rash-
ness and precipitancy of our public counsels. But the
felicity which always marked his life seems to have exempted
him, by a seasonable death, from the calamities that followed.
But as, after the decease of Hortensius, we seem to have been
ieft, my Brutus, as the sole guardians of an orphan eloquence,
let us cherish her, within our own walls at least, with a gene-
rous fidelity ; let us discourage the addresses of her worthless
and impertinent suitors ; let us preserve her pure and un-
blemished in all her virgin charms, and secure her, to the
utmost of our abihty, from the lawless violence of every armed
rufl&an, I must own, however, though I am heartily grieved
that I entered so late upon the road of life as to be over-
taken by a gloomy night of public distress, before I had
finished my journey, that I am not a little relieved by the
tender consolation which you administered to me in your
very agreeable letters; in which you tell me I ought to
recollect my courage, since my past transactions are such as
will speak for me when I am silent, and survive my death ;
and sach as, if the Gods permit, will bear an ample testimony
to the prudence and integrity of my public counsels, by the
final restoration of the republic ; or, if otherwise, by burying
me in the ruins of my country.

XCVII. " But when I look upon you, my Brutus, it fills
me with anguish to reflect that, in the vigour of your.youth,
and when you were making the most rapid progi'ess in the
road to fame, your career was suddenly stopped by the fatal
overthrow of the commonwealth. This unhappy circum-
stance has stung me to the heart ; and not me only, but my
worthy friend here, who has the same affection for you and
the same esteem for your merit which I have. We have the
warmest wishes for your happiness, and heartily pray that you
may reap the rewards of your excellent virtues, and live to
find a republic in which you will be able, not only to revive,
but even to add to the fame of your illustrious ancestors.
For the forum was your birthright, your native theatre of
action ; and you were the only person that entered it, who had
not only formed his elocution by a rigorous course of privata
practice, but enriched his oratory with the furniture of philo«

BEMABKS ON EMINENT ORATORS. 505

■ophical science, and thus united the highest vir'Aie to the
most consummate eloquence. Your situation, therefore,
wounds us with the double anxiety that you are deprived ol
the republic, and the republic of you. But stiU continue, my
Brutus, (notwithstanding the career of your genius has been
checked by the rude shock of our public distresses,) continue
to pursue your favourite studies, and endeavour (what you
have almost, or rather entirely effected already) to distinguish
yourself from the promiscuous crowd of pleaders with which
I have loaded the little history I have been giving you. For
it would ill befit you (richly furnished as you are with
those liberal arts which, unable to acquire at home, you
imported from that celebrated city which has always been
revered as the seat of learning) to pass after all as an
ordinary pleader. For to what purposes have you studied
under Pammenes, the most eloquent man in Greece 1 or what
advantage have you derived from the discipline of the old
Academy, and its hereditary master Aristus, (my guest and
very intimate acquaintance,) if you still rank yourself in the
common class of orators ? Have we not seen that a whole age
could scarcely furnish two speakei's who really excelled in
their profession? Among a crowd of contemporaries, Galba,
for instance, was the only orator of distinction ; for old Cato
(we are informed) was obliged to yield to his superior merit,
as were likewise his two juuiurs, Lepidus and Carbo. But, in
a public harangue, the style of his successors, the Gracchi, was
far more easy and lively; and yet, even in their time, the
Roman eloquence had not reached its perfection. Afterwardi
came Antonius and Crassus ; and then Gotta, Sulpicius, Hor-
tensius, and — but I say no more ; I can only add, that if 1
had been so fortunate [The conclution is /fcit]

INDEX.

AcADEMica, discipline of the, 435 ; their
doctrines, 3J0.

Academy, the, 154, 155; orators of the,
155 ; manner of disputing in the, 164,
etseq.; founded hy Xenocrates, 349;
New, founded by Arcesilas, 351.

Accent, peculiarities of, 450.

Accius, T. remarks on, 483.

Achilles, the friend of Brutus, 109.

Acting, points to be observed in, 361.

Action, nature and principles of, 364 ;
various questions relating to, 365 ; on
the proper use of, 398 ; the speech of
the body, 399 ; displays the movements
of the soul, 399.

Actor, not condemned for being once
mistaken in an attitude, 174; emo-
tions of the, 274, 275.

Acts of a play, 21, et n.

Aculeo, 221 ; his great knowledge of
law, 194.

Acusilas, the historian, 234.

Admonition, how to be applied, 322.

£lius, Sextus, the Roman lawyer, 19G,
201, 422; commentaries of, 211; his
universal knowledge, 369; orations of,
449 ; remarks on, 461.

iBmilianus, Africanus, an ironical jester,
302.

£miliu3, M. 276; an eminent orator,
428.

.£nigmas of metaphor, 380.

^schines, the orator, 155, 410; anecdote
of, 395, 396.

^sop, the tragedian, 28.

.^sopus, 218.

Afius, C. 74.

Afranius, the senator, 53.

Afranius, M. the poet, 449.

Agesilaus, acquirements of, 372.

Agitation, on commencing a speech, na-
tural, 176.

Agnation, law of, 187, et n.

Agrarian law, brought in by Julius
Caesar, 21.

Ahenobarbus, Cn. D. the orator, 287. et n.

Albinus, A. the historian and orator,
423 ; notices of, 439.

Albuciug, T. remarks on, 438.

Alcibiades, works of, 246, el n. ; hit
learning and eloquence, $l\, 409.

Alfius, the judge, 78.

Alienus, the lieutenant of Q. Cicero, 6.

Allegorical phraseology, use of, in oni*
tory, 299.

Allies, rights of, should be known to the
orator, 182.

Alpinus, S. orations of, 427.

Ambiguity, every sui/Jsct possesses the
same susceptibleness o." .'564.

Ambiguous words, plays on, 295, 296.

'Aju^tXa^/a, abundance, 48.

Anaxagoras, 371, 413 ; his ridiculous
doctrine of black snow, 58.

Anger, proneness to, 17, 18; disposition
of Q.Cicero to, 25; feelings of, 280;
assumes a particular tone of voice,
397.

Anicius, 54 ; Cicero's opinion of, 74.

Animal body, harmony and perfection of
the, 384.

Annalis, 73.

Annius, T. an orator, 423.

Antigenidas, the musician, 454.

Antimachus, the poet, 456.

Antipater, of Sidon, ti.e poet, 389.

Antipater, L. C. the historian, 235.

Antiphon, the essayist, 413.

Antiquity must be known by the orator,
182 ; study of, 194 et n., 195.

Antisthenes, founder of the Cynic sand
the Stoics, 349.

Antistius of Pyrgi, 307.

Antistius, P. remarks on, 468.

Antonius, C. 97.

Antonius, Marcus, the friend of Cicero,
27; one of the orators of Cicero's
Dialogues, 142, 149, 150, et teg. ; prse-
torat Rhodes, 162 ; his visit to Athens,
164 ; his merits as an orator, 310, 440,
441 ; death of, 334.

Antony, Caius, 107, et n.

Antony, Mark, his political struggles on
the death of Ctesar, 90, 91 ; letter of
Brutus respecting, 92 ; the enemy ol
Cicero, 98, 112; named " the pro-
consul," 99 ; his partisans declared to
b* public enemies, 104; his defeat

508

INDEX.

107, 119; flight of, 110 ; polluted with
vice, 123 ; his dangerous power in
Rome, 129 — 133; his tyranny and
oppressions, 137 ; pronounced a public
enemy, 139.

Anxiety, feelings of, 280, 281.
Awaf tiaveXv, a Greek proverb, 27.

Apollonius, the orator of Alabanda, 174,

Apollonius, the orator of Rhodes, 1G2.

Appelles, the Greek painter, 420.

Appian road, 9, et n.

Appius, a friend of Cicero, 57, 81 ; his
address, 58 ; wit of, 292.

Appius, the elder, saying of, 306.

Appius, the blind, an able speaker, 416.

Appius Piilcher, consulship of, 55.

AppoUonia, people of, 26. 27.

Aptitude and congruity of language, 346.

Apuleian law, 251, et n.; 278.

Apuleius commended by Brutus, 109.

Apuleius, L. the orator, 467.

Aquilius, M. his trial and acquittal, 255,
et n. ; defence of, 273, 275 ; remarks
on, 467.

Aratus, the astronomical poet, 161.

Arcanum, a village belonging to Q.
Cicero, 51, 66.

Arcesilas, founder of the New Academy,
351.

Argument, three things requisite for
finding, '263 ; different modes of con-
ducting, 267, et seq. ; the force of, to
be resisted, 283; mode of arranging
facts and topics of, 313, et seg.

Arguments, the strongest to be main-
tained, 309.

Aristippus, founder of the Cyrenaic phi-
losophy, 349.

Aristotle, 154, 157; his divine genius,
263; bis acuteness of intellect, 266;
founder of the Peripatetics, 349 ; his
manner of discussing questions, 354 ;
his system of teaching, 372 ; the tutor
of Alexander, 372 ; his remarks on
metrical quantities, 385, 386 ; nervous
style of, 435.

Arpinum, the birth-pUce of Cicero, 51,
66, 69.

Arrius, notices of, 34, 474.

Arsis, explanation of, 385, n.

Art, how far necessary in oratory, &c.
176; not necessary to imderstand
every art, 203; has no concern with
wit, 288 ; harmony in the works of,
384, 385.

Arts, attainments in the, 357.

Arts and sciences, writers on the, must
be read by the orator, 182 ; a know-
ledge of, essential to oratory, 193.

Ascanio, 80.

Asclepiades, the physician, 159.

Asellus, jests on, 297, et n., 301.

Asia Minor, Quintus Cicero's govern-
tnent in, 1, et seq. ; Greeks of, 5, et n. ;
temptations to peculation in, 5, 6 ;
iMoaficial effects of good government

in, 12 ; relieved from the taxation ol
the iEdiles, 13.

Ateius, 53.

Athenians, learning among the, neg-
lected, 343.

Athens, laws of, 208; the earliest re-
cords of eloquence there found, 408,
409 ; the early orators of, 409 ; rheto-
ricians of, 409.

Attachment, law of, 189

Attains, the Iphemian, 2$.

Attic, remarks on the word, 488, 489.

Attic orators, 489, 490.

Attica, the daughter of Atticus, 1 14, e( n.

Atticus, T. Pomponius, Cicero's letter
to, respecting his brother, SO, 31 ; let-
ter of Brutus to, HI ; conference held
with eminent orators, 404, el seq. ; his
abridgment of "Universal History,"
405.

Attius, the poet, 431, 469.

AuSdius, T. remarks on, 452.

Auius, Gabinius, the consul, 22.

Aurelian law, 34, et n.

Autronius, P. remarks on, 473.

Balbi, the two, 353.

Balbus, 71; correspondence of, noticed,

57.
Balbus, L. L. an able speaker, 445.
Bamis, T. B. orations of, 449.
Bequests, law of, 188, et n.
Bestia, the tribune, 112; Cicero makes

a speech in defence of, 45 ;" notices of,

437.
Bibulus, the consul, 2, 43, 44; resists

the Agrarian law, 21.
Bibulus, L. commended by Brutus, 109.
Bibulus, M. notices of, 482.
Bilienus, C. remarks on, 451.
Bills of exchange, Cicero's questions

respecting, 34.
Blandus, in Phrygia, 23, et n.
Books, Cicero's suggestions respecting

the collecting of, 80.
Bovillae, 67.

Breath, exercise of the, 181.
Brevity, in a speech, 318; sometimes

obtained by metaphor, 377, 378 ; some*

times a real excellence, 414.
Bribery, provisions against, noticed, 34,

et n. ; candidates for the consulship

Impeached for, 76 ; charges of, 250.
Briso, M. A. the tribune, 428.
Britain, Q. Cicero's letters on, noticed,

65 ; Q. Cicero a resident of, 65, 71 ;

Caesar's letter from, 75.
Brutus, D. son of Marcus Brutus, 125,

431; honours proposed to, 126; re-
marks on, 451.
Brutus, Lucius Junius, powers of his

mind, 152 ; his great capacities, 415.
Brutus, Marcus Junius, Cicero's letter*

to, 90, et seq. ; his letters to Cicero,

82, 100, 106, 108, 109, 117, 128; tua

DfDKX.

50J

•trnggles on the death of Caaar, 90;
his letters differently arranged in dif-
ferent editions, 93, 94 n. ; requires
money and reinforcements, 93, 95 ; his
military position, 98; his successes,
104, 106; military forces of, 110,1)9;
his letter to Atticus, 111; Cicero's ad-
vice to, 1 1 1 ; his high opinion of Cicero,
1)3, 114; his opinions of Octavius,
113; his retreat from Velia, 124; re-
fuses to solicit the clemfency of Octa-
vius, and denie& his regal authority,
128 — 133 ; Cicero's high encomium of,
133; his return to Rome advised by
Cicero, 133, 134; his nephews, 135;
witticisms of Crassus against, 285,
286 J Cicero's conference with, on emi-
nent orators, 402, et seq. ; remarks on,
438, 451, 490; lamentations of Cicero
at his political difficulties, 504; his di-
versified talents, 504, 505.
Buffoon, what so ridiculous as a, 294.

CiEciLius, the writer of comedies, 231,
et n.

Cscilius, L. his character, 24.

Caelius, C. remarks on, 448.

Cselius, L. an elegant writer, 430.

Caelius, M. high character of, 484.

Ctepio, Q. the orator, 467 ; his trial and
banishment, 276, etn.; remarks on, 439.

Caepios, the two, judgment and eloquence
of, 428.

Caesa, meaning of, 286 n.

C«esar, C. the senator, 39.

Caesar, Julius, his political objects, 2;
his contests, 21; brings in the Agrarian
law, 21; the province of Cisalpine Gaul
and lUyricum assigned to him, 22; Ci-
cero'.i praises of, 57,58; Cicero receives
a flattering letter from, 60, 61 ; his Bri-
tish expedition, 65 ; his comments on
Cicero's verses noticed, 65 ; his regard
for the Ciceros, 69 ; losses sustained
by, 72; death of his daughter Julia,
72 n. ; writes from Britain to Cicero,
75 ; his goodwill towards Cicero, 82 ;
state of parties on his death, 90 ; re-
marks on, 224, 225, 476, 478; his elo-
quence, 477 ; added all the various
ornaments of elocution, 480.

Caesius, an officer of Q.Cicero, 8, 23, 67,

Csespasius, C. and L. remarks on, 474.

Cxsulanus, remarks on, 438.

Caius, a common praenomen among the
Romans; see passim.

Calamis, the Greek sculptor, 420.

Calidianus, C. C. remarks on, 474.

Calidius, the advocate of Gahinius, 75 ;
high character of, 484. 485.

Callisthenes, the Olynthian writer, 59,
el n. ; the historian, 236.

Calpumius, Piso, the consul, 22.

Calventius, M. his speech noticed, 70.

Zalvinus, punning anecdote of, 293, et ».;
notices of, 43S.

Calvns, punning on the word, 294.

Calvus, C. L. high character of, 487, 488,

Campania, lands in, 47.

Canachus, the Greek sculptor, 420.

Candavia, near Macedonia, 110.

Caninius, 42.

Canius, C. witty ingenuity of, 305.

Canutius, remarks on, 461.

Caunians, prefer paying taxes to the Ro«
mans instead of the Rhodians, 16.

Capitation tax, difficulty of collecting at
Rome, 135.

Capito, L. 72.

Capitol, design and beauty of the, 385.

Capitoline College expels Marcus Furiui
Flaccus, 47, et n.

Carbo, Caius, the orator, 44, 181,428; re-
marks on, 430, 466, 493 ; death of, 834.

Carbo, Cn. the consul, 153, et n.; an
orator, 467.

Cameades, the orator and philosopher,
155, 264, 266.

Carvilius, S. punning anecdote of, 293.

Casca, the conspirator, 112.

Cascellius, M. 24.

Cassius, the friend of Q. Cicero, 27, 40;
his difficulties on the death of Csesar.
90; holds Syria, 93; his military suc-
cess, 9r<, 97.

Cassius, Lucius, eloquence of, 428.

Catienus, Titus, his character, 24, 25.

Catiline, conspiracy of, 112, et n.

Cato, C. the senator, 39, 42, 44 ; speech
of, 50 ; nephew of Africanus, 431.

Cato, Marcus, opposes the Agrarian law,
21; his life endangered, 29; inveighs
against Pompey, 43, 44; sale of his
gladiators and matadors, 49; repu-
diated by the consuls, 53 ; his influen-
tial position, 64 ; notices of, 206, 235,
420, 467 ; his definition of an orator,
244 n.; saying of, 302; his wit, 304;
his great acquirements, 370; speeches
of, 418, 426; a great orator, 419; his
contemporary orators, 422.

Catulus, Q. 71, 224, 467 ; his jest on Phi-
lippus, 296 ; his death, 334 ; remarks
on, 438, 479.

Causes in law, on the management and
conducting of, 248 — 254 ; inquiry into
the nature of, 257 ; two species of
ignorantly stated, 258; arguments to
he drawn from, 268 ; the points of to b«
pleaded, 309, 31 1 ; mode of conduct-
ing, 462.

Cavillatio, meaning of the word, 283, fi.

Censorian laws, 17, et n.

Censorinus, the friend of ft. Cicero, 87 ;
remarks on, 472.

Censuring, rules for, 325.

Centumviri, a body of inferior Judicet,
187; their decisions, 188, 189, 190.

Cethegus, M. C. eloquence of, 416
notices of, 417, 418.

Cethegus, P. remarks on, 452.

Cluerippus, an officer of Q. Cicero's, 8.

510

INDEX.

Chancte/, foundations for dignity of,
10.

Charges, various kinds of, 250, et seq.

Charisius, notice of, 489.

Charmadas, of Athens, 155, 156, 328;
his speeches, 164 — 166.

Chersonese, Roman armies in the, 110.

Children, on disinheriting, 188, et n.

Chile, notice of, 67.

Chors, meaning of, 299, n.

Chrysippus, the philosopher, 80, 8."», 156.

Cicero, Makccs Tdlly, letters of, to
his brother Quintus, 1—89; the occa-
sions on which they were written, 1 ,
21, 30, 38, 52, 55, 66; his political
position, 29; his numerous friends,
29 ; his impeachment threatened by
Clodius, 29, 30; letter of, written
whUe in exile at Thessalonica, 30 ; his
lamentations while in exile, 30, et seq.,
35 ; his letter to Atticus, 30, 31, et n.;
his affection for his brother, 31, n.;
commends his children to the care of
his brother, 35; causes of his self-
excitement, 36; the friends who are
desirous of saving him, 36; had not
been formally banislied, though his
house and TUla had been seized, 38;
recalled from exile, and recompense
made for his losses, 38; his account
of the proceedings in the senate-house,
39; his speech in the senate, 40;
mentions the two younger Ciceros, 60;
attacks Gabinius, 76 ; his numerous
engagements, 77; defends Gabinius,
78, 79; his opinion of his own versi-
fication, 80 ; his works on the best
.'brm of government, 81 ; his ideas on
writing poetry, 82, 85; vexations to
which he is exposed, 82, 83 ; his letters
Vo Brutus, 90 — 135; with introductory
remarks, 90; his difficulties after the
death of Ccesar, 90, 91 ; his son com-
mended by Brutus, 93; his philippics,
93; his son, in military command un-
ier Brutus, 108, 109; opposes Antony,
124; the advice of Brutus to, as to the
power of Octavius and Antony, 129 —
J 33; his epistle to Octavius, 130; his
portraiture of the times, addressed to
Octavius, 136— Ul; his Dialogues on
the " Character of the Ora or," 142,
et leg. ; course of municipal honours
through which he passed, 143, et n. ;
the troubles in which he was at times
engaged, 143; jest of, 300; his arrival
at Rhodes, 402; his conference with
Brutus and Pomponius on eminent
orators, 404, et seq. ; his literary and
political career, 497, et seq. ; the suc-
cessor of Hortensius, 501.

Cjcero, Qointus, letters oi his brother
Marcus addressed to, I, et seq. ; occa-
sions on which they were vn-itten, see
ante; his command in Asia extended
«c a third year, 1; advantipcs of his

position, 4; inrtstrd with high mii>
"tarjr authority, 5; his integrity, fi;
everywhere admired for his virtues, 6;
his lieutenants in Asia, 6; advice M
to his duties, 7, 8; beneficial results ol
his wise government, 12, 13; advised to
persevere in his good government, 15 ;
his political virtues, 17; advised to
regulate his temper, 18, 19; general
advice to, 20; Character of his asso-
ciates, 23 — 25; hints on the selection
of letters written to him, 26 ; reproved
respecting his letters on the disposition
of property, 26; his brother's com-
plaints against his government of
Asia Minor, 30; quits his government,
and hastens to Rome, where his
enemies were preparing to impeach
him, 30, et n. ; his brother's lamenta-
tions, 30, 31 ; appointed one of Pom-
pey's commissioners in Sardinia, 41,
et n. ; goes to Gaul as one of Cesar's
lieutenants, 55 ; a resident of Britain,
65, 71; bis houses and villas, 66, 67,
69, 71 ; his letters praised by his
brother, 73; his rural matters, 77;
education of his son, 78, 89; the Dia-
logues on Oratory, written at the
request of, 142.

Cincian law, notices of the, 307, n.

Cinclus, 47, 68; repartee of, 306.

Circumluvions, law of, 187, et n.

Circumstances, arguments to be drawn
from, 268.

Circumveniri, punning on the word, 294,
et n.

CitK, the legal meaning, 210, n.

Cities, restoration of, in Asia Minor, 12.

Civil affairs, chief qualification for giving
counsel in, 321.

Civil law, on the proper understanding
of the, 195, et seq.; must be thoroughly
studied by the orator, 182, 184; con-
fusion arising from the ignorance
of, 185, 186; delight in acquiring the
knowledge of it, 194, 195, et seq. ;
changes in the, 196, et n. ; the know-
ledge of, not always necessary in ora-
tory, 212, 214, et feq.

Civili, explanation of, 158 n.

Claudicat, punning on the word, 293.

Claudius, A. eloquence of, 415, 431.;
notices of, 482.

Claudii, 189.

CI' on, the orator, 409.

Cittfthenes, oratory of, 409.

Clitomachus, 155.

Clodius, C. notices of, 448.

Clodius, Ii. tribune of the people, 2 ; th«
friend of Cicero, 91.

Clodius, Publius, threatens the impeach-
ment of Cicero, 29, 30; his acts of
despotism and cruelty, 39, 40 ; his
speech in the senate, 40; obtains the
tribuneship through the interest of
Cssar S0> his various measures. 30 ^

INDEX

oil

his bitterness, 36 ; his contests in the
senate, 43, 44; his -wish to obtain an
L embassy, iS2, et n. ; his letter to Caesar

I noticed, 70.

I Coelius, S. impeachment and trial of,

50, 58.

Co-heirs, Roman law of, 210.

Collocation of words, 382.

Colons, minute sentences, 447.

Comitia. holding of the, 64, 58 ; brought
to an Interregnum, 86.

Commagene, king of, 56.

Common-places to be fixed in the me-
mory, 26P.

Common things, eloquence of, 234.

Comparative, two sorts of questions re-
garding the, 365.

Comparison, a jest may be derived ftom,
300.

Composition of words, 382.

Confidence, in whom it should be placed,
8.

Consequential, questions connected with
the, 365.

Consolation must be treated with elo-
quence, 234.

Consuls, alienated from the cause of
Cicero, 36 ; their absolute power, 53.

Consulship, contests for the, 63, et n. ;
candidates for the, impeached for
bribery, 76, 77; Messala elected to
the, 88.

Contested causes, difficulties of, 240.

Contraries, arguments to be drawn from,
268.

Copiousness of matter produces copious-
ness of language, 367.

Coponius, M. 190, 260.

Corax, 166; jests on the name, 354.

Corculum, a surname of Scipio Nasica,
422, et n.

Coriolanus, exile and death of, 412.

Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi,
463.

Cornelius, C. the informer, 44.

Cornelius, P. anecdote of, 301.

Corruption, decree of the senate on the
subject of, 48 ; prevalence of, at Rome,
63, 64.

Coruncanius, T. wisdom of, 370; his
eloquence, 415.

Costume of speech, 178.

Cotta, C. A. one of the jwrsonages of
Cicero's Dialogues, 142, 149, 150, et
seq.; exptlled from office, 334; his
iitults of pronunciation, 344.

Cotta, L. a skilful speaker, 423 ; re-
marks on, 440, 460, 479.

Countenance, its importance in oratory ,
398, 399.

Oinntry, love of, 195.

Crassipes, the son-in-law of Cicero, 44,
47.

Crassus, Justinianus, the friend of Cicero,
86.

Crassus, Lucius L. one of th« orators of

Cicero's Dialogues, 142, 149, et seq. ,
his praises of oratory, ISO ; quaestoi
in Asia, 155, et n.; his oratorical
accomplishments, 254 ; his witticisms
against Brutus, 285, 286 ; jesting ol^
299 ; witty sarcasm of, 304 ; his inge-
nious mode of examination, 306 ; hi*
varied talents, 329, 330, 446 ; anecdote
of, 336 ; his general views of eloquence,
337, et seq. ; his great skill as an orator,
442; his skilful pleading, 457; hii
oration in defence of Curius, 478.

Crassus, Marcus, the praetor, 184; his
great acquirements, 471 ; his political
power, 2 ; consulship of, 52.

Crassus, P. 186, et n. ; 211 ; wisdom of,
370: an orator of great merit, 428;
notices of, 429; his high character,
487.

Crebrius, notices of, 83.

Criminal matters, modes of conducting,
250.

Critias,writings of, 246, etn.; his learning
and eloquence, 371, 409.

Critolaus, the philosopher, 264, 265.

Ctesiphon, 395, 396.

Culleo, auction of his property, 41.

Curio, C. the orator, 43, 44, 248, 432 ; his
genius, 435, 436 ; the third best orator
of his age, 463 ; his want of memory,
465 ; family of, 464 ; remarks on, 464,
465 ; his high character, 487.

Curius, M. the friend of Cicero, 36, 190,
210, 284; eloquence of,416.

Curtius, a candidate for the tribuneship,
70.

Cychereus, letter of, noticed, 110.

Cynics, Antisthenes the founder of, 349.

Cyrenaic philosophy, Aristippus the
founder of, 349.

Cyrus, the architect, 41.

" Cyrus," of Xenophon, its objects, 12.

Decihs, p. style of, 432.

Definition, meaning of the term, 193;
how far useful, 251 ; the various dis-
putes on, 365.

Deliberations in cases of law, 250.

Delivery, one of the essentials of ao
>ration, 178 n. ; manner of, the sole
power in oratory, 395 ; Demosthenes'
opinion of, 395 ; the voice materially
contributes to its effectiveness, 399.

Demades, the orator, 410.

Demochares, the Greek writer, 247;
notices of, 489.

Democritus, the philosopher, 156; hie
followers, 153.

Demosthenes, possessed of the utmost
energy of eloquence, 165 ; his et-
forts to acquire perfection, 218; hi*
opinion of the chief requisite of olo*
quence, 395 ; a complete orator, 410;
style of, 435.

AiaAexTixr, the art taught by Diogeoe%
2M.

612

INDEX.

Piligence, requisite for finding argu-
ment, 262; to be particularly culti-
vated, 262.

Dinarchus, the orator, 410.

Diogenes, the philosopher, 264, 265.

Dion of Syracuse, learning of, 371.

Dionysius, 236 1 a great intriguer, 59.

Dionysopolis, the people of, 24.

Diophanes, the eloquent Grecian, 430.

Diphilus, 66, 67.

Disposition, one of the parts of an
oration, 178 n.

Disputation, manner of, among the
Greeks, 164, et seq., 169 ; no kinds of,
should be foreign to the orator, 368.

Dissimilarity, arguments to be drawn
from, 268.

Dissimulation, joking similar to a sort
of, 302.

Distortion of features, unworthy of an
orator, 295.

Divisores, explanation of the term, 297 n.

Dolabella, kills Trebonius, 92; his career
in Asia, 93 ; his oppressions, 97 ; de-
feated and slain, 110; reports respect-
ing, 110.

Domitius Calvinus, 79.

Domitius, Cnaeus, the praetor, 29, 58 ;
consulship of, 55, 58, 63 ; his coalition
with Memmius, 63 n. ; befriended by
Cicero, 72 ; impeached for bribery, 76,
77; commended by Brutus, 109; jest
of Crassus against, 291 n. ; remarks
on, 448.

Domitius, L. notices of, 482.

Doubt, matters admitting of, how to be
decided, 261.

Drusus, 142, 149; acquitted of prevari-
cation, 64 ; his complaints against
Philippus, 332.

Drusus. M. and C. the orators, 432, 467.

Duodecim Scriptis, the game so called,
203 n.

Dyrrhachium, 93, 96.

Ea Trao-af, quoted by Cicero, 54.

Echion, the Greek painter, 420.

EgiUus, witty repartee of, 304.

Ei i' iv altf. efno-o9,'quoted by Cicero, 54.

Elocution necessary in oratory, 342.

Eloquence, difficulty of acquiring the
art of, 147 ; the piaisea of Crassus in
CaTour of, 150, 151 ; Scaevola's opinions
on, opposed to those of Crassus, 152 ;
the early Romans destitute of, 152;
ancient laws, customs, &c. not esta-
blished by, 153; saying of Socrates
on, 159 : connected with oratory,
163; consists in the art of speak-
ing welt, 164; of the Academicians,
164, et teq. ; different from good
speaking, 167 ; erery branch of know-
ledge necessary to, 222 ; advantage
of, 229 ; whether it is desirable r
232; of comaion things, 234; power of.

mostly the same, 321 ; one and tie
same, in whatever regions of debate
engaged, 338, 339 ; the different kinds
of, 839, et teq. ; the distinguishing
title of, 346; power of, denominated
■wisdom, 347; the real power of, 353;
various requisites for, 359, 391, el seq.;
the greatest glory of, to exaggerate by
embellishment, 362; wonderful lovo
of, in Greece, 408; the house of .Iso-
crates the school of, 409 ; the age when
it flourished, 410, el seq. ; the attendant
of peace, &c. 413 ; what is the perfect
character of, 459. See Oratory and
Speaking.

Embassies, nature of, explained, 52.

Embellishment, one of the parts of an
oration, 178 n.

Emotions of the mind, 272, et seq. ; ex-
pressed on the countenance, 396 ; and
by gestures, 398.

Empedoclea of Sallust, 56.

Empedocles, 203.

Ennius, 181; an axiom of, 284; his "An-
nals," 416; remarks on, 417; notices
of, 420, 421 ; death of, 422.

Entreaty, sometimes very advantageous,
322.

Epaminondas, talents of, 372 ; erudition
of, 414.

Ephorus, the historian, 236.

Equity, sometimes the object of oratory,
178; on questions of, 260.

Eretrians, sect of, 349.

Evidence, to be given with great exact-
ness, 233.

Exhortation must be treated with elo-
quence, 234.

Exile, letter written by Cicero in, 30}
miseries of enumerated, 32 ; causes
of, 36.

Exordium of a speech, 316 — 318.

Expectation, jokes contrary to, 206.

Expediency, how to be treated in ora
tory, 311.

Eyes, management of the, in oratory, 399

Fabius, C.25.

Fabius Maximus, jest on, 302.

Fabius, S. the orator, 423.

Fabricius, the friend of Cicero, 36.

Fabricius, C. witticism of, 301; eloquence
of, 415.

Facetiousness, good effect of, 322.

Facts, questions on the nature of, in-
numerable and intricate, 259 ; from the
facts themselves, very few and clear,
259 ; statement of, in a speech, 319.

Fadius, the friend of Cicero, 36.

Fannii, Caii, the orators, 429.

Fannlus, the annalist, 301.

Farmers of the revenue, 4; disputes
among the, 5 ; on the just manage-
ment of, 15, 16; wrongs committed by
(he, 16; released from some of tbf

IKTDEX.

513

conditions of their contract, 22; their
«xtortions in Syria, 50, el n.

Favonins, 43.

Fear, feelings of, 280 ; assumes a parti-
cular tone of voice, 397.

Feelings to be worked on, 280.

Felix, will of, left unsigned, 89.

Festivals of Rome in December, 39, et n.

Fimbria, C. notices of, 245, 438, 471.

Flaccus, M. F. a tolerable orator, 431, 432.

Flaminius, T. an accurate speaker, 432 j
remarks on, 479.

Flavius, his disputed estate referred to
Cicero, 110.

Flavius, Cn. 192.

Flavius, L. his interview with Cicero,
26, 27.

Flood of waters at Rome, 84.

Folly, witty, mode of exposing, 304.

Formis in Campania, 9.

Fortune not to be relied on so much as
virtue and moderation, 4.

Forum, affairs of the, 76.

Friendship, professions of, to be guard-
ed against, 8; especially among the
Greeks, 9.

Fufidius, 67 ; a tolerable pleader, 433.

Fufius, L. 190, 345 ; remarks on, 467.

Fulvius, the orator, 423.

Fuudanus, C. 26.

Furius, L. 264.

Furius, M. expelled from the Capitoline
College, 47,

Fusius, 245.

Gabiniak law, 58.

Gabinius, 29; proconsul of Syria, 51, et
n.; governor ot Syria, 58; prosecuted
by different parties, 71, 75, 76 ; his un-
popularity, 74; his conduct, 75; im-
peached for bribery, 77, 78 ; detested
by all, 78; his acquittal, 78; Cicero
not an advocate, but simply a witness
respecting him, 87.

Galba, C. notices of, 437.

Salba, S. 153, 21 1; his tragic speech, 206 ;
repartee of, 299; the best speaker of
his age, 423; his successful pleadings,
424; his energetic defence against
liibo, 426; inferiority of his written
compositions, 427 ; remarks on, 492.

Gallus, C. A. an able speaker, 445.

Games, excessive taxation for support-
ing the, 13, et n.

Gaul, commotions in, 2.

Gauls, auxiliary forces from the, 119.

Gellius, 39, 430; remarks on, 421.

General, what he is, 200, 201.

Genius, the great end of speaking, 171 ;
'equisite for finding argument, 262.

Gesture, appropriate, ought to attend the
emotions of the mind, 398.

Glabrio, notices of, 39, 473.

Glaucia, repartee of, 299; remarks on,
467.

Glory of a great name, 20.

Glycon, the physician of Pansa, 109.

Good breeding essential to the orator, 161.

Gorgias, the Leontine, 169; his universal
knowledge, 368; a rhetorician, 409 ; an
essayist, 413.

Gorgonius, C. remarks on, 453.

Government, precepts on the just admi-
nistration of, 11, 12; beneficial results
of, under Q. Cicero, 12; the sort of wis-
dom applied to, 164; nature of, should
be known to the orator, 182.

Gracchus, the augur, 41.

Gracchus, Caius, his pitchpipe for regu-
lating the voice, 400 ; genius of, 436.

Gracchus, T. the Roman orator, 201, 422,
428; his effective delivery, 396; his
death, 430.

Grammarians, number of, who have ex-
celled, 145.

Granius, witticisms of, 292, 296, 305;
anecdote of, 450.

Gratidianus, M. 189, 449.

Gratidius, the lieutenant of Q. Cicero, 6.

Gratidius, M. notices of, 449.

" Great Annals," the early records of
Rome, 234.

Greece, the studies and arts of, advan-
tageous, 14 ; the seven wise men of,
371 ; her wonderful love of eloquence,
408 ; orators of, very ancient, 414.

Greek, on the reading and study of, 236,
237.

Greek orators, translations of, 18.

Greek writers have produced their dif-
ferent styles in different ages, 246, 247 ;
their varied abilities, 263.

Greeks, their friendship to be guarded
against, 9 ; their right to pay taxes,
16; complaints of the, 23; oratory
of the, 148, 155; their manner of dis-
putation, 164 el teq., 169; character
of the, 226; their powers as writers
of history, 234 ; their manner of teach-
ing oratory, 242 ; objections to it, 243 ;
some degree of learning and politenesi
among the, 359.

Greeks of Asia Minor, 5, et n.

Greville, punning on the name, 293,
294 n.

Gutta, supported by Pompey, 86.

Halicarkasbus, in Asia Minor, 12.
Hand, action of the, in oratory, 398.
Hannibal, his opinion of Phormio's ora

tion on the military art, 241.
Harmony of words, 382, 383; ef naturaJ

things, 384 ; of sounds, 39U.
Hatred, feelings of, 280.
Hearers influenced by the different qua

lities of a speaker, 271.
Hegesias, remarks on, 489.
Hellanicus, the historian, 234.
Helvetii, frequent inroads of the, 2.
Hephaestus of Apamea, 34.
Herctum, the legal meaniag, 210, el r
Hercules of Folyctetus, 239.

L L

514

TSDZX.

Herennius, M. remarks on, 448.

Herillians, sect of, 349.

Hermias, Cicero's letter respecting, 27.

Hermippus of Dionysopolis, 24.

Hermodorus the dock-builder, 159.

Herodotus, eloquence of, 235.

Herus, the bailiff of Cicero, 66.

Hierocles, 247.

Hippias of Elis, his universal knowledge,
368, 4()9.

Hirrus, Cicem sneers at, 86, 88.

Hirtius the consul, 91 ; slain in battle,
104.

History must be studied by the orator,
182 ; a knowledge of, essential to
oratory, 217; what are the talents
requisite for, 234 ; Greek and Latin
writers of, 234, 235, 236; how far is
it the business of the orator? 237; the
general rules of, obvious to common
sense, 237 ; humorous allusions may
be drawn from, 300; truth of, much
corrupted, 418.

Homer, eloquence appreciated by, 411;
poets existed before his time, 420.

Honour, how to be treated in oratory, 321.

Honours, on the conferring of, 126, 127;
course of, through which the Romans
had to pass, 143, et n. ; whether they
should be sought ? 232.

Hope, feelings of, 280, 281.

Hortensius the orator, 401 ; his death,
402 ; his character, 402, et aeg. ; his
genius, 469 ; his coevals, 470 ; biogra-
phical notices of, 494 ; his distin-
guished qualifies, 495, 502, et seq. ;
succeeded by Cicero, 501.

Hostilius, C. 210; "Cases of," 213.

House, contest respecting the sale of a,
189, 190.

Humanity, to be exhibited to those f^m
whom we received it, 14.

Humour, strokes of, necessary in oratory,
283, et seq.

Hypallage, form of, 380.

Hyperides, the orator, 410.

Hypsffius, his contest with C. Octavius,
184, 185, et n.

IcTtTs metrici, explained, 385 n.
Ill-temper, proneness to, 18.
Imitation, advice respecting, 245; the

orator should be moderate in, 291.
Impertinent, definition of the word, 225.
Impossible, on treating the, 321.
Incidi, explanation of the word, 70.
Indecency of language to be avoided in

oratory, 295.
Indiscretion, various ways in which it

may be prejudicial to the orator, 311,

et n.
Inheritances, formula for entering on,

169, etn.
Inquiry, various subjects of, 364.
Instances, parallel, arguments to be

drawn from, 268.

Intestacy, law of, 189.

Intimacies, caution to be observed in tlu
formation of, 10.

Invention, one of the parts of an oratton,
178 n.

Invention and arrangement essential t«
oratory, 220.

Ionia, in Asia Minor, 12.

Ironical dissimulation sometimes prtx-
duc&s an agreeable effect, 301.

Ironical use of words, 299.

Irony of Socrates, 491.

Isocrates, the father of eloquence, 228,
392 ; his house the school of elo-
quence, 246, 409 ; his mode of teach-
ing, 383, 410, 461 ; a writer of orations,
414.

Italy, formerly cailled " Magna Graecia,"
264.

Jestiko, mimicry a species of, 295 ; the
various kinds of, 295, et seq.

Jests, Greek books on, 283; the kind that
excite laughter, 289, 293; various sortt
of, 295, et seq. ; infinite in variety, but
reducible to a few general heads, 308.

Jocosity, useful in oratory, 28'?.

Jokes, 289; sometimes border on scur-
rility, 292 ; often lie.in a single word„
297. See Jests.

Joking, caution to be observed in, 290.

Joy, feelings of, 280, 281.

Julius, C. 224; death of, 324; varied
talents of, 4.')2.

Julius, L. death of, 334.

Junius, T. remarks on, 453.

Jupiter, a work so called, 52, 59 n.

Jurisprudence, a knowledge of esseritial
to oratory, 217.

Jus applicationis, 189.

Jus civile, 196. See Civil Law.

Jus pubUcTma, the vari»us heads of,
197 n.

Juventius, T. remarks on, 452.

Kindred, law of, 187, et n.

Knowledge, the liberal departments ot,
linked together in one bond, 337 ; thret
kinds of, 364 ; all the objects of, com-
prehended by certain distinguished
individuals, 369, 370.

Labeo, an oflScerof Q. Cicero's, 8, 73, 99.

Laelia, th« daughter of C. Laelius, 463 ;
her sweetness of voice, 344.

Lselius, C. 201, 264; his light amuse-
ments, 226; repartee of, 306; a finished
orator, 423, 424 ; his pleadings, 425 ;
esteemed the wisest of men, 463.

Leelius, Decimus, 227.

Lama, L. JE. repartee of, 299.

Lamia, C. his boldness of speech, S3.

Lamis, the, 45.

Language, purity of, necessary, 342,
faults of noticed, 343; on the ambi-
guity of, 345 ; form of, follows th«
nature of our thoughts, 384 ; agreeabla

XM>£X.

>15

■ess and grace ot, 385 ; metrical stnic-
lure of, 385; the various figures which
tend to adorn, 391, et teq. ; fashionable
delicacy of, 450.

Larentia, the nurse of Romulus, 125.

Largius's limb, joke on Memmius re-
specting, 290, el n.

Laterium, a countiy house of Cicero's,
50 ; Cicero's description of, 68, 69.

Latiar, error in the name of, 46.

Latin, to be spoken with purity, 342.

Laughter, five things connected with,
which are subjects of consideration,
189; sort of jests calculated to excite,
293, 306.

Law, severity in its administration ne-
cessary, 10; qualities necessary for,
11; instances of ignorance of, 185,
18(i; various disputed cases of, 188 —
192; a knowledge of, necessary to the
orator, 209 ; case of, discussed be-
tween Crassus and Galba, 210 ; cases
In which there can be no dispute, 211 ;
cases in which the civil law is not
absolutely necessary, 212, 214, et teq.
(see Civil Law.)

Laws must be understood by the orator,
182 ; different kinds of, specified, 187 ;
of Athens, 208.

Lawyer, who truly deserves the name ?
201.

Learning, advantages of, 356, 357 ; its
progress in Rome, 358 ; of the Greeks,
359.

Legatio libera, meaning of the term, 52.

LentuluB, Cn. 44, 471, 475.

Lentulus, L. the orator, his contests in
the senate, 41, 42; consulship of, 48;
engages to supply Rome witli corn,
49 n.; accuses Gabinius, 78; remarks
on, 423.

Lentulus, Lucius, son of the flamen,
71.

Lentulus, Marcellinns, consulship of,
SS.

Lentulus, P. the praetor, 29, 201 ; elo-
quence of, 431 ; remarks on, 440.

Lentulus, P. and L. notices of, 482.

Lentulus, Spinther, consulship of, 38.

Lepidus, M. levity and inconsistency of,
»4, 95 ; folly of, 1 16 ; his children suf-
ferers by it, 1 1 7 ; the fear in which he
was held, 117; his wickedness, 121 ; a
vacillating man, 123 ; his statue over-
thrown, 126; saying of, 307; witticism
of, 307 ; remarks on, 492.

Lepidus and Antony, kingly power trans-
ferred to, 123, 124.

Letters, of Cicerto to his brother
Quintus, 1 — 89; to Junius Brutus, 00
— 135 ; to Octavius, 136 (see Cicero);
Cicero complains of their nqn-arrival,
84, 85 ; cautions respecting the con-
veyance of, 85 ; of Junius Brutus to
Cicero, 92, 100, 106, 108, 109, 117, 128;
to Atticus, 111 i those of Br uu dtf-

ferently arranged in different editions

93. 94 n.
Lex ^lia Fulvia, 30.
Lex Licinia Mucia >ie civibus regendit,

297.
Libo, T. the tribune. 426.
Licinis, the, 463.
Licinius, the kidnapper, 25.
Licinius, the slave of ^sop, 28.
Licinius, M. 45, 46.
Lictor, duties of his office, 8.
Literature and studv the great pleasun

of Cicero, 87.
Livius, biographical notices of, 421.
Locusta, 6t>.

Longilius, the contractor, 48.
Longinus, 217.
Love, feelings of, 280.
Lucilius, C. the satirist, 161, e< n. ; »

man of great learning, 227 ; obscuritj

of a passage in, 295, et n.
Lucius, a common Latin praenomen;

see passim.
Lucretius, poems of, 56.
LucuUi, L. and M. the orators, 467.
LucuUus, M. the prsetor, 39.
Lupus, the senator, his speech, 39.
LycurguE, 410, 411.
Lysias, a complete orator, 410, 411;

notices of, 418.

Macedonia, 155.

Macer, C. remarks on. 472.

Magius, jest respecting, 300; remarks

on, 452.
Magnesians, make honourable mentioa

of a. Cicero, 55.
Mago, the Carthaginian, 214, et n.
Majesty, crime against, equivalent to

treason, 74, et ».
Maius, C. 160.

Maluginensis, M. S. joke of, 298.
Mancia, M. satirical jest on, 300.
Mancinus, C. case of, 191.
Manilian laws, 213.

Manilius, M. 201; his universal know-
ledge, 369; his judgment, 431.
Manlius, Cn. 255, et n.
Manucius, 73.
Manutius, Paul, 100, n.
Marcelli, 189.
Marcellinus, the senator, his speech, 39 {

Cicero's complaint against, 49.
Marcellus, M. 42, 159; remarks on, 440.
Marcus, a common praer.omen aioong

the Romans ; see pauim.
Marcus, Q. a Roman orator, 423.
Marius, the friend of Cicero, 54, 55.
Marius, C. 276.
Marius, M. the orator, 467.
Matadors of Cato, 49.
Mathematics, the numbers who havt

excelled in, 145.
Maximus, Q. the orator, 431.
Megarians, sect of, 349.
Megaristus of Antwdros, 24.

516

INDKX.

Memniius, 23, 71 ; his coalition with
Domitius, (i3, et n. ; exposes the coali-
tion, 72; impeached for bribery, 76,
77; his reliance on Caesar, 86; jests
respectinpr, 290, 300, 301; his witty
reproof, 306; remarks on, 475.

Memmius, C. and L. remarks on, 440.

Memory, the repository of all things,
147 ; one of the requisites of an ora-
tor, 178, n.; to be exercised, 181, 182;
ait of, 311, 327, 328; Slmonides the
Inventor, 325, 326; a great benefit to
the orator, 326.

Menecles, of Alabanda, 247.

Menedemus, of Athens, 164.

Messala, 34; Cicero's opinion o\, 72,
86; impeached for bribery, 76, 77;
made consul, 88; his high character,
122; remarks on, 475.

Messala, V. elected consul, 63, et n.

Messidius, 66, 67.

Metaphor, a brief similitude, 376 ; on the
use of, 377; brevity sometimes ob-
tained by, 377, 378; not to be too far-
fetched, 379; on the connexion of
several metaphors, 381.

Metaphorical use of words, 299.

Metelli, C. and N. remarks on the, 475.

Metellus, notices of, 201, 301, et »., 439;
eloquence of, 416, 423.

Metellus Nepos, consulship of, 38.

Method, requisite for finding argument,
262.

Metonymy, form of, 380.

Metrical quantities of words or sen-
tences, 385, 386.

Metrodorus, 328, 353.

Military art, Phormio's lecture on the,
241.

Milo, the friend of Cicero, 36, 42, 43;
Cicero complains of his imprudence, 50 ;
applause awarded to, 71; opposed by
Pompey, 86 ; prepares toexhibit games,
86, 88 ; censured by Cicero, 88.

Mimicry, a kind of ludicrous jesting,
295.

Misenum, of Campania, 236.

Mnesarchus, 155, 164.

Modulation of words, 382, 383.

Molo, the rhetorician, 496.

Money, charges of extortion, 250; em-
bezzlement of, 250.

" Motus," meaning of, 171.

Mucia, sister of Metellus, 1.

Muciae, the, 463.

Mucius, P. 201, 211, 234.

Mucins, Q. 149, 197.

Mummius, L. and S. the Roman orators,
427.

Murena, P. remarks on, 472.

Music, the numbers who have excelled
in, 145.

Myron, the Greek sculptor, 420.

Mysia, in Asia Minor, 12.

Mysians, mode of punishing two of
tbem, 24.

JMjiTius, pnnnir.g on the name, 29i

writings of, 417.
Narration, contained in a speech, 31(V

difficulties of, 300.
Nasica, witty repartees of, 298, 303, 30 1
Naso, L. O. 26.
Nassenius, C. recomir.ended by Cicero

101.
Nature, harmony and beauty of, 384.
Nature and genius, the great end ol

speaking, 171.
Naucrates, writings of, 247, et n.
Nerius, Cn. the informer, 44.
Nero, C. C. old saying of, 293.
Nerva, C. L. 438.
Nervii, of Gaul, 85.
Nicander, of Colophon, 161, et n.
Nicephorus, the bailiff of Q. Cicero, 68.
Nicias of Smyrna, 24.
Nicomachus, the Greek painter, 420.
Nigidius, the preetor, 29.
Nobilior, punning alteration of the word,

296, »t n.
Norbanus, C. the tribune, 255, etn., 273,

276, n., 277.
Numa Pompilius, 152, 264.
Numerius Furius, notices of, 357.
Nummius, punning on his name, 297.
Nuncupative wills, 206, el n.
Nymphon of Colophon, 24.

Obsccritt, to be avoided in metaphor,
380.

Octavianus, or Octavius, his difficulties
on the death of Caesar, 90, 91 ; lauded
by Cicero, 98, 124; Brutus's opinion
of, 113, 114; the friend of Cicero, 120;
honours proposed to, 125 ; Brutus
refuges to solicit clemency from, or to
allow him regal authority, 128—133;
his obligations to Cicero, 134 ; Cicero's
epistle to, on his character and con-
duct, 136—141 ; this epistle considered
spurious, 136 n.; his tyranny and op-
pression, 139, 140.

Octavius, Caius, the associate of Q.
Cicero, 25.

Octavius Cn. his wise administration
11 ; his contest with Hypsjeus, 184,
185, et n. ; eloquence of, 451.

Octavius, M. and Cn. the orators, 427,
467.

Oppius, the confidential fUend of Ceesar,
69, 70, r2, 73.

Oration, its eflfects when adorned and
polished, 151 ; the differtnt methods
of dividing it, 242 ; difficulties attend-
ing it, 243.

Orations, written ones often inferior ta
those spoken, 427.

Orator, The, Cicero's Dialogues on his
character, 142, et seq. ; when and why
composed, 142; the different person*
introduced, 142 ; must obtain th*
knowledge of everything important,
148 , to be accomplished in every sut>

INDEX

51/

Ject of conversation and learning, 152;
can speak well on every subject, 156 ;
his power consists in exciting the
feelings, 157; he is an orator who can
define his power, 159; ethical philo-
sophy may be mastered by, 161 ; good
breeding essential to him, 161 ; nature
and genius his great aids, 171 ; defini-
tions of the complete orator, 172, 173,
et seq. ; condemned for the least imper-
fection, 174, 175; writing his best
modeller and teacher, 180; his general
studies, 181, 182; the various depart-
; ments of knowledge with which he

r should be familiar, 182 j a knowledge

of civil law absolutely necessary, 184,
tt seq. ; an acquaintance with the
arts and sciences essential, 193; one
who can use appropriate words and
thoughts, 202 ; must study philosophy,
204 ; the various objects he ought to
embrace, 204, 205; one who can use
the art of persuasion, 218; invention
and arrangement essential, 220, etseq.;
no excellence superior to that of a con-
summate orator, 229, 230 ; how far
history is hi» business, 237 ; the kinds
of subjects on which he may speak,
238, 239; Cato defines him as " vir
bonus dicendi peritus," 244 n. ; his
excitement of the passions, 280, 281 ;
his jocosity and wit, 283; should be
moderate in imitation, 291 ; distortion
of features unworthy of the, 295 ; his
various kinds ofindiscretion, 311, e^n.;
his proper mode of arranging facts and
arguments, 313, et seq. ; a popular
assembly his most enlarged scene,
321, 322 ; his use of panegyric, 323—
325 ; memory greatly beneficial to, 326 ;
should speak with perspicuity and
gracefulness, 342 ; compared with the
philosopher, 371, 372; first made his
; appearance in Athens, 408 ; the prin-

cipal qualities required, 426 ; three
things which he should be able to
effect, 454.

Orator and poet nearly allied, 161.

Orators, opinions of the Academicians
on, 164, et seq. ; a wide distinction
between the accomplishments and
natural abilities of, 339; enumeration
of, 339 ; of antiquity, 347, 348; Cicero's
remarks on, 402, et seq. ; the early
ones of Athens, 409 ; the Rhodian and
Asiatic, 414; different styles of, 435;
two classes of good ones, 460 ; of tlie
Attic style, 488 — 490.

Orators of Greece, very ancient, 414.

Orators of Rome, the early ones, 415, et
seq. ; their age and merits, 4S5, et seq ;
contemporary ones, 453 ; the leading
ones, 4G2 ; their treatment, 496, 497.

Oratory, on the general study of, 150;
business and art of, to be divided into
five parts, 1 78 ; writing the best mo-

deller and teacher of, 180; may exist
without philosophy, 208 ; legal know-
ledge necessary to, 209 ; a perfect
mastery over all the arts not necessary
in, 215, 216; strokes of wit and hu-
mour useful in, 283, et ssq. ; joking in
to be cautiously practised, 290 ; on th»
use of the ridiculous in, 292, 294;
sorts of jests calculated to excite
laughter, 293, 294 ; punning in, 292—
294 ; peculiar habits to be avoided,
295 ; various kinds of jesting used in,
295, et seq. ; talents applicable to, 310,
3il; ancient professors of. 368; me-
trical harmony to be observed in, 385,
386 ; the most illiterate are capable of
judging of, 390 ; the various requisites
of, 391, et seq. ; considerations of what
is the most becoming, 395 ; importance
of delivery, 395 ; almost peculiar to
Athens, 414; on the effects of, 455,
456. See Eloquence and Speaking.

Orbius, P. remarks on, 452.

Oresta, L. and C. A. the Roman orators,
427.

Orfius, M. a Roman km'ght, commended
by Cicero, 60.

" Origines," a work written by Mare i»
Cato, 206.

'OpOuv rav vavv, a Greek proverb, 27,

Osella, remarks on, 452.

Paconius, the Mysian, 10.

Pacuvius, passage from the play of, 264.

Piean and Munio, explanation of, 216 n.

Pseonius, the rhetorician, 78.

Painters of Greece, 420.

I'ainting, a single art, though possessing
different styles, 339.

Palicanus, the orator, 467.

Pamphilus, notices of, 354, et n.

Panegyric, the ornaments and delivery
of, 232, 233 ; use of, in oratory, 322 —
325.

Pansa, the consul, 91 ; his military posi-
tion, 96; death of, 104; remarks on
his death, 109 ; his energy in the
senate, 119.

Papirius, L. eloquence of, 449.

Parallel cases, arguments to be drawn
from. 269.

Particulars, arguments to be drawn from,
267.

Parties, political, of Rome, 90, 92.

Passion, to be restrained, 18, 19.

Passions, the power of the orator con-
sists in exciting them, 157; the art ot
influencing the. 204 ; moving of the,
272, et seq. ; to he called into action,
280, et seq. ; excitement of the, aa
essential part of oratcty, 280, 281.

Patro, the Epicurean, 21.

Patroni causatum, 196 «.

Paulu*, L. the orator, 423.

* «iuius, M. the orator, 433.

518

INDEX.

Percussions, metilcal, SS5, et u.

I'ericles, the best orator in Athens, 202;
his compositions 246, el n. ; his elo-
quence, 371, 408, 409; how it was
acquired, 412, 413.

Period, the largest compass of a, 383.

Periods, conclusions of, to be carefully
studied, 389.

Peripatetics, the, 154; founded by Aris-
totle, 349 ; discipline of the, 435

Persius, 227 ; a man of letters, 429.

Persuasion, the business of an orator,
177; most useful to him, 218; the
chief object to be effected, 417.

Phaethon, 36.

Phalereus, the orator, 411.

Phericydes, the historian, 234.

Philippics of Cicero, 93.

Philippus, the consul, 40, 149 ; the step-
father of Octavius, 114.

Philippus, L. orations of, 331, 332; notices
of, 448, 454; his varied talents, 450,
451.

Philippus, M. consulship of, 38.

Philistus, the Sicilian writer, 59, et n.

Philistus, the historian, 236 , writings of,
247, et n.

Philo, the architect, 159 ; the philosopher
of Athens, 363, 496.

Philo?onus, the freedman, 32.

Philolaus, acquirements of, 372.

Philosopher, who deserves the appella-
tion, 201; compared with the orator,
372, 373.

Philosophers, various sorts of, 849 ; of
Athens, 363 ; their teaching, 435.

Philosophy, the parent of all the arts,
145 ; ethical philosophy may be mas-
tered by the orator, 161 ; the wisdom
derived from, 164, 165 ; must be studied
by the orator, 204, 205 ; never despised
by the Romans, 264; knowledge in
the arts and sciences so denominated,
348; principles of, 354; moral philo-
sophy derived its birth from Socrates,
409.

Philotimus, 68.

Philoxenus, 66.

Philus, L. F. a correct speaker, 431.

Phormio, the peripatetic, Hannibal's
opinion of, 241.

tivaiKoi, natural philosophers, 203.

Pictor, the historian, 235.

Pilus, the courier, 98, 99.

Pinarius, T. Cicero's respect for, 74;
jest on, SCO.

Pisistratus, learning of, 371 ; oratory of,
409, 411.

Piso, the historian, 235.

Piso, C. hig 1 character of, 484.

Piso, L. the tribune, 431 ; a professed
pleader, 431.

Piso, M. the peripatetic Staseas, 169;
his great erudition, 472; jjtices ot,
472, 473.
Pity, feelings of, 280, 28i.

Plancius, the »enator, a friend of Cicero'ii,
40 ; Cicero's speech prepared for, 70.

Plancus, L. his military arrangen.ents,
94,95; his forces of, 119; honouri
proposed to, 126.

Plato, the chief of all genius and learn-
ing, 14; a citizen of Sardis, 28; tht
Gorgias of, 155; saying of, 337; tha
ancient school of, 349 ; the instructor
of Dion, 371; statue of, 408; richness
of his style, 435 ; anecdote of, 45G.

Plautus, death of, 417.

Plays on ambiguous words extremely
ingenious, 2r-5.

Pleading, impai.sioned manner of, 279; the
strong [points of a cause to be taken,
309 ; manner of, to be adopted, 310.

Pleasure assumes a particular tone of
the voice, 398.

Poem, epic, written by Cicero, 89.

Poet, must possess ardour of imagina-
tion, 275.

Poetry, Cicero's ideas on writing, 82, 85.

Poets, the small number who have risen
to eminence, 14(i j must be studied
by the orator, 182; have the nearest
affinity to orators, 161, 339.

Poisoning, charges of, 250.

Political treatises, preparing by Cicero,
59.

PoUio, his history of the civil wars, 1.

Polycletus, the Greek sculptor, 239,
420.

Polygnotus, the Greek painter, 420.

Pompeius, C. remarks on, 473.

Pompeius, C. and S. remarks on, 451.

Pompeius, Q. the orator, 428 ; remarks
on, 473.

Pompeius, S. the philosopher, 160, 353.

Pompey, the great, 1, 2; his defection
from Cicero, 36 ; his contests in the
senate, 42, et seg. ; large amount oi
money voted to, 47 ; his unpopularity,
50 ; consulship of, 52 ; Cicero's inter-
views with, 52, 55 ; defends Gabinius,
78, 79 ; patronage of, 86.

Pompey and Crassus, second consulship
of, 142.

Pompilius, M. a man of abilities, 416.

Pomponia, 48, 69.

Pomponius the orator, 34, 345 ; marriage
of, 45 ; his conference with Cicero oa
eminent orators, 404. See Atticus.

Pomptiiiius, triumph of, 81.

Pontidius, P. notices of, 475.

Popilia, 232.

Popilius, P. and C. the Roman oraton,
427.

Popular Assembly, the most enlarged
scene of action for an orator, 321, 322.

Porcia, the mother of young Cicero, 89.

Porcina, M. 153.

Portia, 115.

Postumius, T. remarks on, 482

Power and wisdom, on the uiion of, U
political government, 14.

i

INDBI.

519

" Praer.9 actionum," ac instruct i: of
forms, 209, et n.

Praetexta, Cicero's ridicule of the, 56.

Praetors, ineifectiveness of the, 3; at-
tendants on the, 7 ; the friends of
Cicero, 29 ; list of in the senate, 39.

Pragmatici, pleaders' assistants, 196, el
«., 216.

Praises of all men to be secured, 19.

Precepts addressed to Q. Cicero, 10.

Prevarication, the legal meaning of, 64,
et n.

Promises of adherence made to M. Ci-
cero, 29.

Proof, two kinds of matter for the pur-
pose of, 253.

Property, reproof of Q. Cicero respecting
the disposition of, 26.

Protagoras, the rhetorician, 409 ; an es-
sayist, 413.

Protogenes, the Greek painter, 420.

Proverbs may be applied in oratory, 297.

Ptolemy Auletes, king of Alexandria,
41, et n.

Publlus, a common praenomea among
the Romans ; see passim.

Publius Africanus, 201, 2G4, 423.

Publius, C. saying of, 302.

Punishments necessary to Inflict on the
guilty, 126, 127.

Punning, anecdotes of, 292—294.

Pupian lavf, 5S.

Pyrrhonians, sect of, 349.

Pythagoras, 372.

Pythagoreans, the, 153; Italy formerly
full of, 264.

QuffiSTOR, duties of the, 6.

" Quasi dedita opera," remark on, 166 n.

Questions to be employed in controversy,

363, et seq.
Quintius, L. the orator, 467.
Quintus, the son of Quintus Cicero, 46,

47.
Quintus Curtius lauded by Cicero, 76.
Quintus Marcius Rex, 255, et n.
Quintus Publicenus, statue of, 28.
Quirinalia, the, 44.

Racilivi the senator, his speech, 39, 40.

Ranters of Rome, 452, 453.

'PaOunorepa, definition of, 65.

Reatinus, L. O. remarks on, 473

Rebuke, severity of, 322.

Repartees, 299.

Reproof must be treated with eloquence,
234; familiar reproof often amusing,
' '- 305.

\ Republic, dangerous state o( the, 29;
Cicero's account of the situation of the,
77; Cicero's anxieties respecting its
difficulties, 88. See Rome.

Republics may be happy, if governed by
wisdom, 14.

Reputation, to be cultivated, 4 ; necessity
of maintaining it when earned, 24.

Respondendi de jure, the custom, 197 n.

Rhetoric, masters of, 157; books of, 157;
on the study of, 265, 266 ; Latin teach-
ers of, 358.

Rhetoricians, 164, 165; their mode of
reasoning, 863 ; of Athens, 409 ; their
mode of teaching, 409 ; opposed by
Socrates, 409.

Rhythm and harmony essential in ora-
tory, 3n, 346.

Ridicule, 304.

Ridiculous, what are the several kinds
of the, 289; in thinas, 291; in words,
291 ; sometimes slides into scurrility,
292 ; not always wit, 294.

Roman language, its purity corrupted by
strangers, 479.

Rome, political struggles in, 2, 29, 62, 88,
90, 119, 120 ; general licentiousness in.
1 1 ; excessive taxation for the games
at, 13, et n. ; great flood at, 84; civil
commotions in, 99,102, \G3,etseq., 110,
111, 116; under the power of Lepidus
and Antony, 123, 124; her pecuniary
difficulties, 135; the capitation tax re-
sisted, 135, et n. ; Cicero's portraiture
of her subjugation, 136 — 141 ; early
orators of, 415, et seq.; orators con-
temporary with Cato, 422 ; on the age
and merits of the orators of, 435, et
seq.; contemporary orators of, 453;
their treatment, 496, 497 ; overthrow of
the commonwealth of, 504.

Romulus, 152.

Roscius, the Roman actor, 174, 215, 216;
his perfection in acting, 175, 361; his
judgment of action, 288.

Rufius, C. remarks on, 479; his speech,
480.

Rufus, his discourse on the passions,
&c. 279, et seq. ; on strokes of wit and
humour, 283—286.

Rules of art not necessary in the elo-
quence of common things, 234.

RuUus, the law of, 1, 21.

Rusca, M. P. jesting of, 299.

Rusticellus, C. remarks on, 449.

Ruta, meaning of, 286 n.

Rutilius, 191; his high character, 208,
207 ; sent into exile, 207 n. ; anecdote
of, 305 ; his qualities as an orator, 42i
425, 432, 433.

Sacramento, explained, 154 n.

Salinator, L. jest on, 302.

Sallust, 79 ; his opinion of Cicero's work

on the best form of government, 81.
Salvidienus, 113.
Salvius, 73, 75.
Samos, in Asia Minor, 12.
Sannio, why so called, 294 n.
Sardinia, an unhealthy island, 45, el n.
Satrius, the lieutenant of Trebonla%

110.
Sayings, called Dicta, 284.
Scsvola, the pontiff, 184 Mt

S'20

INDEX.

ScsTola, M. M. a candidate for the con-
sulship, 63, et n.
Soaevola, P. 186, et n. ; his acuteness,
431.

4caBV0l8, Q. the tribune, 27, 184, 185,
463; one of the orators of Cicero's
Dialogues, 142. KO, etteg,i hi* great
leair.ing, 190 ; accusation against, 3U5,
et n. ; an able civilian, 442; his merits
as an orator, 443 ; pleadings of, 457.

Scaurus, Cicero's speech prepared for,
70 J impeached for bribery, 76, 77 ;
cast off by Pompey, 86 ; defended by
Cicero, 72; witty reproof of, 805; his
oratory, 432, 433, 439.

Science necessary to the orator, 353.

Sciences, a knowledge of, essential to
oratory, 193; extent of the, not to be
dreaded, 357 ; their grandeur dimi-
nished by the distribution of their
parts, 369 ; comprehended by certain
distinguished individuals, 369, 370.

Scipio the elder, jesting of, 299.

Scipio, Lucius, remarks on, 451. ■

Scipio, P. the Roman orator, 422 ; notices
of, 437; called the darling of the peo-
ple, 463.

Scopas, anecdote of, 325, 326.

Scribonius, L. 206.

Sculptors of Greece, 420.

Sculpture, a single art, though possess-
ing different styles, 339.

Self-respect, to be supported, 10.

Sempronii, T. and C. 152.

Sempronius, A. 293.

Senate of Rome, Cicero's acoount of its
proceedings, 39 ; violent contests in
the, 43, 47, 64 ; proceedings in the, 49 j
its usages should be known to the
orator, 183.

Septumuleius, jest on, 301.

Sergius aurata, 189.

Serjeant, duties of his office, 7, et n.

Serranus, Domesticus, funeral of, 86.

Sertorius, Q. remarks on, 453.

Service, right of, explained, 67 n. ; law
of, 189, 190, etn.

Servilia, the mother of Brutus, Cicero's
visit to, 133, et n.

Servilius, 39, 73, 81, 99; Cicero's ani-
madversions on, 95 ; jesting of, 299 ;
notices of, 483.

Servilius the younger, 43.

Servius narrowly escapes conviction, 50.

Servius Pola, brutal charactea' of, 58.

Servius Tullius, 162.

Sestius, the friend of Cicero, 36 ; im-
peached, 44, 45 ; his acquittal, 45,
46.

Severus Antistius, the senator, 40.

Seztantis, non esse, a punning expres-
sion, 296, et n.

Sextilius, Q. the senator, 40.

Sextius, C. joke on, 292.

Ship, uiangement and art of a. 484,
M5.

Sicilians, thtir first attempts to writ*
precepts on the art of speaking, 413.

Sicinins, Cn. jest of, 465 ; a. speaker of
some reputation, 481.

Signet-ring, iaportance of its proper
use, 7.

Silanus, D. remarks on, 473.

Silanxis, M. remarks on, 439.

Similarity, arguments to be drawn from,
268.

Similes, not to be too far-letched, 379.

Similitudes, jests derived from, 300.

Simonides, of Ceos. inventor of the art
of memory, 325, 326.

Sisenna, his qualifications as an orator,
469, 479.

Slaves, how far they are to be trusted, 9.

Smart sayings, 294.

Snow, black, 58.

Socrates, his Phaedrus of Plato, 150;
sayings of, 159, 189; his defence before
his judges, 208 ; condemned through
want of skill in speaking, 208; his
ironical wit, 302, 491 ; his great genius
and varied conversation, 348 ; various
sects of philosophers who followed
him, 349 ; opposed to the rlietoricians,
409.

Solon, oratory of, 409.

Sounds, harmony of, 390.

Speaking, many persons admirable in
everything but this, 144, 145 ; the
general study of, 146 ; it is noble to
affect a.ssemblies of men by, 150, 151 ;
who may be considered a good speaker,
167; what is the art of, 170; a mere
difference about the word, 170, 171;
nature and genius the great ends of,
171; men by speaking badly become
bad speakers, 180; the correct order
of, 200 ; the whole success of, depends
on three things, 253 ; three things re-
quisite for finding argument, 262;
on receiving instructions in the art of,
266 ; the hearer should be favourable
to the speaker, 270 ; morals and prin-
ciples of the speaker to merit esteem,
271 ; fashion of, to be varied, 321 ;
different peculiarities of, 340 ; ancient
masters in the art of, 368 ; various
requisites in the art of, 391, et seg.;
first attempts of the Sicilians to write
precepts on the art of, 413 ; art of,
studied beyond the limits of Greece,
414. See Eloquence and Oratory.
Speecli, costume of, 178 ; requisites for

a, 359.
Speeches, mode of arranging, 314, et
teg. ; exordium of, 316 ; narration,
318 ; statement of facts, 319 ; less dis-
play required before the senate than
the people, 320 ; on the treatment ot
different subjects, 321, et seg. ; use ol
panegyric in, 322, 323 ; the mosi
oniate which spread over the widest
fleld, 356.

INDEX.

521

Spirit, iiOt to be lowered, 4.

Spoletinus, P. C. notices of, 483.

Bpondalia, remarks on the word, 5 75.

SputatUica, observations on the word,
480, et n.

Stabbing, charges of, 250.

Stajenus, C. remarks on, 474.

State, interests of the, should be learnt
by the orator, 182.

Statius, the freedman, his visit to Cicero,
22 ; his undue influence, 23.

Stellicidia, law of, 188.

Stirps a.nd gens, legal diflference, 189.

Stoics, the, 1S4 ; Antisthenes their
founder, 349 ; their doctrine, 350 ; lan-
guage of the, 435.

Style in speaking, every age has pro-
duced a peculiar one, 246, 247-; metri-
cal harmony of, 831, 387, 388 ; to be
ornamented with a tasteful choice of
words, 331,346, etteq.; a well-adjusted
one established in Athens, 409.

Styles of the Greek orators, 435.

"Suavitaterropeaequalem," meaning of
the phrase, 31 n.

Subjects of inquiry, the various modes of
treating, 354.

Sulpicius, C. the Roman orator, 422.

iiulpicius, P. one of the personages of
Cicero's Dialogues, 142, el teg. ; his
first appearance in the forum, 244; his
great improvement in oratory, 245 ;
death of, 335 ; his faults of pronuncia-
tion, 344; remarks on, 444, 445, 460,
461.

Sylla, taxes levied by, 16.

Symbols, use of, in artificial memory,
328.

Tauriscus, saying of, 399.

Taurus, M. 68.

Taxation, Asia Minor relieved from, 13.

Taxes, on the collection of, by farmers,
16; necessity of, 16.

Tellus, temple of, 71.

Temper, to be preserved, 18.

" Tempora," explanation of, 187.

" Tenedian axe," origin of the phrase,
55.

Tenedians, curtailment of their liberty,
55.

Tennis, playing at, 162.

Tertia, the sister of Brutus, 93, 96.

Thales, wisdom of, 371.

Themistocles, his memory, 311 ; elo-
quence Qi', 409; an orator, 411; death
of, 412.

Theodorus, a writer of orations, 413.

Theophrastus, 154, 156, 157 ; his thought
on style, 887; erudition of, 411; his
sweetneas of style, 435 ; aneodute of,
450.

Theopompus, 26, 57 ; the historian, 236.

Pheramenes, writings of, 246, et n, \ elo-
quence of, 409.

Thesis, explanation of, 385 n.

Thessalonica, exile of Cicero to, SO, 31.
Thorius, S. remarks on, 440.
Thrasymachus, the rhetorician, 409.
Tbucydides, his excellence as an hit

torian, 23s.
Tiberius Nero, 71.
Timaeus, the historian, 236.
Timanthes, the Greek painter, 420.
Time-servers, their odious qualities, 211
Timidity, natural to the orator, 173, 174
Timotheus, talents of, 372.
Tineas, T. anecdote of, 450.
Tiro, 70; Cicero's freedman, 73.
Tisias, 16fi.

Titius, C. remarks on, 448, 449.
Titius, S. 233, 295; remarks on, 468.
Titius, T. 50.

Tones of the voice, 396, 397.
Tongue, exercise of the, 181.
Torquatus, L. 78; remarks on, 473;

notices of, 481.
Torquatus, T. notices of, 475.
"Tragoediis suis," explanation of, 203.
Tralles, in Lydia, 9.
Treason, the law of, 251.
Treaties and conventions should b«

familiar to the orator, 182.
Trebatius, a friend of Cicero, 60, 61, 69.
Trebonius, 70; death of, 92, et n.
Trees, harmony and beauty of, 384.
Trials, on the conducting of, 250, et seq.
Triarius, notices of, 482.
Tribuneship, candidates for the, C4<

Curtius a candidate for the, 70.
Tribute, difficulty of collecting at Romej

135.
Trifling jests, 303.
Trinummus, the, 231.
Triumvirate of Rome, 2, 29.
Trouble gives a particular tone to the

voice, 398.
Truth has the advantage over imitation,

396.
Tubero, the lieutenant of Q. Cicero, £.
Tubero, Q. JE. the orator, 434.
Tuditanus, C. the orator, 427.
Tullia, daughter of Cicero, betrothed to

Crassipes, 46, 47 ; Cicero's sorrow for,

115.
Tullius, M. the informer, 44.
Turiui. L. remarks on, 473.
Tusccnius, complained of by Cicerr, 10,

24.
Tutor, the old mimic, 298.
Twelve Tables, laws of the, 185, 195.
Tyrannic, 40, 80, 83.
Tyranny, remark* of Brutus on, 128—

133.
Tyrians, embassy from the, 58.

Universe, harmony and brtiuty of th<

3o4.
Urania, a work so called, 52.

Valerius, L. oratory of, 415.
Valerius, M. the Dictator, 415.

622

IKDEX.

Valerius, Q. the most learned of all the

Latins, 344.
Valerii, Q. and D. remarks on, 449.
Vargula, vritticism of, 292, 293.
Varian law, the, 4G1.
Varius, Q. remarks on, 4(36.
Varro, the historian, 417; remarks on,

449 ; erudition of, 461, 481.
Varrus, P. L. -vritty saying of, 294.
Vatinius, his motion in the senate, 22 ;

defended by Cicero, 65 ; letter of, 89.
Velia, Cicero meets Brutus at, 124.
Vclina, remarks on, 452.
Velleius, C. the philosopher, 353.
Velocius, Q. master of the gladiators,

356.
Venafrum, 67, 68.

Vergllius, the associate of Q. Cicero, 25.
Verres, his rapacity, 5 n.
Verrucosus, ft. M. a gool speaker, 416.
Verses often harmoniously introduced,

297.
Vespa, T. 295.
"Veste," meaning of, 183 «.
Vettius, Q. remarks on, 449.
Vetus, Antistius, the friend of Brutus,

93 ; a friend to the commonwealth, 100.
VibuUius, 52, 72, 73.
Vigellius, M. the stoic, 354.
Violence assumes a particular tone of

TOice, 397.
Virgilius, M. remarks on, 452.
Virtue and moderation more to be relied

on than fortune, 4.
Virtues, public, of Quintus Cicero, 6;

he who is eloquent possesses allthe,164;

different kinds of, 323, 324 ; a know-
ledge of, necessary to the orator, 325.
Vitpillo, Q. L. remarks on, 452.

Voice, exercise of the, 181; a certain
tone of, to be cultivated, 344 ; tones cf
the, like musical chords, 396, 397;
contributes most to effectiveness in
delivery, 399 ; a pitchpipe used for
regulating the, 400.

Volcatius, the prsetor, 39.

Will, a disputed case of, 190, 191; plead-
ings in the case of a, 457, 458.

Wisdom, derived from philosophy, 164,
1 65 ; the power of eloquence so denomi-
nated, 347.

Wise men of Greece, the seven, 371.

Wit, strokes of, 283 ; art has no concern
with, 288; consists in the thought,
295.

Wit and humour, strokes of, useful in
oratory, 283, et seq.

Witticisms. See Jests.

Words without sense valueless, 256 ; on
the choice and arrangement of, 358;
proper and improper, on the use of,
375, 370 ; metaphorically xised, 376, 377;
composition, collocation, and modu-
lation of, 382, et ieq.

Writing, controversies respecting the
interpretation of, 178; the best mo-
deller and teacher of oratory, 180; con-
tests respecting the interpretation of,
251, 252.

Xenocrates, the founder of the Aci^

demy, 349.
Xenophon, the historian, 236.

Zeuxis of Blandus, 23 ; his reputatira

and character, 24.
Zeuxis, the Greek painter, 430.

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and Glossarial Index of Technical Terms and Phrases. 5s.

Glass Manufacture. Introductory Essay by H, J. Powell, B.A.

(Whitefriars Glass Works) ; Crown and Sheet Glass, by Henry Chance, M. A.
(Chance Bros., Birmingham); Plate Glass, by H. G. Han is, Assoc. Memb,
Inst. C.E. 3s. ed,

Soap Manufacture. A Practical Treatise on the Fabrication of
Hard and Soft Soaps, and Analytical Methods for the determina'ion of their
Chemical Composition; together with a short account of the materials em-
ployed. By W. Lawrence Gadd, F.I.C., F.O.S., Registered Lecturer on Soap
Making, and the Technology of Oils and Fats ; also on Bleaching, Dyeing,
and Calico Printing, to the City and Guilds of London Institute. 58.

Gas Manufacture. By John Hornby, F.I.C., Honours Medallist in
Gas Manufactures ; Lecturer under the City and Guilds of London Institute ;
Author of ' The Gas Engineer's Laboratory Handbook.' 5s.

The Art and Craft of Coach Building. By John Philipson,
M.Inst. M.E., Past President of the Institute of British Carriage Manu-
facturers ; Member of the Coachmakers' and Coach Harness Makers' Co.,
London ; the Socijty of Arts, and the Carriage Builders' Nationil As303iation ;
U.S.A., &c. 6s.

BELL'S AGRICULTURAL SERIES.
Crown 8vo. Illustrated, 2s. 6d. each.

' The most popular, the most practical, the handiest, and the cheapest collec-
tion of works of the kind ever publislied.' — Weatmoreland Gazette.

' We cannot speak too highly of Bell's Series of Agricultural Handbooks, which
are standard works by eminent authors ; and go-ahead agriculturists should pro-
Cure copies of the liandbooks noticed without delay,'— Son f?i African AgricuUm-ist,

The Farm and the Dairy. By Professor J. P. Sheldon, formerly
of the Boyal Agricultural College, and of the Downton College of AgricnUnre ;
late Special Commissioner of the Canadian Government.

Manures and their Uses. By Dr. A. B. Griffiths, F.E. S.E., F.C.S.,
late Principal of the School of Science, Lincoln.

The Diseases of Crops and their Remedies. By Dr. A. B. Griffiths.

Soils and their Properties. By Dr. W. Fream, B.Sc, London,

F.L.S., F.G.S., F.8.S. With a Geological Map of Great Britain.
Tillage and Implements. By Walter J. Maiden. Professor of Agri-
culture in the College of Agriculture, Downton ; late Resident Superin-
tendent of the Royal Agricultural Society's Experimental Farm at Wobum.

Practical Fruit Cult\ire. A Treatise on Planting, Growing, and
Storage of Hardy Fruits for Marktt and Private Growers. By J. Chenl,
F.R.H.S., Member of Fruit Committee, Royal Horticultural Society, &c. &c.

Specially adapted fob Aobicoltdbal Classes,
Crown 8vo. Illustrated, Is. each.

Practical Dairy Farming. By Professor Sheldon. Reprinted from

tho Author's larger work entitled ' The Farm and the Dairy.'

Practical Fruit Growing. By J. Cheal, F.E.H.S, Reprinted from

the Author's larger work entitled ' Fmit Culture.

26 A Classified Catalogue of Selected Works,

SCIENCE.

Chevreul on Coloui'. Containing the Principles of Harmony and

Ooutraat of Colours, and their Application to the Arts ; including Painting,
Decoration, Tapestries, Carpets, Mosaics, Glazing, Staining, Calico Printing,
Letterpress Printing, Map Colouring, Dress, Landscape and Flower Grardening,
&c. Translated from the French by Charles MaVtel. 3rd and only complete
edition, wth Introduction by the Translator. Index and several Plates.
Small post 8to. .Ss.

• With an additional series of 16 Plates in Colours, Is. 6d.

Humboldt's Cosmos; or, Sketch of a Physical Description of the
Universe. Translated by B. C. Ottd, B. H. Paul, and W. S. Dallas, F.L.S.
With Port rait. 5 vols. Small post 8vo. 3s. 6d. each, excepting Vol. V., 5s,

Views of Nature ; or, Contemplations of the Sublime Phe^

nomena of Creation. With Scientific Illustrations. Translated by E. C. Otte
and H. G. Bohn. With a Facsimile Letter from the Author, Translations of
the Quotations, and a very complete Index. Small post 8vo. 5s.

Jukes-Browne (A. J.) The Student's Handbook of Physical
Geology. With numerous Diagrams and Illustrations. 2nd edition, much
enlarged. Small post 8vo. 7s. 6d.

The student's Handbook of Historical Geology. With

numerous Diagrams and Illustrations. Small post Svo. 6s.

The Building of the British Isles. A Study in Geographical

Evolution. Illustrated by numerous Maps and Woodcuts. Second edition,
revised. Sncall post Svo. 7s. 6d.

Stockhardt. Experimental Chemistry. A Handbook for the Study
of the Science by Simple Experiments. Edited by 0- W. Heaton, F.O.S.
With Index and numerous Woodcuts. New edition, revised throughout.
Small post Svo. 5s.

Baker (J. Q.) A Flora of the English Lake District. By J. G.
Baker, F.R.S., F.L.S., Keeper of the Herbarium of the Royal Gardens, Kew.
Demy Svo. 7s. 6d.

Handbook of the Fern Allies. A Synopsis of the Genera

and Species of the Natural Orders, Equisetaceae, Lycopodiaceae, Selaginel-
lacoae, Rhizocarpeae. Demy Svo. 5s.

Handbook of the Amaryllideae, including the Alstroemerieae

and Agaveae. Demy Svo. 58.

• Handbook of the Bromeliaceae. Demy Svo. 5».

Handbook of the Irideae. Demy Svo. 5s.

English Botany. Containing a Description and Life-size Drawing

of every British Plant. Edited by T. Boswell (formerly Stme), LL.D.,
P.L.S., &c. The Figures by J. C. Sowerby, F.L.S., J. De C. Sowerby F.L.S.,
J. W. Salter, A.L.S., F.G.S., and J. E. Sowkbby. 3rd edition, entirely
revised, with descriptions of all the species by the Editor, and 1937 full-paga
Coloured Plates. In 12 vols. 241. 3s. cloth ; 271. 15s. half morocco ; and 311. 13».
whole morocco. Also in 89 parts, 58. each, except part 89, containing an Index
to the whole work, 7s. 6d. Volumes sold separately.

*»* A Supplement to the third edition is now in preparation. Vol. I. (Vol.
XIII. of the complete work) containing orders I. to XL., by N. E. Brown, ol
the Royal Herbarium, Kew, now ready, 178. Or in three parts, 5s. each.

Elementary Botany. By Percy Groom, M.A. (Cantab, et Oxon.).
F.L.S. , Examiner in Botany to the University of Oxford. Witt 275 lUustrsr
lions. Crown Svo. 38. 6d. ' ' "

A Classified Catalogue of Selected Works. 27

Johnson's Gardener's Dictionary. Describing the Plants, Fruits,
and Vegetables desirable for the Garden, and explaining the Terms and
Operations employed in their cnltivation. New edition (1893-4), revised by
0. H. Wright, F.R.M.S., and D. Dewar, Curator of the Botanic Gardens,
Glasgow. Demy 8to. 9s. net,

British Fungus-Flora. A Classified Text-book of Mycology. By

George Maggee. With nnmerons Illustrations. 4 toIs. Post Svo. 7s. 6d. each.

Botanist's Pocket -Book. By W. R. Hayward. Containing the
botanical name, common name, soil or situation, colour, growth, and time of
flowering of all plants, arranged in a tabulated form. 8th edition, revised,
with a new Appendix. Foap. 8vo. 4«. 6d.

Index of British Plants, according to the London Catalogue (8th

edition), including the Synonyms used by the principal authors, an alphabetical
list of English names ; also references to the illustrations of Syme's ' English
Botany ' and Bentham's ' British Flora.' By Robert Turnbull. Paper, 2s. 6d. ;
cloth, 3s.

The London Catalogue of British Plants. Part I., containing the
British Phaenogamia, Filices, Equisetaceae, Lycopodiaceae, Selaginellaceae,
Marsileaceae, and Characeae. 9th edition. Demy 8vo. 6d. ; interleaved, in
limp cloth. Is.

PHILOSOPHY.

Bacon's Novum Organum and Advancement of Learning. Edited,
with No'. 63, by J. Devey, M.A. Small post Svo. 5s,

Bax's Manual of the History of Philosophy, for the use of Students.
By E. Belfort Bax, Editor of Kant's ' Prolegomena.' Small post Svo. 5s.

Berkeley's (G-eorge) Works. Edited by George Sampson. "With a
Biogripbieal Introduction by the Bight Hon. A. J. Balfour, M.P. 3 vols.
Small post 8to. 5s. each.

Comte's Positive Philosophy. Translated and Condensed by
Harriet Martineau. With Introduction by Frederic Harrison. 3 vo's. Small
post Svo. 5s. each.

Philosophy of the Solences, being an Exposition of the

Principles of the * Gours de Philosophie Positive.* By G. H. Lewes. With
Index. Small post Svo. 5g.

Draper's (J. W.) A History of the Intellectual Development of
Europe. By John William Draper, M.D., LL.D. A new edition, thoroughly
revised by the Author, with Index. 2 vols. Small post Svo. 5s. each.

Falckenberg's History of Modem Philosophy. Translated by
Professor A. 0. Armstrong. Demy Svo. 16s.

Hegel's Philosophy of Right (Grundlinien der Philosophie des
Eechts). Translated by Samuel W. Dyde, M.A., D.So., Professor of Mental
Philosophy in Queen's University, Kingston, Oanada. Crown Svo. 78. M.

Kant's Critique of Pure Reason. Translated by J. M. D. Meikle-

john. Small post Svo. 5s.
Prolegomena and Metaphysical Foundations of Natural

Science. Translated, with Biography and Introduction, by E. Belfort Bax.

Small post 8ro. 5s.

Plotlnus, Select Works of. Translated from the Greek by Thomas
Taylor. With an Introduction containing the substance of Porphyry'i^
Plotinua. Editjdby G, R, 8. Me^, B.A.,M.R.A.S. Small post Svo. 5«,

28 A Classified Catalogue of Seleti*d Works,

Ryland (P.) Psychology: an Introductory Manual. Designed
chiefly for the Loudon B.A. and B.Sc. By F. Ryland, M.A., late Scholar
of St. John's Collepe, Cambridge. Cloth. 7th edition, revvritten and reset.
Crown 8vo. 4«. 6d.

Ethics : An Introductory Manual for the use of University

Students. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Logic : An Introductory Manual, Crown 8vo. 4s. 6ci.

Schopenhauer. On the Fourfold Root of the Principle of Suffl-
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Hillebrand. Small post 8vo. 5s.

Essays. Selected and Translated, with a Biographical Intro-
duction and Sketch of his Philosophy, by B. Belfort Bax. Small post 8vo. 5s.

Spinoza's Chief Works. Translated, with Introduction, by R. H. M.

Elwes. 3 vols. Small post 8vo. 5s. each.

ECONOMICS AND FINANCE.

The Case against Bimetallism. By Sir Eobert Qiffen, C.B., LL.D
5th edition. Crown 8vo. 78. 6d.

The Growth of Capital. By the same author. Demy 8vo. 7«. 6d.

Ricardo on the Principles of Politioal Economy and Taxation.

Edited by B. C. K. Qonner, M.A,, Lecturer, University College, Liverpool.
Sm. post 8vo. 5s.

Smith (Adam). The Wealth of Nations. Edited by E. Belfort
Bax. 2 vols. Sm. post 8vo. 78.

The History, Principles, and Practice of Banking. By the late
J. W. Gilbart, F.R.8., formerly Director and General Manager of the London
and Westminster Bank. New edition, revised by A. S. Michie, of the Royal

V Bank of Scotland, Glasgow. 2 vols, small post 8vo. 10s.

SPORTS AND GAMES.

Bohn's Handbooks of Athletic Sports. In 8 vols. Sm. post 8vo.

3s. 6d. each.

Vol. I.— Cricket, by Hon. and Rev. E. Lyttelton. Lawn Tennis, by H. W. "W,
Wilberforce. Tennis, Rackets, and Fives, by Julian Marshall, Major Spens,
and Rev. J»A. Tait. Golf, by W. T. Linskill. Hockey, by F. S. Creswell.

Vol. II.— Rowing and Sculling, by W. B. Woodgate. Sailing, by E. F.
Knight. Swimming, by M. and J. R. Cobbett.

Vol. III. — Boxing, by R. G. Allanson-Winn. Broadsword and Single Stick,
with chapters on Quarterstaff, Bayonet, Cudgel, Shillalah, Walking-Stick,
.r and Umbrella, by R. G. Allanson-Winn and C. Phillipps-Wolley. Wrestling,
i by Walter Armstrong. Fencing, by H. A. Colmore Dunn.

Vol. IV. — Rugby Football, by Harry Vassall. Association Football, by
C. W. Alcock. Baseball, by Kewton Crane. Rounders, Bowls, Quoits,
Curling, Skittles, &c., by C. C. Mott and J. M. Walker.

Vol. v.— Cycling and Athletics, by H. H. Griffin. Skating, by Douglas
Adams.

Vol. VI.— Practical Horsemanship, including Riding for Ladies, by W. A.
Kerr, V.C.

Vol. VII.— Camping Out, by A. A. Macdonald. Canoeing, by Dr. J. D.
Hayward.

Vol. VIII.— Gymnastics, by A. F. Jenkin. Clubs, by G. T. B. Cobbett and
4. F. Jenkift.

A (Classified Catalogue of Selected Works, 2^

Bolm's Handbooks of Games. Ne\7 edition. In 2 vols. Small

post 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.

Vol. I.— Table Games : BOliards, with Pool, Pyramids, and Snooker, by
Major-General A. W. Drayson, F.R.A.S., with a pi-eface by W. J. Peall.
Ba^telle, by 'Berkeley.' Chess, by R. P. Green. Draughts, Backgammon,
Dominoes, Solitaire, Reversi, Go-Bang, Rouge et Koir, Roulette, E.O., Hazard,
Faro, by ' Bericeley.'

Vol. il.— Card Games: Whist, by Dr. William Pole, F.R.S., Author of
« fhe Philosophy of Whist/ &c. Solo Whist, by R. F. Green. Piquet, Bcart^,
Euchre, B^zique, and Cribbage, by 'Berkeley.' Poker, Loo, Vingt-ot-nn,
Napoleon, Newmarket, Pope Joan, Speculation, &c. &c., by Baxter-Wray.

Morphy's Games of ChesS, being the Matches and best Games
played by the American Champion, with explanatory and analytical Notes by
J. Lowenthal. With short Memoir and Portrait of Morphy. Sm. postSvo.Ss.

Staunton's Chess-Player's Handbook. A Popular and Scientific
Introduction to the Game. With numerous diagrams. 5s.

Chess Praxis. A Supplement to the Chess-player's Hand-
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Code of Chess Laws ; and a Selection of Morphy's Grames. Small post 8vo. 5s.

Chess-Player's Companion. Comprising a Treatise on Odds,

Collection of Match Games, and a Selection of Original Problems. With
coloured Frontispiece. Small post 8to. 6s.

Chess Studies and End- Games. In Two Parts. Part I, Chess
Studies. Part II. Miscellaneous End-Games. By B. Horwitz and J. Kling.
2nd edition, revised by the Rev. W. Wayte, M.A. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6<i.

Hints on Billiards. By J. P. Buchanan. Illustrated with 36
Diagrams. Crown 8vo. Ss. 6d.

Sturges's Guide to the Game of Draughts. With Critical Situa-
tions. Revised, with Additional Play on the Modem Openings, by J. A. Hear,
Editor of ' The International Draught Magazine.' 2Ed Edition. Crown 8vo.
3s. 6d.

Hints on Driving. By Captain C. Morley Knight, B.A. Illustrated
by G. H. A. White, Royal Artillery. 2iid edition, revised and enlarged.
Crown 8vo. 3». 6cl.

Golf, in Theory and Practice. Hints to beginners. By H. S. C.
Bverard, St. Andrew's. With 22 IlluBtrations. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Half-Hours with an Old Golfer; a Pot-pourri for Golfers. By
Calamo Currente. With 40 Illustrations and 4 Coloured Plates by G. A.
Lanndy. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6(J.

Schools and Masters of Fence, from the Middle Ages to the
Eighteenth Century. With a Sketch of the Development of the Art of
Fencing with the Rapier and the Small Sword, and a Bibliography of the
Fencing Art during that Period. Bj Egerton Castle, M.A. With numerous
Illustrations. 2nd edition. Small post 8vo. 6s.

Oars and Sculls, and How to Use them. By W. B. Woodgate, M.A.
Brasenoso College, Oxford. Crown Svo. 2«. 6d.

Dancing as an Art and Pastime. With 40 full-page iUuetrationfl
from life. By Edward Scott, Grown 8to. 68.

30 A Classified Catalogue of Selected Works.

THE ALL-ENGLAND SERIES.

HANDBOOKS OF ATHLETIC GAMES.

The only Series issued at a moderate price, by Writers who are in
the first rank in their respective departments.

' The best instruction on games and sports by the best authorities, at the lowest
prices.' — OxfrnA Magazine.

Small 8vo. cloth, Illustrated. Price Is. each.

Cricket. By the Hon. and Rev.

E. Ltttklton.
Lawn Tennis. By H. W. W.

WiLBEEFOKCE. "With a Chapter for

Ladies, by Mrs. Hilltard.

Tennis and Rackets and Fives.

By Julian Marshall, Major J. Spens,

and Rev. J. A. Arnan Tait.
Golf. By W. T. LiNSKiLL.
Rowing and Scvdling. By W. B.

WOODGATE.

Sailing. By E . F. Knight, dbl.vol. 2s.
Swimming. By Mabtin and J.

Racster Cobbett.
Camping out. By A. A. Macdon-

ELL. Double vol. 2s.
Canoeing. By Dr. J. D. Hatward,

Double vol. 2s.
Mountaineering. By Dr. Claude

Wilson. Double vol. 2s.
Athletics. By H. H. Griffin.
Riding. By W. A. Kkbr, V.C.

Double vol. 2s.
Ladies' Riding. By W. A. Kerr, V.C.
Boxing. By R. G. Allanson-Winn.

With Prefatory Note by Bat Mullins.
Cycling. By H. H. Griffin, L.A.C.,
N.C.U., C.T.C. With a Chapter for
Ladies, by Miss Agnes Wood.
Fencing. By H. A. Colmore Dunn.

Wrestling. By Walter Arm-

STRONG ('Cross-buttocker').
Broadsword and Singlestick.

By R. G. Allanson-Winn and C. Phil-

LIPPS-WOLLET.

Gymnastics. By A. F. Jenkin.

Double vol. 2s.

Gymnastic Competition and Dis-
play Exercises. Compiled by
F. Graf.

Indian Clubs. By G. T. B. Cob-
bett and A. F. Jenkin.

Dumb-bells. By F, Graf.

Football — Rugby Game. By
Harry Vassall.

Football — Association Game. By
C. W. Alcock. Revised Edition.

Hockey. By F. S. Creswell.
(In Paper Cover, 6d.)

Skating. By Douglas Adams.
With a Chapter for Ladies, by Miss L.
Cheetham, and a Chapter on Speed
Skating, by a Fen Skater, Dbl. vol. 2s.

Baseball. By Newton Crane,

Rounders, Fieldball, Bowls,
Quoits, Curling, Skittles, &c.
By J. M. Walker and C. C. Mott.

Dancing. By Edward Scott.
Double vol. 2s.

THE CLUB SERIES OF CARD AND TABLE GAMES.

No well-regulated club or country house should be without this useful series of books.
Small 8vo. cloth. Illustrated. Price Is. each. Globe.

Whist. By Dr. Wm. Pole, F.E. S.
Solo Whist. By Egbert F. Green.

Billiards. With Chapters on Pool,
Pyramids, and Snooker. By Major-
Gen. A. W. Deatson, P.R.A.S. With
a Preface by W. J. Peall.

Chess. By Eobebt F. Geeen.

The Two-Move Chess Problem.
By B, G. Laws.

Chess Openings. By I. Gunsberg.

Draughts and Backgammon.

By • Berkelkt.'

Reversi and Go Bang.
By ' Bkbkxi,xt '

Dominoes and Solitaire.

By ' Berkeley.'
B6zique and Cribbage.

By ' Berkeley.'
Ecart6 and Euchre.

By ' Berkelet.*

Piquet and Rubicon Piquet

By ' Berkeley."
Skat. By Louis Diehl.

*»* A Skat Scoring-book. Is.
Round Games, including Poker,

Napoleon, Loo, Vingt-et-un, &o. By

Baxter- Weay.
School and Parlour Games.

By Mrs, Laurence Gomus.

I

A Classified Cdialogue of Selected Works. 31

FICTION.

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Bjomson's Arne and the Fisher Lassie. Translated from thd
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Bumey's Evelina; or, The History of a Young Lady's Entrance
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CeoUla. 2 vols, small post 8vo. 3«. 6d. each.

Cervantes' Galatea. A Pastoral Romance. Translated from the

Spanish by G. W. J. Qyll. Small post 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Exemplary Novels. Translated from the Spanish by Walter

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Don Qvdxote de la Mancha. Motteux's Translation, revised.

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Classic Tales, containing Easselas, Vicar of Wakefield, GalliTcr's

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Hofftnann's Tales. The Serapion Brethren. Translated by Lieut.>

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Small post 8vo. 38. 6d.
Smollett's Roderick Handom. With Cruikshank's Illustrations and

Bibliography. Small post 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Peregrine Pickle. With Cruikshank's Illustrations. 2 vols.

Small post 8vo. 3s. 6d. each.

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post 8vo. 38. 6d. .
Steele (Mrs. A. C.) Lesbia. A Study in one volume. 6<.
SUnde (J.) The Buohholz Family. Sketches of Berlin Life. By

Jnlioa Stinde. Translated from the 4&th edition of the German bj^L. Dora

Bchmiti. Popular edition, picture boarda, 2»,

32 A Cldssified Catalogue of Selected Works.

Stliide (T.) The Buohhols Family. Second Part. Popular edition.

Picture boards, 2s.

The , Buchholzgs lit Italy. Translated from the 37th

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Frku Wilhelnlliie. Being the Conclusion of ' The Buchholz

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BOOKS FOR THE YOUNG.

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Pixie: and the Hill -House Farm. Illustrated by James

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CAPT. MARRYAT'S BOOKS FOR BOYS.

Uniform Illustrated Edition. Small post Svo. 3s. 6d. each.

Poor Jack.

The Mission ; or, Scenes in Africa.

The Pirate, and Three Cutters.

The Settlors in Canada.
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Masterman Ready.

Peter Simple. Midshipman Easy.

A Classified Catalogue of Selected Works. 33

MRS. EWING'S BOOKS.

Uniform Edition, in 9 vols.

We and The World. A Story for Boys. By the late Juliana
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Mrs. Overtheway's Remembrances. Illustrated with 9 fine fall-
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AUingham. 8th edition. 3s.

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by Mrs. AUingham. 5th edition. St.

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Melchior's Dream. The Blackbird's Nest— Friedrich's Ballad— A
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The Brownies, and other Tales.

Mrs. Gatty's Parables from Nature. Two Series, each 1«.

Miss Procter's Legends and Lyrics. Two Series, each 1«

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^■^."JV. \-^-'''~^.\ ■ \:yi(\

34 A Classtjied Catalogue of Selected Worh'.

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A Classified Catalogue of Elected Works. 35

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National Qbsf,rver,

AN ALPHABETICAL LIST OF
, uTHE BOOKS CONTAINED IN
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.

771 Volumes, SmaJi Post 8vo. cloth. Price £164: 6s.
,. ^. Complete Detailed Catalogue will be sent onjippUcation. —

Addison's Works. 6 vols. 3^. 6^.

each.
Aeschylus. Verse Trans, by Anna

Swanwick. 5j.
■ Prose Trans, by T. A. Buckley.

y. 6d.
Agassiz & Gould's Comparative

Physiology. S^.
Alfieri^'s Tragedies. Trans, by Bow-
ring. 2 vols. 3 J. 6d. each,
Alford's Queen's English, is. and

ij. 6d.
Allen's Battles of the British Navy.

2 vols. s^. each.
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C. D. Yonge. -js. 6d.

Andersen's Danish Tales. Trans,
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Antoninus ( Marcus Aurelius). Trans.
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ApoUonius Rhodius. The Argo-

nautica. Trans, by E. P. Coleridge. 55.

Apuleius, The Works of. 5^.

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Aristophanes. Trans, by W. J.
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40

ALPHABETICAL LIST OP

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Bum's Ancient Rome. Js. 6d.

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42

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF

Goethe's Works and Correspond-
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Boyhood. (Part I. of the Auto-
biography.) Trans, by J. Oxenford.
IS, and IS. 6d.

Reinecke Fox. Trans, by A,

Rogers, is. and is, 6d,

Goldsmith's Works. (Gibbs.) Svob.

3J. 6d. each.
Plays, i^. and is. 6d. Vicar' of

Wakefield, is. and is. 6d,

Grammont's Memoirs and Boscobel

Tracts. 5^.
Gray's Letters. (D. C. Tovey.)

\_In the press,
Greek Anthology. Trans, by E.

Burges. 5^.
Greek Romances. (Theagenes and

Chariclea, Daphnis and Chloe, Cli-

topho and Leucippe.) Trans, by

Rev. R. Smith. 5^.

Greek Testament. 55-.

Greene, Marlowe, and Ben Jonson's
Poems. (Robert Bell.) y.6d.

Gregory's Evidences of the Christian
Religion. 35. 6d.

Grimm's Gammer Grethel. Trans.

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